Council of the Mohawk chiefs at Guy Park—A second council called by Johnson at Cosby's Manor—Proceeds thither with his retinue—First full meeting of Tryon County Committee—Correspondence with Guy Johnson—No council held—Johnson proceeds farther West, accompanied by his family and most of the Indians—Consequent apprehensions of the people—Communication from Massachusetts Congress—Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken by Ethan Allen—Skenesborough and St. Johns surprised—Farther proceedings in Massachusetts—Battle of Bunker Hill—Death of Warren—Council with the Oneidas and Tuscaroras at German Flats—Speech to the Indians—Subsequent council with the Oneidas—Conduct of the people toward Guy Johnson—Speech to, and reply of Oneidas—Guy Johnson moves westwardly to Ontario—His letter to the Provincial Congress of New-York—Holds a great Indian council at the West—Unfavourable influence upon the dispositions of the Indians—Causes of their partiality for the English—Great, but groundless alarm of the people—Guy Johnson, with Brant and the Indian warriors, descends the St. Lawrence to Montreal—Council there—Sir Guy Carleton and Gen. Haldimand complete the work of winning the Indians over to the cause of the Crown.

A council of the Mohawk chiefs was held at Guy Park, [FN-1] on the 25th of May, which was attended by delegates from Albany and Tryon Counties. The records of this council are very scanty and unsatisfactory. The principal chief of the Mohawk tribe at that time was Little Abraham [FN-2]—a brother of the famous Hendrick who fell at Lake George, in the year 1775. The council having been opened for business, Little Abraham addressed them as follows:—

[FN-1] Guy Park: a beautiful situation immediately on the bank of the Mohawk. The elegant stone mansion is yet upon the premises, giving the best evidences of substantial building.

[FN-2] Little Abraham seems rather to have been a leading chief at the Lower Castle of the Mohawks—not the principal War Chief.

"He said he was glad to meet them, and to hear the reports concerning taking Guy Johnson, their superintendent, were false. That the Indians do not wish to have a quarrel with the inhabitants. That during Sir William Johnson's lifetime, and since, we have been peaceably disposed; that the Indians are alarmed on account of the reports that our powder was stopped. We get our things from the superintendent. If we lived as you do, it would not be so great a loss. If our ammunition is stopped, we shall distrust you. We are pleased to hear you say, you will communicate freely, and we will at all times listen to what you say in presence of our superintendent."

After a consultation with each other, the deputations from the two County Committees replied, in substance, that "They were glad to hear them expressing a desire to maintain the ancient friendship which had subsisted between their fathers, they assured the chiefs that the reports of evil designs against their superintendent were false. They farther promised the chiefs, that whenever they had any business to transact with them, they would meet them at their own council fires, and in presence of their superintendent."

To which the Mohawk speaker responded to the following effect:—

"The Indians are glad that you are not surprised that we cannot spare Col. Johnson. The love we have for the memory of Sir William Johnson, and the obligations the whole Six Nations are under to him, must make us regard and protect every branch of his family. We will explain these things to all the Indians, and hope you will do the same to your people."

This council having been but thinly attended, and only by one tribe of the Indians, the superintendent immediately directed the assembling of another in the western part of the county, to attend which he proceeded to the German Flats, with his whole family and retinue. His quarters were at the house of a Mr. Thompson, on Cosby's manor, a few miles above the Flats. It has been alleged that this second council was convoked because of the superintendent's dissatisfaction with the first—a conclusion not unlikely, from the absence of the western Indians, who had been invited.

On the 2d of June there was, for the first time, a full meeting of the Tryon County Committee—the loyalists having previously prevented the attendance of delegates from the lower, or Mohawk district. [FN] This Committee addressed a strong and patriotic letter to the superintendent, formally notifying him of the purposes of their organization. After adverting to the oppressions of the mother country, in repeated attempts to enforce unconstitutional enactments of Parliament, and asserting their principles on the subject of taxation without representation—principles which they declared to be undeniable—they avowed their object to be, to consult as to the best methods of saving the country from devastation and ruin; "which object, with the assistance of Divine Providence, it was their fixed determination and resolution to accomplish;" adding, with emphasis, "and if called upon, we shall be foremost in sharing the toil and danger of the field." They once more adverted to the distressed situation of the people of New England in the common cause; and declared that they should be wanting in duty to their country and to themselves, were they longer to refrain from announcing their determination to the world. After repelling the charges promulgated against them, of having compelled people to join their Committees, and of having drunk treasonable toasts, they proceeded to discuss matters more directly personal to the superintendent himself The following is an extract from this portion of the letter:—

[FN] It may be interesting to some to give the names of this body of men, who had so often professed their willingness to peril their lives and property in defence of the liberties of their country. (From Palatine district)—Christopher P. Yates, John Frey, Andrew Fink, Andrew Reeber, Peter Waggoner, Daniel M^cDougal, Jacob Klock, George Ecker, Jun., Harmanus Van Slyck, Christopher W. Fox, Anthony Van Veghten. (Canajoharie district)—Nicholas Herkimer, Ebenezer Cox, William Seeber, John Moore, Samuel Campbell, Samuel Clyde, Thomas Henry, John Pickard. (Kingsland and German Flats districts)—Edward Wall, William Petry, John Petry, Augustine Hess, Frederick Orendorf, George Wentz, Michael Ittig, Frederick Fox, George Herkimer, Duncan M^cDougal, Frederick Helmer, John Frink. (Mohawk district)—John Morlett, John Bliven, Abraham Van Home, Adam Fonda, Frederick Fisher, Sampson Sammons, William Schuyler, Volkert Veeder, James M^cMaster, Daniel Line—42. Christopher P. Yates was chosen chairman of this body.—Campbells Annals.

"We are not ignorant of the very great importance of your office as superintendent of the Indians, and therefore it is no more our duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge of the duty of your proper province; and we meet you with pleasure in behalf of ourselves and our constituents, to thank yon for meeting the Indians in the upper parts of the County, which may be the means of easing the people of the remainder of their fears on this account, and prevent the Indians committing irregularities on their way down to Guy Park. And we beg of you to use your endeavours with the Indians, to dissuade them from interfering in the dispute with the mother country and the Colonies. We cannot think that, as you and your family possess very large estates in this County, you are unfavourable to American freedom, although you may differ with us in the mode of obtaining a redress of grievances. Permit us farther to observe, that we cannot pass over in silence the interruption which the people of the Mohawk district met in their meeting; which, we are informed, was conducted in a peaceable manner; and the inhuman treatment of a man, whose only crime was being faithful to his employers, and refusing to give an account of the receipt of certain papers, to persons who had not the least colour of right to demand any thing of that kind. We assure you that we are much concerned about it, as two important rights of English subjects are thereby infringed—to wit, a right to meet, and to obtain all the intelligence in their power."

Colonel Nicholas Herkimer and Edward Wall were deputed to deliver the letter to the superintendent, for which purpose they proceeded to Cosby's Manor, and discharged their trust. The following was Colonel Johnson's reply—manly and direct; and with which, if sincere, certainly no fault could be found, bating the lack of courtesy in its commencement:—

"Thompson's, Cosby's Manor, June 5th, 1775.

"Gentlemen,

"I have received the paper signed Chris. P. Yates, Chairman, on behalf of the districts therein mentioned, which I am now to answer, and shall do it briefly, in the order you have stated matters. As to the letter from some Indians to the Oneidas, I really knew nothing of it till I heard such a thing had been by some means obtained from an Indian messenger, and from what I have heard of its contents, I can't see any thing material in it, or that could justify such idle apprehensions; but I must observe that these fears among the people were talked of long before, and were, I fear, propagated by some malicious persons for a bad purpose.

"As to your political sentiments, on which you enter in the next paragraph, I have no occasion to enter on them or the merits of the cause. I desire to enjoy liberty of conscience and the exercise of my own judgment, and that all others should have the same privilege; but, with regard to your saying you might have postponed the affair, if there had been the least kind of probability that the petition of the General Assembly would have been noticed, more than that of the delegates, I must, as a true friend to the country, in which I have a large interest, say, that the present dispute is viewed in different lights according to the education and principles of the parties affected; and that, however reasonable it may appear to a considerable number of honest men here, that the petition of the delegates should merit attention, it is not viewed in the same light in a country which admits of no authority that is not constitutionally established; and I persuade myself you have that reverence for his Majesty, that you will pay due regard to the royal assurance given in his speech to Parliament, that whenever the American grievances should be laid before him by their constitutional assemblies, they should be fully attended to. I have heard that compulsory steps were taken to induce some persons to come into your measures, and treasonable toasts drank; but I am not willing to give too easy credit to flying reports, and am happy to hear you disavow them.

"I am glad to find my calling a Congress on the frontiers gives satisfaction; this was principally my design, though I cannot sufficiently express my surprise at those who have, either through malice or ignorance, misconstrued my intentions, and supposed me capable of setting the Indians on the peaceable inhabitants of this country. The interest our family has in this country and my own, is considerable, and they have been its best benefactors; any malicious charges, therefore, to their prejudice, are highly injurious, and ought to be totally suppressed.

"The office I hold is greatly for the benefit and protection of this country, and on my frequent meetings with the Indians depends their peace and security; I therefore cannot but be astonished to find the endeavours made use of to obstruct me in my duties, and the weakness of some people in withholding many things from me, which are indisputably necessary for rendering the Indians contented; and I am willing to hope that you, gentlemen, will duly consider this and discountenance the same.

"You have been much misinformed as to the origin of the reports which obliged me to fortify my house and stand on my defence. I had it, gentlemen, from undoubted authority from Albany, and since confirmed by letters from one of the Committee at Philadelphia, that a large body of men were to make me prisoner. As the effect this must have on the Indians might have been of dangerous consequences to you, (a circumstance not thought of,) I was obliged, at great expense, to take these measures. But the many reports of my stopping travelers were false in every particular, and the only instance of detaining any body was in the case of two New England men, which I explained fully to those of your body who brought your letter, and wherein I acted strictly agreeable to law, and as a magistrate should have done.

"I am very sorry that such idle and injurious reports meet with any encouragement. I rely on you, gentlemen, to exert yourselves in discountenancing them; and I am happy in this opportunity of assuring the people of a country I regard, that they have nothing to apprehend from my endeavours, but that I shall always be glad to promote their true interests.

"I am, Gentlemen, your humble Servant, G. Johnson."

This reply of Colonel Johnson, together with a written report of the proceedings of himself and colleague, and their interview with Johnson, was transmitted to the County Committee by Mr. Wall. In his letter to the Committee, Mr. Wall indulged in some complaints, in regard to the reprehensible conduct of the people—probably toward Johnson and his followers, who were looked upon with increasing distrust. But the character of the irregularities complained of is not distinctly set forth in Mr. Wall's communication.

Guy Johnson did not remain long at Cosby's Manor, nor did he hold the Indian council there which had been notified, but departed immediately farther west. His removal from Thompson's was thus announced to the Committee of Palatine by Mr. Wall, on the 8th of June:—"Our people are greatly alarmed at Colonel Johnson's motions, and cannot understand his reasons for the same. We dare say, that before now you have been [made] acquainted that he has removed with his retinue from Mr. Thompson's to Fort Stanwix, and there are rumors that he intends to move yet farther. We leave you to conjecture what may be his reasons."

These apprehensions were certainly not unreasonable. For although Colonel Johnson's letters were plausible, and apparently frank and sincere, when the people saw him setting his face thus to the west, and moving up through the valley, not only with his own family, but accompanied by a large retinue of his dependents and the great body of the Mohawk Indians—who left their own delightful country at this time, never more peaceably to return—it is not strange that suspicions, as to his ulterior designs, were excited.

This feeling was not diminished by the reception, just at this time, of the following communication from the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, through that of New-York:—

"In Provincial Congress,
Watertown, June 13th, 1775.

"To the Honourable Delegates of the Congress of the Province of New-York:

"Gentlemen,

"Considering the exposed state of the frontiers of the Colonies, the danger that the inhabitants of Canada may possibly have disagreeable apprehensions from the military preparations making in several of the Colonies, and the rumors that there are some appearances of their getting themselves in readiness to act in a hostile way—this Congress have made application to the Honourable Continental Congress, desiring them to take such measures as to them shall appear proper, to quiet and conciliate the minds of the Canadians, and to prevent such alarming apprehensions. We also have had the disagreeable accounts of methods taken to fill the minds of the Indian tribes adjacent to these Colonies with sentiments very injurious to us; particularly we have been informed that Col. Guy Johnson has taken great pains with the Six Nations, in order to bring them into a belief that it is designed by the Colonies to fall upon them and cut them off. We have, therefore, desired the Honourable Continental Congress that they would, with all convenient speed, use their influence in guarding against the evil intended by this malevolent misrepresentation; and we desire you to join with us in such application.

"Jos. Warren, President. Attest, Samuel Freeman, Sec'y."

{Transcriber's Note: Pages 78 and 79—opposite sides of the same leaf— appear to be missing from the scanned copy of the work at this point.}

secure their neutrality in the contest; nor were they wholly unsuccessful, although the majority of the Six Nations ultimately threw themselves into the opposite scale. Disappointed in not meeting a fuller and more general council at Guy Park in May, a conference was arranged with the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, through the agency of their friend, the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, which took place at the German Flats on the 28th of June. The Indians were met by the inhabitants of that district, and also by a deputation from Albany. The minutes of that meeting were not preserved at large among the papers of the Tryon County Committee. The following was the address of the inhabitants to the Indians:—

"Brothers: We are glad to have you here to return you thanks. We should have been much pleased to have spoken with you at the appointed place; that is, by your superintendent, where of late you kept your council fire; but since his removing so far from us, we do not think it wrong or imprudent to communicate our sentiments of peace to you here. It is at this place, Brothers, it has often been done; and here again we renew it, and brighten the old chain of peace and brotherly love.

"Brothers: We cannot see the cause of your late council fire, or superintendent going away from among us. We did him no harm, and you well know that none of us ever did, and you may depend on it, there was no such thing meant against him. He told our people he was going up to Thompson's (Cosby's Manor) to hold a council fire with our brothers, the Five Nations, there. We helped him to provisions to support you there, and every thing we had that he wanted. But he is gone away from among us, and told some of our people, that he would come back with company which would not please us; which, if true, it is certain his intentions are bad, and he may depend, that whatever force he may or can bring, we regard not.

"Brothers: Our present meeting does not arise from any unfriendly thoughts we entertain of you, or from any fear of ourselves. It is purely on account of the old friendship which has so long been kept up between us; that friendship we want to retain. It is that friendship which will be an equal benefit to us. It is as much wanted on your side as ours.

"Brothers: We cannot too much express our satisfaction of your conduct toward us by your late proceedings with the superintendent at the carrying place, for which we are also obliged to you, and do not doubt but that your conduct will be blessed with greater benefits than any other of those who will hurry themselves into mischief; which can never be of any other benefit to them, but sorrow for the innocent blood shed on an occasion wherewith they have no concern.

"Brothers: We look to you particularly to be men of more understanding than others, by the benefits you have received in learning; wherefore we confide and trust more freely in you, that you can communicate to the other tribes and nations the error they want to lead you in, and cannot doubt but your wisdom and influence with the other nations will be attended with that happy success, which will hereafter be a blessing to you and your posterity.

"Brothers: What we have said is supposed to be sufficient to convince you that our meaning is for our joint peace and friendship; in which we hope that we and our children may continue to the end of time."

The answer of the Indians to this address has not been preserved. The result of the council, however, was, to obtain a pledge of neutrality from the greater portion of the Indians assembled. The efforts of Mr. Kirkland had uniformly been directed to the same humane design.

Colonel Guy Johnson, as we have already seen, had previously left the lower district of the Mohawk Valley. He was a man of too much discernment, holding the opinions he did, to remain at Johnstown an inactive spectator of events, the inevitable tendency of which could only be very soon to rouse the whole thirteen Colonies to arms against the British power, and he had prudently anticipated the battle of Bunker Hill in his departure. But his movements had thus far been pacific, or rather not openly belligerent; and it is probable that an excited and jealous people may not have treated him, during his hegira, with all their wonted respect. Indeed, the complaint of Mr. Wall, of the objectionable conduct of the people, has already been noted at a previous page. But it is not stated in what respect they had been offending. Some light, however, may perhaps be thrown upon the subject, by the following notes of a council between the inhabitants of the Upper, or Kingsland district, and the Oneida Indians; from which it will be seen that the inhabitants had cut off the supplies provided by Colonel Johnson for his journey: [FN]

[FN] These notes are quite imperfectly written, by a very incompetent scribe. The author has endeavoured to arrive at the true import, preserving as much of the language as possible.

Kingsland District. At a council held upon desire of the Oneidas, July 1st, 1775, the following speeches were delivered:

To the Oneidas.

"Brothers: The reason of stopping the provisions from Mr. Thompson to Colonel Johnson, is, that we suppose him to be our enemy; and for all that he gets as much from Niagara as he wants; and we believe he is only getting intelligence, from this place, how matters run. We have done for him and his retinue what was in our power for his supply. We believe he should have held his council fire at Mr. Thompson's, or, furthest, at Fort Stanwix. But you have heard, Brothers, that he would bring a force along with him which we would not like. That was the reason that we stopped his provisions. But on your request, as you think it was not well done, we will hear your sentiments about it. Not being laid to your or our charge, we shall then let pass all that is brought to him."

Answer of the Oneidas.

"Brothers: It is Sunday to-day, and the Lord gave six days for work and the seventh for rest. But since occasion happens, we give you our positive answer.

"Brothers: We have consulted about stopping the provisions at Mr. Thompson's, and we don't think it proper to do it. If it should have been for his own use, we should not have mentioned it; but we know that he calls up the Five Nations, and may be they will suffer by it. So, therefore, let him have it. All that we have said we can be answerable for, but this act we cannot.

"Brothers: If we should assent to these things, we are jointly brothers; we should be left alone, and may be both would be disappointed. We are obliged to have a care over our brothers of the Five Nations, as well as for you, so that we may get no blame afterward for it. Then we don't know what Colonel Johnson's design is. Let us first have proof, and as soon as we have found out something, we shall assemble together and consider of it.

"Brothers: We ought to do as we want to have done to us by others; and it is better to suffer than to do amiss.

"Brothers: As long as we are brothers, don't let us then suffer in provisions, if they are to be got, (without your loss.) While we belong to the Five Nations, we shall help one another as much as does lie in our power, so that nobody is wronged by it.

"Brothers: You did leave this to us, though you consented not to leave us to bear this burden quite alone upon our own shoulders. If you can find a fault in our speech, you may speak about it."

Rejoinder.

"Brothers: As we have heard your speech, and well considered it, and as we find that our other brothers may suffer by it, we are resolved that all the flour and other provision which is really brought for Colonel Johnson, may be sent thither without being molested. But considering that it may not be employed for the use proposed, we desire the favour of you to acquaint us of the fact, that we may take the necessary measures for our own welfare.

"Brothers: We are greatly obliged for your brotherly love showed to us, and that you have told us, out of the bottom of your heart, your sense of this matter. We confess it is an evidence of sincere friendship, which we hope will ever be maintained between us."

Making a very brief sojourn at Fort Stanwix, Guy Johnson hastened as far west as Ontario, there to hold a grand council with the Indians, remote from the white settlements; and where, as he alleged, their action might be independent and unembarrassed by the interference of the Colonists. It was at Ontario that he received the letter from the Provincial Congress of New-York, already adverted to as having been written at the solicitation of the Congress of Massachusetts. He replied to it on the 8th of July, in a letter glowing with loyalty, and complaining bitterly of the malcontents, and those in opposition to regular governments; who, as the reader will observe, he again repeated, were exciting the Indians against him. The letter is inserted entire:—

"Guy Johnson to Peter Van Brugh Livingston.
Ontario, July the 8th, 1775.

"Sir,

"Though I received your letter from the Provincial Congress several days ago, I had not a good opportunity to answer it till now. I suppose, however, this will reach you safe, notwithstanding all the rest of my correspondence is interrupted, by ignorant impertinents.

"As to the endeavour you speak of, to reconcile the unhappy differences between the Parent State and these Colonies, be assured I ardently wish to see them; as yet, I am sorry to say, I have not been able to discover any attempt of that kind, but that of the assembly, the only true legal representatives of the people; and as to the individuals who you say officiously interrupt (in my quarter) the mode and measures you think necessary for these salutary purposes, I am really a stranger to them. If you mean myself, you must have been grossly imposed on. I once, indeed, went, with reluctance, at the request of several of the principal inhabitants, to one of the people's meetings, which I found had been called by an itinerant New England leather-dresser, and conducted by others, if possible, more contemptible. I had, therefore, little inclination to revisit such men or attend to their absurdities. And, although I did not incline to think that you, Gentlemen, had formed any designs against me, yet it is most certain that such designs were formed. Of this I received a clear account by express, from a friend near Albany, which was soon corroborated by letters from other quarters, particularly one from a gentleman of the Committee at Philadelphia, a captain in your levies, who was pretty circumstantial; and since, I have had the like from many others. I have, likewise, found that mean instruments were officiously employed to disturb the minds of the Indians, to interrupt the ordinary discharge of my duties, and prevent their receiving messages they had long since expected from me. To enter into a minute detail of all the falsehoods propagated and all the obstructions I met with, though it could not fail astonishing any gentlemen disposed to discountenance them, would far exceed the limits of a letter or the time I have to spare, as I am now finishing my Congress, entirely to my satisfaction, with 1340 warriors, who came hither to the only place where they could transact business or receive favours without interruption; and who are much dissatisfied at finding that the goods which I was necessitated to send for to Montreal, were obliged to be ordered back by the merchant, to prevent his being insulted, or his property invaded by the mistaken populace. That their ammunition was stopped at Albany—the persons on this communication employed in purchasing provisions for the Congress insulted, and all my letters, as well as even some trifling articles for the use of my own table, stopped. And this moment the Mayor of Albany assured me that he was the other day roused out of his bed, at a certain Mr. Thompson's above the German Flats, by one Herkimer and fifteen others, who pursued him to search for any thing he might have for me. You may be assured, Sir, that this is far from being agreeable to the Indians—that it might have produced very disagreeable consequences long since, had not compassion for a deluded people taken place of every other consideration; and that the impotent endeavours of a missionary (who has forfeited his honour, pledged to me,) with part of one of their tribes, is a circumstance that, however trifling, increases their resentment.

"I should be much obliged by your promises of discountenancing any attempts against myself, &c. did they not appear to be made on conditions of compliance with Continental or Provincial Congresses, or even Committees formed or to be formed, many of whose Resolves may neither consist with my conscience, duty, or loyalty. I trust I shall always manifest more humanity, than to promote the destruction of the innocent inhabitants of a Colony to which I have been always warmly attached, a declaration that must appear perfectly suitable to the character of a man of honour and principle, who can, on no account, neglect those duties that are consistent therewith, however they may differ from sentiments now adopted in so many parts of America.

"I sincerely wish a speedy termination to the present troubles, and I am,

Sir, Your most humble Servant, G. Johnson. "P. V. B. Livingston, Esq.

"I shall have occasion to meet the Indians of my department in different quarters this season." [FN]

[FN] This letter was copied by the author from the original, in the State Department, Albany.

Colonel Johnson was accompanied in his departure by Joseph Brant, or Thayendanegea, his secretary, and by Colonel John Butler and his son Walter. By the preceding letter, the reader will have seen that they succeeded in convening a very large council at Ontario. The greater portion of the Indians attending, however, were probably Cayugas and Senecas. These were now far the most numerous of the Six Nations, although the Mohawks yet stood in rank at the head of the confederacy. Formerly the last-mentioned tribe had been the most numerous and powerful of the Cantons; but at an early day after the planting of the Colony of New-York, the French had succeeded in seducing a large section of the Mohawks to return to Canada, whence they originally came, after breaking the vassalage in which they had been held by the Algonquins. Their proximity to the whites, moreover, had been attended by the effect, invariable and seemingly inevitable, in regard to their race, of diminishing their numbers. Added to all which, their warlike character, and their daring ferocity, exposing them to more frequent perils than were encountered by their associated Cantons, had contributed still farther to this unequal diminution. [FN]

[FN] Among the manuscripts of Sir William Johnson, I have found a census of the Northern and Western Indians, from the Hudson river to the great Lakes and the Mississippi, taken in 1763. The Mohawk warriors were then only 160; the Oneidas, 250; Tuscaroras, 140; Onondagas, 150; Cayugas, 200; Senecas, 1050. Total, 1950. According to the calculation of a British agent, several of the tribes must have increased between the close of the French war and the beginning of the American Revolution, as it was computed that, during the latter contest, the English had in service 300 Mohawks, 150 Oneidas, 200 Tuscaroras, 300 Onondagas, 230 Cayugas, and 400 Senecas.—Author.

It is not known that any record of this council was preserved, although the speeches interchanged were doubtless written, since that was the universal practice in the conduct of Indian intercourse. But no doubt exists as to the fact, that the superintendent succeeded in still farther alienating the affections of the great majority of the Indians from the Americans, if they did not immediately join the ranks of the invaders. Nor, when all the circumstances of their case and position are dispassionately considered, is it surprising that their inclinations were favorable to the Crown. On the contrary, the wonder is that Colonel Johnson did not succeed in carrying with him the Oneidas and Tuscaroras also; and he probably would have done so, but for the salutary though indirect influence of Mr. Kirkland, and their noble chief, the sagacious Schenandoah—always the warm and unwavering friend of the Colonists. With regard to these Indians, it must be considered that they had then been in alliance with Great Britain during a period of more than one hundred years. In all their wars with their implacable enemies the Algonquins, acting in alliance with the French, the Six Nations had been assisted by the English, or fighting side by side with them. For a long series of years Sir William Johnson had been their counselor and friend. His family was to a certain extent allied with the head canton of the confederacy, and he was consulted by them in all affairs of business or of high emergency, as an oracle. They had drawn their supplies through him and his agents, and it was natural that, upon his decease, their affection for him should be transferred to his successor in office, who was also his son-in-law. Miss Molly, moreover, was a woman of vigorous understanding and of able management. And, as we have already seen, she and Colonel Guy himself, were sustained by the powerful aid of Thayendanegea, who united the advantages of education with the native sagacity of his race. Added to all which, the cause was considered, if not desperate, at least of doubtful issue; while the unenlightened Indians had been taught to hear the name of the king with great reverence, and to believe him all-powerful. They considered the officers of the Crown their best friends; and it was but natural that they should hold on upon the great chain which they had so long laboured to keep bright between them.

It has already been remarked, that, thus far, Colonel Guy Johnson had committed no act of actual hostility. While this council was holding in Ontario, however, the whole valley of the Mohawk was filled with alarm, by reports that he was preparing an expedition to return upon them, and lay the country waste by fire and sword. On the 11th of July, Colonel Herkimer wrote from Canajoharie to the Palatine Committee, that he had received credible intelligence that morning, that Guy Johnson was ready to march back upon them with a body of eight or nine hundred Indians, and that the attack would be commenced from the woods below the Little Falls, on the northern side of the river. He therefore proposed sending to Albany immediately for a corresponding number of men. An urgent letter was forthwith despatched by the Committee to Schenectady and Albany, for the amount of assistance mentioned, "to prevent these barbarous enterprises," and to enable them "to resist their inhuman enemies with good success—that they might not be slaughtered, like innocent and defenceless sheep before ravaging wolves."

From the positive character of the intelligence, and the mysterious movements of Guy Johnson and his followers, the inhabitants had good cause of alarm; more especially as Sir John Johnson [FN-1] remained at the Hall in Johnstown, having at his beck a large body of loyalists, making his castle (for the Hall was now fortified,) their head quarters,—who, in the event of such a movement by his brother-in-law from the west, would doubtless be prepared to join the Indians in the enterprise, and between them both, be able to whelm the settlements in destruction at a single blow. Every possible preparation was therefore made for their defence, but the alarm proved to be without foundation; and after Guy Johnson had completed his business at Ontario, he returned to Oswego, where he very soon afterward convened another council and held a treaty, at which he succeeded in still farther estranging the Indians from the Colonies. The particulars of this council have never transpired in writing; but some interesting references to it will occur in an Indian speech a few pages onward. [FN-2]

[FN-1] Sir John Johnson held a commission as Brigadier-general of militia.

[FN-2] The following passage from Ramsay's History of the Revolution, seems to refer to this Indian convocation at Oswego. There was no other meeting during that year, to which this notice of Ramsay could refer. "Colonel Johnson had repeated conferences with the Indians, and endeavoured to influence them to take up the hatchet, but they steadily refused. In order to gain their co-operation, he invited them to a feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood. This, in the Indian style, meant no more than to partake of a roasted ox and a pipe of wine at a public entertainment, which was given on design to influence them to co-operate with the British troops. The Colonial patriots affected to understand it in its literal sense. It furnished, in their mode of explication, a convenient handle for operating on the passions of the people."

From Oswego, Guy Johnson crossed into Canada, and thence descended the St. Lawrence to Montreal, accompanied by a large number of the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, who were invited to an interview with Sir Guy Carleton and Sir Frederick Haldimand—both those distinguished officers being in that city at the time—and were induced by them to embark in the cause of the King.

It has often been asserted, especially by British historians, that Sir Guy Carleton was opposed to the employment of the Indians in the contest, from principles of humanity. Such, however, was not the fact. Brant repeatedly asserted in afterlife, in speeches delivered by him, copies of which are yet extant, that on their first arrival in Montreal, General Carleton proposed to them to enter the service. In a speech delivered by the Chief in the year 1803, recapitulating the history of the services of the Mohawks in that war, the following passages occur, touching the point now under discussion:—"We were living at the former residence of Guy Johnson, when the news arrived that war had commenced between the king's people and the Americans. We took but little notice of this first report; but in a few days we heard that five hundred Americans were coming to seize our superintendent. Such news as this alarmed us, and we immediately consulted together as to what measures were necessary to be taken. We at once reflected upon the covenant of our forefathers as allies to the King, and said, 'It will not do for us to break it, let what will become of us.' Indeed, it is a long time since the Governor (Sir Guy Carleton) said to us: 'I exhort you to continue your adherence to the King, and not to break the solemn agreement made by your forefathers; for your own welfare is intimately connected with your continuing the allies of his Majesty.' He also said a great deal more to the same purport; and on this our minds were the more firmly fixed, for we acknowledged that it would certainly be the best in the end, for our families and ourselves to remain under the King's protection, whatever difficulties we might have to contend with. . . . A council was next convened at Montreal, in July, 1775, at which the Seven Nations, (or Caughnawagas,) were present, as well as ourselves the Six Nations. On this occasion General Haldimand told us what had befallen the King's subjects, and said, now is the time for you to help the King. The war has commenced. Assist the King now, and you will find it to your advantage. Go now and fight for your possessions, and whatever you lose of your property during the war, the King will make up to you when peace returns. This is the substance of what General Haldimand said. The Caughnawaga Indians then joined themselves to us. We immediately commenced in good earnest, and did our utmost during the war."

The speech of Brant, from which the preceding extract is taken, was written in the Mohawk language, and never, by him, rendered into English. It is an important document, developing a new fact in regard to the conduct of Sir Guy Carleton, and has accordingly been translated for the present work. Strict historical accuracy is often of slow attainment; but, after all deductions from the merits of General Carleton, afterward Lord Dorchester, enough that is truly excellent and great will remain to leave him a reputation of which most public men might well be proud.