  Meeting of the second Continental Congress—Measures of defence—Declaration—National fast—Organization of an Indian department—Address to the Six Nations—Council called at Albany—Preliminary consultation at German Flats—Speeches of the Oneidas and others—Adjourn to Albany—Brief interview with the commissioners—Conference and interchange of speeches with the Albanians—Proceedings of the grand council—Speeches of the commissioners—Replies of the Indians—Conclusion of the grand council—Resumption of the conference with the Albanians—Speech of the Albany Committee—Reply of the Indians—Disclosures of Guy Johnson's proceedings at Oswego—Close of the proceedings—Epidemic among the Indians—Small benefit resulting from the council—Proceedings in Tryon County resumed—Doubtful position of New-York—Symptoms of disaffection to the cause of the people—Sir John Johnson—Sheriff White deposed by the people—The royal authorities superseded by appointments from the people—Affray at Johnstown—First gun fired at Sampson Sammons—White recommissioned by Tryon—His flight—Labors of the Committee—Opposition of the Tories—Designs of Sir John Johnson and Sir Guy Carleton—Letter and deputation to Sir John—Prisoners for political offences sent to gaol—Letter from Provincial Congress—Mohawks commence fighting at St. Johns—Speech of the Canajoharies in explanation—Indians apply for release of prisoners—Review of the progress of the Revolution in other parts of the Colonies—Proceedings of Parliament—Burning of Falmouth—Descent upon Canada—Ethan Allen taken—Arnold's expedition—Siege of Quebec—Fall of Montgomery—Caughnawaga and Delaware Indians. The second Continental Congress, composed of delegates, assembled at Philadelphia on the 10th of May. Hostilities having actually commenced, and it being well understood that large reinforcements of the British army were on their way from England, no time was lost in preparing for the public defence. Protesting that they "wished for a restoration of the harmony formerly subsisting between the mother country and the Colonies," they resolved again to present "a humble and dutiful petition to his Majesty;" prepared addresses to the people of Great Britain; to those of Canada; and to the assembly of Jamaica; voted for the immediate equipment of 20,000 men; voted to raise three millions on bills of credit for the prosecution of the war; and, on the nomination of John Adams, commissioned George Washington, of Virginia, as Commander-in-Chief. On the 4th of July Congress denounced the two acts of Parliament of the preceding session, restraining the trade and commerce of the Colonies, as "unconstitutional, oppressive, and cruel;" and on the 6th they agreed to a manifesto, "setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms." After a spirited but temperate preamble, presenting a historical view of the origin, and progress, and conduct of the Colonies, and of the measures of the British government since the peace of 1763; and after an eloquent recapitulation of the grievances which had produced the collision, and proclaiming their confidence of obtaining foreign aid if necessary, and of ultimate success; disavowing, moreover, any intention to dissolve the connexion between the parent country and the Colonies; the declaration proceeded—"We most solemnly, before God and the world, DECLARE, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent Creator hath bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die FREE-MEN rather than live SLAVES." They protested that they would lay down their arms when hostilities should cease on the part of the aggressors, and not before. Reposing their confidence in the mercy of the Impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, and imploring his goodness to protect and carry them through the conflict, they appointed the 20th of July to be observed as a day of public humiliation, fasting, and prayer with that view. It was generally observed, and was the first national fast ever proclaimed in the New World. [FN] [FN] Holmes's Annals. But amidst all the arduous duties demanding the attention of Congress, the importance of keeping a watchful eye upon the Indians was universally conceded. The position of the Six Nations, as well as their power to do mischief, could not but strike the observation of all. They had served as an useful barrier between the English settlements and the French in Canada, in former wars, and were often actively engaged as auxiliaries. Their position, and their utility, would be now precisely the same between the Americans and the English in Canada. It was therefore deemed of the first consequence, if possible, to prevent them from taking sides with the English—not, however, with a view to their employment in arms by ourselves; since, notwithstanding the disposition manifested by the Congress of Massachusetts to employ the Indians, and the actual engagement of the Stockbridge Indians as auxiliaries, it was, nevertheless, the anxious desire of the Congress to keep them in a position of neutrality as between England and the Colonies, and at peace among themselves, and with all. For the purpose of closer observation and more efficient action in respect to the Indian relations of the country, therefore, an Indian Department, with three sub-divisions, Northern, Middle, and Southern, was established on the 12th of July, and Commissioners were appointed for each—"with power to treat with the Indians in their respective departments, to preserve peace and friendship, and to prevent their taking any part in the present commotions." The Commissioners of the Northern Department were, Major General Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph Hawley, Mr. Turbot Francis, Mr. Oliver Wolcott, and Mr. Volkert P. Douw. The form of an address to the several tribes of Indians, in all the departments, was agreed upon, to be altered as occasion might require for local adaptation. This address was framed after the manner of Indian speeches, and contained a summary history of the Colonies, and of the rise and progress of the difficulties between them and the parent country. In the course of the address, the Indians were informed of the nature and objects of the contest then begun, and were strongly advised to the preservation of neutrality. The Congress said—"We desire you will hear and receive what we have now told you, and that you will open a good ear, and listen to what we are now going to say. This is a family quarrel between us and Old England. You Indians are not concerned in it. We do not wish you to take up the hatchet against the King's troops. We desire you to remain at home, and not join on either side, but keep the hatchet buried deep. In the name and behalf of all our people, we ask and desire you to love peace and maintain it, and to love and sympathise with us in our troubles; that the path may be kept open with all our people and yours, to pass and repass without molestation." In conclusion, the Congress said—"Let us both be cautious in our behaviour toward each other at this critical state of affairs. This island now trembles: the wind whistles from almost every quarter . . . let us fortify our minds, and shut our ears against false rumors . . . let us be cautious what we receive for truth, unless spoken by wise and good men. If any thing disagreeable should ever fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it wise and expedient to kindle up a small council fire at Albany, where we may hear each other's voice, and disclose our minds more fully to one another." [FN] [FN] The address to the Indians is long and will be found in the Appendix. Such were a few of the points only of the address, which was an honest and earnest attempt to prevent the savages from taking any part in the contest whatever. No time was lost by the Commissioners of the Northern department, in the adoption of measures pursuant to its wise spirit and policy. For this purpose a treaty was appointed to be held with the Six Nations at Albany, in the month of August, and the tribes were all invited to attend. Previous to the day of meeting, two of the Commissioners, Mr. Douw and Colonel Francis, met a number of the chiefs and warriors in a preliminary council at the German Flats, which was not well attended. This conference was holden on the 15th and 16th days of August. Colonel Francis opened the council by stating the objects for which the twelve United Colonies had invited the proposed general meeting at Albany, which they now solicited all the Six Nations and their allies to attend. They added—When "we meet you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your allies, at Albany, we will rekindle the council fire which our ancestors and yours formerly kindled up at that place, and there sit down and converse together upon the present situation of the twelve United Colonies, and disclose to you their minds thereon. We have important matters to communicate to you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your allies, which cannot be disclosed until the council fire be kindled up at Albany, and we are in full assembly." Observing that the council was thinly attended. Colonel Francis urged them in his speech to send a general invitation to all the Six Nations to appear at Albany; and he proposed that they should also send belts of invitation to the Caughnawagas in the neighborhood of Montreal, together with the Indians of the Seven Nations on the St. Lawrence. Colonel Francis concluded his "talk" as follows:— "Brothers: As many mischievous and evil-disposed persons may attempt to raise up in your minds sentiments that are unfriendly to your brethren of the twelve United Colonies, we beg you will shut your ears and fortify your minds against any such evil and false reports; and if any such liars and deceivers should appear among you, and endeavour to poison your minds, be assured they are as much your enemies as the enemies of your brethren of the twelve United Colonies together, and which is now going to be made stronger at Albany. "A Belt." To this Kanaghquaesa, an Oneida sachem, replied:— "Brothers: You have now opened your minds. We have heard your voices. Your speeches are far from being contemptible. But as the day is far spent, we defer a reply until to-morrow, as we are weary from having sat long in council. We think it time for a little drink; and you must remember that the twelve United Colonies are a great body." The council having adjourned over to the 16th, Tiahogwando, an Oneida sachem, made the following reply to the speech of the Commissioners:— "Brother Solihoany, [FN] and our Albany Brothers, attend! We are now assembled at the German Flats, at which place you kindled up a council fire, and yesterday called us together, and acquainted us from whence you came, and by whose authority—namely, by that of the twelve United Colonies—and you opened your business to us." [FN] The name bestowed upon Colonel Francis by the Indians. "Brothers: Now attend. Through the mercy of God we are brought to this day, and the Six Nations are now in full assembly at this place, where we smoke a pipe in friendship and love. We are glad to hear your voices. You are come to invite us down to Albany, to a council fire of peace. "Brothers: We thank you for this invitation. It meets with our entire approbation. Here we are, of every tribe in the Six Nations. It shall be done as you have said. "Brothers: You have desired that all our confederates should receive this invitation. This cannot be done short of one year, as we extend very far, and could not possibly call the extremities of our confederacy to this intended meeting. But possess your minds in peace. When this Congress is over, and the council fire is raked up, we shall acquaint all our allies with what has passed. This is the answer of all the Six Nations who are now here represented from every tribe. "Brothers, attend! Yesterday you said you were sensible our confederacy extended to Caughnawaga, and you desired our assistance to forward this your belt of invitation to the Caughnawagas and the seven tribes in that quarter. "Brothers: Possess your minds in peace. We, the Six Nations, are put to difficulty to grant this request. We are much embarrassed, for this reason. The man is now there who will vex your minds, and never consent to their coming down, and will draw hard upon their minds another way. [FN] He is of your own blood." [FN] Guy Johnson was doubtless the man referred to. "Brothers: Possess your minds in peace. We, of the Six Nations, have the minds of the Caughnawagas and the seven tribes in that quarter. At our central council-house, when this took place, they addressed us of the Six Nations in the following manner:—'You are better capable of maintaining peace than we are; therefore we deliver up our minds to you.' For these reasons we advise you to reconsider your petition to us, seeing we are so embarrassed we cannot grant it. Perhaps you will say to us, when your intended council fire shall be over, 'Brothers, do you of the Six Nations acquaint all your confederates and allies of what has passed at this council-fire of peace;' and this we shall do with great care and exactness. Now, Brothers, you see how we are embarrassed, and therefore give you this advice. "Belt returned." To this Colonel Francis made answer:— "Brethren of the Six Nations: It gives us a great deal of uneasiness to find that you cannot at present convey this belt to our friends in Canada. We have heard your reasons, and are sorry to find that one of our blood is already there, endeavouring to draw their minds from us when we mean nothing but peace towards them. As there are a great many Englishmen in Canada, we know not who you mean. We shall therefore be glad to have the particular man pointed out." To this request, the Mohawk sachem. Little Abraham, replied: "Brothers: We take it for granted that you all know the very man we mean. We said he was of your blood. We see no necessity of pointing him out more explicitly." The times being critical, and the people of the valley being exceedingly suspicious of the movements of the Indians, the latter were not altogether without apprehension that some evil might befall them in their course to Albany. Tiahogwando therefore addressed the council upon that point as follows:— "Brother Solihoany, and our Albany Brother: We take it for granted you have called us to a council of peace and entire friendship; and you have taken us by the hand. As there are men of different minds, and some of them may be ill disposed, we desire you will admonish your own people that they offer us no abuse in the way down to your council-fire of peace. If this caution should be neglected, some misfortune might happen; as all people do not meet so much like brothers as formerly, on account of the present situation of affairs. It would be unhappy if our council-fire should be crushed by any mischief-makers. We have given you this caution, that while we are marching along in peace and quietness, we might not be alarmed by a blow struck in our rear. We therefore desire you would begin, even at this council-lire, to publish your admonitions to unwise and ungovernable people. By this belt we declare to you, our Brothers, that the road is open for passing and repassing, and free from all embarrassments, through the Six Nations, as it has been for a long time. Therefore we desire that we may have the same open road down to your intended council-fire at Albany." [FN] [FN] As Mr. Kirkland was in attendance upon this council, the Indian speeches were doubtless interpreted by him. Colonel Francis replied:— "Brethren of the Six Nations: By this belt you desire that we may clear the road to Albany, that none of our people may injure you. The road shall be as clear for you to go to Albany, as it is for us to go to the country of the Six Nations. The twelve United Colonies have given us great power over the white people. We will appoint white men, who speak your language and love your nations, to see you safe down to Albany, and to provide provisions for you on the way. We shall set out for Albany to-morrow morning, to prepare matters for kindling up the great council-fire there." The Board of Commissioners for the Northern Department met at Albany, on the 23d of August, (with the exception of Major Hawley, who had declined his appointment in consequence of ill health,) and made the necessary arrangements for holding the treaty. An invitation was given to the civil authorities of Albany, to pay the sachems and warriors a complimentary visit in company with the Commissioners, which was accepted. A committee of the principal gentlemen of Albany was likewise appointed, to join in the complimentary visit on the 24th. On reaching the quarters of the chiefs, they were addressed as follows:— "Brethren of the Six Nations:—We, the deputies appointed by the twelve United Colonies, the descendants of Quedar, and the gentlemen of the city of Albany, congratulate you on your arrival here. They are glad to see you well, and thank the Great God that he suffers us to meet." In the course of this interview, the sachems intimated a desire to have a consultation with the municipal officers of the city of Albany before they met the commissioners in formal council. It appears that there had been some diplomatic passages between the Oneida Indians and the Albanians, and an interchange of messengers; and the chiefs were now desirous of having a conference with them. The commissioners, anxious to humor the Indians, assented to the request; and the Albanians appointed a committee, consisting of Walter Livingston, Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, and Samuel Stringer, to make the arrangements. The interview took place the same evening, when Seaghnagerat, an Oneida chief, opened the proceedings with a speech of very unusual length for an Indian. He commenced by an expression of his gratification that, on opening the ashes to rekindle the old council-fire, they had found some of the sparks remaining. He next referred to the proceedings of a previous consultation at the German Flats, touching the conduct of Guy Johnson in removing their missionaries, and other matters. The meeting referred to seems to have been a partial council, to which the Albanians had sent a deputation, the object of which was, by the exhibition of some ancient belts, to remind the Indians of a former covenant of peace with Quedar, and to dissuade them from engaging in the existing quarrel. What had been said by the Albany deputies, at the conference referred to, but of which no record seems to have been preserved, was now repeated in substance by the Oneida chief, after the Indian manner of conducting their councils. He then proceeded to reply seriatim; from which circumstance it is probable that the former council-fire had been raked up, before its proceedings were brought to a close. The reply now made was decidedly and strongly pacific. The chief admitted that "evil birds" had been busy in circulating unpleasant rumors, and that efforts had been made to make them swerve from their neutrality by Guy Johnson or his agents—at least, such was the inference from the speech; but he over and over again protested the determination of the Six Nations to avoid interfering with the controversy, and only exhorted the Colonists to keep the path into their country open, so that they could pass and repass without molestation. In regard to the removal of their missionary, the chiefs said Guy Johnson had done it pursuant to "a belt" [FN] received from Governor Gage. He expressed the greatest respect for Mr. Kirkland; but at the same time, under the circumstances of the case, suggested whether it would not on the whole be better for Mr. K. to leave them for the present, until the storm should be over and gone. [FN] An order. The speech having been ended, the Albanian Committee thanked them for it, and promised a reply after the grand council with the Commissioners of the Twelve Colonies should be terminated. That council commenced its sittings on the day following—August 25th. The Oneida speaker of the preceding evening opened the council very appropriately, after which the Commissioners, before proceeding formally to business, proposed that they should all sit down and smoke the pipe of peace together. The suggestion was acceded to, and the calumet passed round. This ceremony having been ended, the Commissioners opened their mission by a very appropriate and effective speech, reminding the Indians of some ancient covenants of friendship with the Colonists, and repeating to them a portion of the speech of Cannassateego, an old and popular sachem of the Six Nations, whose name and character were held in great reverence by them, delivered thirty years before at a great council held in Lancaster. [FN] The exhortation was, to union among themselves, and peace and friendship with the Colonists. [FN] A brother of Cannassateego was present on this occasion, and well remembered his words. The council was then adjourned to the 26th, when, the Commissioners presented the address from the Congress, of which particular mention has been made on a preceding page. The deliberations of Indian councils are slow procedures. Their language is composed of long and intricate compounds, and the necessity of deliberate and thorough interpretations, so that the matter spoken and explained be fastened upon the memories of the Indians, who possess not the advantage of written language, renders the process tedious. The entire sittings of two days were therefore required for the delivery and interpretation, by Mr. Kirkland, of the Congressional "talk" with which the Commissioners were charged. At the close, one of the chiefs declared that the address contained "nothing but what was pleasant and good." But, as the matters proposed were of high importance, they requested the next day for separate deliberation among themselves, promising on the succeeding day, August 27th, to make their reply. It was not, however, until the 31st of August that the Indians were ready to make known the results of their own secret councils. Their answer was delivered by Little Abraham, the Mohawk sachem of the Lower Castle. It was an able speech, thoroughly pacific. But there was one declaration which it is difficult to reconcile with the admitted veracity of the Indians, since it was inconsistent with the well-known course of Guy Johnson, and the covenant which had then already been made by Brant and his followers, with Sir Guy Carleton and General Haldimand at Montreal. We allude to the declaration of Little Abraham, that Johnson had advised them to assume and preserve a neutral position at the recent Oswego council. The proceedings of Brant and Guy Johnson at Montreal had not then probably transpired in the Mohawk Valley. Still Guy Johnson must have dissembled, or spoken with a "forked tongue," to those Indians whom he supposed friendly to the Colonies, or so great a mistake could not have been made by Little Abraham. In the course of their speech, the chiefs expressed a strong attachment for Sir John Johnson as the son of their old friend, Sir William, who was born among them, and of Dutch extraction by his mother. [FN] They desired that whatever might be the cause of the war. Sir John might be left unmolested. The same request was also interposed in behalf of their missionary, the Rev. Mr. Stewart, who, they said, had been sent to them by the King; and also because he never "meddled with civil affairs," but was intent only on "instructing them in the way to heaven." [FN] The mother of Sir John was a German lady, but in the Mohawk Valley the Germans are usually called Dutch to this day. In the conclusion of his speech, Abraham took occasion to refer to some domestic matters between themselves and the people of Albany. He charged them with having taken two pieces of land from the Mohawks, without paying therefor so much even as a pipe. These lands the Indians desired the Twelve Colonies to restore, and put them into peaceable possession again. "If you refuse to do this," said he, "we shall look upon the prospect as bad; for if you conquer, you will take us by the arm and pull us all off." In thus saying, he spoke with the spirit of prophecy! When little Abraham had ended, Tiahogwando, an Oneida, made a short speech on the subject of the then pending bloody and bitter controversy between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, respecting the territory of Wyoming, of which a full account will follow in its proper place. The Indians avowed that the land had been conveyed by them to Penn, as a free gift—the Great Spirit not allowing them to sell that country. In the course of their speeches, the chiefs requested that the Indian trade might be re-opened with them, both at Albany and Schenectady, and that somebody might be appointed to guard the tree of peace at Albany, and keep the council fire burning. On the 1st of September the Commissioners made their reply, conciliatory in its character, and acceding to the principal requests of the Indians. They also informed the chiefs that they had appointed General Schuyler and Mr. Douw to keep the fire burning. Thus ended the council with the agents of the Colonies. The "unfinished business" with the Albanians was resumed on the next day—September 2d—for which purpose a council was formed in the Presbyterian church. The Commissioners of the United Colonies were likewise in attendance. After the preliminaries of form had been gone through with, the Indians were addressed at length by the Albany Committee. In the course of their speech, they adverted particularly to the council at Oswego and the proceedings of Guy Johnson at that place, respecting which, they said, they had received no certain advices, and of which they wished to be fully and explicitly informed. In regard to the land question interposed by the Indians, the Committee said they presumed reference was had to the lands at Ticonderoga. That was a question between the Indians and the corporation of Albany; whereas they were a committee from the people, and could not entertain the question. They reminded the Indians, however, that the question had been agitated before, and settled by the Colonial Assembly. They also gave them to understand that the Indians were not the party having cause of complaint in that matter. The reply of the Indians was delivered by Little Abraham. Waiving the land question, he proceeded to answer the questions put to them concerning the Oswego council. "We look upon it," said he, "that God will punish us should we conceal any thing from you." The following passages are quoted from the reply of Abraham:— "Brothers: The transactions of that treaty were very public. The Shawanese were there, and some from Detroit. Mr. Johnson told us that the fire kindled there was a fire of peace; that all the white people were the King's subjects, and that it seemed they were intoxicated. He said the white people were all got drunk, and that God's judgment hung over them; but he did not know on which side it would fall. Mr. Johnson further told us, that the present council fire was kindled on account of the present dispute, and desired us not to interfere, as they were brothers; and begged us to sit still and maintain peace. This is what Colonel Johnson told us at that council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. Kirkland; that he was gone to Philadelphia, and along the sea-coast; that he was become a great soldier and a leader. 'Is this your minister?' says he; 'do you think your minister minds your souls? No. By the time he comes to Philadelphia, he will be a great warrior, and when he returns, he will be the chief of all the Five Nations.' "Brothers: There were present five people of Detroit, five from Caughnawaga, and two of the Shawanese. Colonel Johnson told them that, by the time he returned from Canada, they should have all their men there, and he would then kindle a council-fire; and he would also desire them not to take any part in this dispute, as it was a quarrel between brothers. He also told them that he was going to the Governor of Canada, who was of a different opinion from him, but would talk with him. And he further said that he would tell the Caughnawaga Indians the same that he told us, and for that purpose desired that two of each nation might go along and hear it. He likewise desired us to consider which way we would have our trade—whether up this river or from Canada. He at the same time assured us that we should not suffer from want of goods, as we were not concerned, nor had any hand, in the present dispute. He also said something about the council-fires. He said there were two fires which you should keep your eyes upon; and if they call you down to Albany, do not you go; for they will deceive you, and tell you a great many fine stories. We are very glad that your language and Colonel Johnson's so well agrees." This report of the proceedings of Guy Johnson at Oswego was certainly unexpected, and entirely at variance with the tenor of his conduct previous to his departure from the Mohawk Valley, and during his progress to the west. It is barely possible that he had not fully made up his mind as to the course he might ultimately pursue, and that his purpose was not definitively determined upon, until after his meeting with Carleton and Haldimand at Montreal. And it is abundantly certain that his notions of Indian neutrality, even had he entertained them, were very speedily abandoned. With the delivery of Abraham's last-mentioned speech, however, the council was closed; and although Schuyler and Douw had been appointed to keep the council fire burning, yet the ashes were soon raked up—never to be opened again at Albany, for that was the last grand Indian council ever held in that city. [FN] [FN] As mentioned in the Introduction to the present volume, the interesting proceedings of which a mere outline has been given in the text, have never before been published complete. Their importance—their intrinsic interest—and the fact that it was the last grand council of the confederacy ever holden in Albany, had induced the author originally to arrange the whole in the text. But their great length, it was thought, would too seriously obstruct the narrative. Hence they have been transferred to the Appendix. It was the first design of the author to abridge the speeches, but an attempt soon proved that their force and spirit would be lost in the process. See Appendix. The result was highly satisfactory to the Commissioners, and apparently so to the Indians, who had been well provided for during the three weeks occupied at the German Flats and Albany. On their departure, moreover, they were handsomely supplied with presents, and they took their leave with manifestations of great good-will. Most unfortunately, however, soon after their return from Albany, an epidemic disorder appeared among them, in the form of a highly malignant fever. It was a disease which they had never seen, and by it great numbers were swept away. The Schoharie canton of the Mohawks, in particular, suffered very severely. Indeed, they were almost exterminated.[FN-1] The small number who survived, imbibed the impression that the Great Spirit had sent the pestilence upon them in anger for not having taken sides with the King. They, therefore, followed their brethren from the Mohawk Valley, who had escaped to Canada with Guy Johnson. In the subsequent invasions of the Tryon County settlements, these Schoharie Indians, who thus deserted by an impulse of superstition, were among the most forward and cruel.[FN-2] It should also be borne in mind, that, after all, the council comprised but an inadequate and partial representation of the Six Nations, with the exception of the Oneidas and the lower clan of the Mohawks. The great body of the Mohawk warriors, headed by Thayendanegea, had left the country; and the most influential of the Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, had also accompanied Brant and Guy Johnson to Montreal; and events, at no very distant day, proved that the Albany treaty had been held to very little purpose. It is not consistent with the nature or habits of Indians to remain inactive in the midst of war. [FN-1] Letter of John M. Brown, on the early history of Schoharie. [FN-2] Idem. Still, for the time being, those proceedings were not without benefit to the cause of the country. The people of Tryon County were relieved, by the stipulations of peace and neutrality, from apprehensions of immediate danger from without; and the Committee of Safety was consequently enabled to direct their attention, not only to the more efficient organization of the settlements for defence, but to the civil government of the county. But, notwithstanding the fine spirit manifested thus far by a majority of the people in the interior, and that too under all the disadvantages we have been contemplating—notwithstanding the decisive tone of the language used in denouncing the oppressions of the Crown,—it was not yet exactly certain that the Colony of New-York would range itself against the royal authority. Governor Tryon, who was popular in the Colony, had recently been recalled from North Carolina, and again appointed Governor of New-York; and he was exerting his utmost powers to detach her from the cause of the Union—seconded by the Asia, man of war, then lying in the harbour, and commanding the city of New-York by her guns. The captain of the Asia had threatened to destroy the town should General Lee, who was then approaching with an army from the east, be allowed to enter it; and such were the prevalence of terror and the power of intrigue, that disaffection to the cause of the Union began to exhibit itself openly in the Provincial Congress. Indeed, avowals of a design to place themselves under the royal standard were unequivocally uttered. These untoward appearances were rendered the more threatening by the discovery of a secret correspondence, from which it was ascertained that the parent government was preparing to send a fleet into the Hudson, and to occupy both New-York and Albany with its armies. [FN] Of these designs Sir John Johnson was probably well aware, and the hope of their accomplishment may have induced him to linger behind, watching the signs of the times, after the departure of his brother-in-law and his army of followers. Sir John had also a numerous tenantry, who were mostly loyalists; and the Scotch colonists, settled in large numbers in Johnstown and its neighbourhood, of whom mention has formerly been made, being loyalists likewise, constituted for him a respectable force upon which he could rely in a case of emergency. [FN] Marshall's Life of Washington. The Dutch and German population of the valley, however, were chiefly Whigs; as also, by this time, were a decided majority of the entire white population, not only of the Mohawk Valley, but of Schoharie, Cherry Valley, and the other settlements in the southern part of that widely-extended county. The general Committee executed their functions with equal diligence and vigour. The inhabitants were enrolled and organized into militia; the Committee deposed the sheriff, Alexander White,[FN-1] and caused Colonel John Frey to be appointed in his place; and, in one word, they took upon themselves both the civil and military jurisdiction of the large section of country, over which they had provisionally assumed the government. White had rendered himself particularly odious to the Whigs from the first. Under some trifling pretext, he had arrested a Whig by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. His friends, to the number of fifty men, under the conduct of Sampson Sammons, went to the jail at night and released him by force. From the prison they proceeded to the lodgings of the sheriff, and demanded his surrender. White looked out from the second story window, and probably recognizing the leader of the crowd, inquired—"Is that you, Sammons?" "Yes," was the prompt reply; upon which White discharged a pistol at the sturdy Whig, but happily without injury. The ball whizzed past his head, and struck in the sill of the door. This was the first shot fired in the war of the Revolution west of the Hudson. It was immediately returned by the discharge of some forty or fifty muskets at the sheriff, but the only effect was a slight wound in the breast—just sufficient to draw blood. The doors of the house were broken, and White would have been taken, but at that moment a gun was fired at the hall by Sir John. This was known to be a signal for his retainers and Scotch partisans to rally in arms; and as they would muster a force of five hundred men in a very short time, the Whigs thought it most prudent to disperse. They collected again at Caughnawaga, however, and sent a deputation to Sir John, demanding that White should be given up to them.[FN-2] This demand, of course, was not complied with. [FN-1] The first liberty pole erected in the Mohawk Valley was at the German Flats, and White, with a band of loyalists, had cut down the emblem of rebellion. [FN-2] MS. narrative of Jacob Sammons. After his dismissal, as already mentioned, by an act of the people "in their sovereign capacity," White was re-commissioned by Governor Tryon; but the County Committee would not suffer him to re-enter upon the duties of the office. On the contrary, so high was the popular indignation against him, that he was obliged to fly—setting his face toward Canada, accompanied by a white man named Peter Bone, and two or three Indians. He was pursued to Jessup's landing on the Hudson River, where the house in which he lodged was surrounded, and the fugitive sheriff taken prisoner. From thence he was taken to Albany and imprisoned. [FN] Shortly afterward he was released on his parole, and left the country. [FN] Narrative of Jacob Sammons. The exigencies of the times required prompt and vigorous action; and the Committee seems to have been composed of exactly the right description of men. They arrested suspicious persons, tried them, fined some, imprisoned more, and executed others. Their duties also involved the preservation of the peace in a critical period, among a mixed population of border-men, ever more or less disposed to impatience under legal restraint, and of course requiring the controlling power of a strong arm. And yet these high duties were generally discharged with great satisfaction to the public—the loyalists excepted, of course—and their resolutions and decrees were submitted to by their constituents with alacrity. Their influence was likewise successfully exerted in winning friends to the popular cause, by deciding the wavering and confirming the irresolute. [FN] [FN] Campbell's Annals. Added to these multifarious duties, was the necessity of keeping a vigilant watch over the motions of Sir John Johnson, whose position and conduct were alike equivocal, and the numerous loyalists by whom he was surrounded. By these people every possible obstacle was thrown in the way of the Committee, and no method of annoying and embarrassing them left untried. They laboured to destroy the confidence of the people in the Committee; called public meetings themselves, and chose counter-committees; now attempted to cover the Whig Committees with ridicule, and now again charged them with illegal and tyrannical conduct.[FN-1] The consequence was mutual exasperation—sometimes between near neighbours; and the reciprocal engendering of hostile feelings between friends, who ranged themselves under opposing banners. These incipient neighbourhood quarrels occasioned, in the progress of the contest that ensued, some of the most bitter and bloody-personal conflicts that ever marked the annals of a civil war. Several members of the Committee subsequently acted a distinguished part in the field; many of them sacrificed their estates; and some of them fell. Among them, Christopher P. Yates, the first Chairman, accompanied General Montgomery as a volunteer to Ticonderoga and Canada, and afterward raised and commanded a corps of rangers.[FN-2] The fate of Nicholas Herkimer is well known, though his death will be invested with new and additional interest in the progress of this narrative.[FN-3] [FN-1] Idem. [FN-2] Campbell's Annals. [FN-3] The following extract is from a letter of the State Committee of Safety, under date of December, 1775, signed by John McKesson, Clerk of the Provincial Congress:—"I was directed by this Congress to assure you of the high esteem and respect they have for your vigilant, noble-spirited County Committee." The following was from General Schuyler in the summer of 1776:—"The propriety of your conduct, and your generous exertions in the cause of your country, entitle you to the thanks of every one of its friends; please to accept of mine most sincerely." Campbell's Annals. In regard to Sir John, matters were now fast approaching to a crisis. On the 7th of September the Committee wrote to the Provincial Congress in New-York, denouncing his conduct and that of his associates—particularly the Highlanders, who, to the number of two hundred, were said to be gathered about him, and by whom the Whigs "were daily scandalized, provoked, and threatened." They added—"We have great suspicions, and are almost assured, that Sir John has a continual correspondence with Colonel Guy Johnson and his party." [FN] [FN] It was afterward ascertained that such a correspondence was carried on through the Indians, who conveyed letters in the heads of their tomahawks and in the ornaments worn about their persons. The Indians also brought powder across from Canada.—Campbell's Annals. No sooner had the Congress of The Twelve United Colonies agreed to the Declaration, or manifesto, mentioned in the beginning of the present chapter, proclaiming to the world the causes, and the necessity of their appeal to arms, than it was felt, on all hands, even by the timid and hesitating, that England and the Colonies now stood, not in the relation of parent and children, but in the attitude of two nations legally at war. Hence the patriots of Tryon County began to look more closely, and with greater assurance, to the deportment of Sir John, of whose designs, as has been seen, they had from the first entertained strong suspicions. The movements of Sir Guy Carleton, moreover, Governor-general of Canada, who had been commissioned to muster and arm all persons within that province, and to wage war by land and sea against "all enemies, pirates, or rebels, either in or out of the province," to "take them and put them to death, or preserve them alive, at his discretion," were now creating great uneasiness on the northern frontier, from which quarter they were apprehending a formidable invasion. The management of the northern department having been committed to Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, who were now directing a force upon Montreal and Quebec, the Tryon County Committee determined to probe the intentions of Sir John Johnson at once and to the bottom. For this purpose, on the 26th of October, they addressed him the following letter:— "Tryon County Committee Chamber, "Honorable Sir, "As we find particular reason to be convinced of your opinion in the questions hereafter expressed, we require you, that you'll please to oblige us with your sentiments thereupon in a few lines by our messengers, the bearers hereof, Messrs. Ebenezer Cox, James McMaster, and John James Klock, members of our Committee. "We want to know whether you will allow that the inhabitants of Johnstown and Kingsborough may form themselves into companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress, for the defence of our country's cause; and whether your Honor would be ready himself to give his personal assistance to the same purpose. "Also, whether you pretend a prerogative to our County court-house and gaol, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee, to make use of the same public houses, to our want and service in the common cause? "We don't doubt you will comply with our reasonable requests, and thereby oblige, Honorable Sir, Your obedient and humble Servants. By order of the Committee, Nicholas Herkimer, Chairman. "To the Honorable Sir John Johnson, Johnson Hall." The deputation named in the letter waited upon Sir John in person, to receive his answer—the substance of which they reported to the Committee verbally as follows, viz:— "1. By perusing our letter, Sir John replied that he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had denied the use either of the court-house or gaol to any body, nor would yet deny it, for the use which these houses have been built for; but he looks upon it that the court-house and gaol are his property till he is paid £700—the amount of which being out of his pocket for the building of the same. "2. In regard of embodying his tenants into companies, he never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure; but we might save ourselves the trouble, he being sure that they would not. "3. Concerning himself, he said, that before he would sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. "Further he replied, that if we should make any unlawful use of the gaol, he would oppose it, and also he mentions, that there have many unfair means been used for increasing the association and uniting the people; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York that they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there; and that he was informed by good authority, that likewise two thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flats people have been forced to sign the articles; and in his opinion the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined them." Immediately on receiving this report, the Committee determined to bring the question of the occupancy of the gaol to an issue. They therefore directed that two of their prisoners, named Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen, [FN] who had been sentenced to certain periods of confinement for political offences, should be forthwith conveyed to the prison, under a guard commanded by Captain Jacob Seeber, with instructions, that should the gaoler refuse to receive them into close confinement for the time specified, or should they be opposed by Sir John, then Captain Seeber was to bring them to the house of "our voted and elected new high sheriff, John Frey, Esq. who shall immediately inform thereof our chairman for further directions." [FN] A subsequent document induces the belief that these prisoners were Indians, though it is not so distinctly stated. Sir John did not allow the Committee to take possession of the gaol, and they were obliged to fit up a private house as a temporary prison; while some of their prisoners were sent to Albany, and others as far as Hartford for safe keeping. [FN] The Committee apprised the Provincial Congress of their proceedings in this matter, from which body they received the following communication in reply:— [FN] Campbell's Annals. "Dec. 9th. The Congress have this day entered into the consideration of your letter of the 25th of October, and are of opinion that your application to Sir John Johnson, requesting an answer from him whether he would allow his tenants to form themselves into companies, and associate with their brethren of your County, according to the resolves of the Continental Congress, for the defence of our liberties, was improper with respect to him, and too condescending on your part, as it was a matter that came properly within your province; and to which we doubt not but you are competent, as you have a line of conduct prescribed to you by Congress. With respect to your second question, whether he would take any active part in the controversy at present existing between Great Britain and her Colonies, we conceive it to be very proper, and thank you for information on that head. "As to the third question, we conceive that he has no claim nor title to the court-house and gaol in the County, as we are credibly told that his father, Sir William Johnson, did in his lifetime convey the same to two gentlemen in trust for the use of your County. However, as an attempt to use the same for the purpose of confining persons inimical to our country may be productive of bad consequences, we beg leave to recommend to you, to procure some other place which may answer the end of a gaol. And give you our advice not to molest Sir John as long as he shall continue inactive, and not impede the measures necessary to be carried into execution from being completed. "We are extremely sorry that Mr. White has, by his imprudent conduct, rendered himself justly offensive to you. The best advice we can give you in this unpleasant affair is, that if you are of opinion that his continuing in his office will be dangerous to your liberties, then that you permit the office to be exercised by his deputies. And that you draw up a petition, get as many persons of your County to sign it as possible, and present it to the Governor of the Colony, setting forth that it is very disagreeable to the people in general that he should execute that office, and praying that he may be displaced, and his place supplied by a person who would be acceptable to the people of your County. "We are respectfully, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servants, By order, Nathl. Woodhull, Pres. "To Nicholas Herkimer, Esq. Chairman, and the Committee of Tryon County." The first act of positive hostility on the part of the Indians, during this bitter and bloody contest, was committed in the Autumn of the present year. General Schuyler having been obliged temporarily to leave the northern army in consequence of ill health, the command devolved upon General Montgomery, who had advanced a second time upon St. Johns and captured the fortress—Sir Guy Carleton having been repulsed by Colonel Warner at Longueil, in his attempt to cross the St. Lawrence and advance to its succor. It appears that, either in the first or second attack upon St. Johns, or in both, the Americans had been opposed by some of the Mohawk Indians—those, doubtless, who had accompanied Guy Johnson to Canada. Hence, on the 27th of October, the Tryon County Committee "unanimously resolved, that a letter should be sent to the sachems of the Canajoharie Castle, in regard to the return and present abiding of some Indians in their Castle from Canada, who have acted inimically against us, and fought against our united forces near the fort St. John, not to give shelter to such real enemies among them." No copy of the letter written pursuant to this resolution has been preserved. It is noted among the papers of the Committee, however, that the sachems and warriors of Canajoharie Castle appeared before them in person, and made the following answer to their epistle of remonstrance:— "Brothers: We are thankful to you that you opened to us your hearts, and we comprehend to be all true what you wrote to us. We live together, Gentlemen, and we shall do our endeavour to answer you upon all the contents of your letter, as much as we can remember thereof. "Brothers: We have not yet forgotten our agreement made in Albany. It is not such a long time ago, we can remember it yet. Although we have not put it in writing, it is yet in our memory. We can remember very well that there have been twelve Governors with whom we agreed, and we made a level road to the Six Nations, to Boston, and to Philadelphia. "Brothers: We have, as well as the Senecas and others of the Six Nations, been very glad to make that road, where we went and shall go. It is all peace and very good. The Nations have been very glad for the making of that good road, and it is all peaceable. But we are afraid you make the first disturbance on the sea-side—because you are a fighting already. They have made that good road, but they will not hope that we should spill blood upon it. You said in your letter that you cannot keep your young people back, but we think you are masters of them, and could order them. Some of our young people are now in Canada, and perhaps they are killed; but if so be, our hearts will not be sore about it. "There are some young people, among them here, whom we could persuade to stay and not to meddle themselves with the fighting of the white people; but some went yet away, and we are glad to see them back again, because they have been debauched to go away. "Brothers: The Six Nations are now speaking about that good road, and are glad; but if they shall perhaps pass that road and see some blood spilled upon it, then they would be surprised. "Brothers: We have made a very strong agreement of friendship together, and we beg you will not break it for sake of some wrong done by some, who have been debauched. You will drop it, we hope, for the present." The Committee replied to them in substance, that if those of their young men who had first spilt the blood of their white brethren, had come back repenting of their conduct, they should first have gone to the Committee, and manifested their sorrow to them. Far from doing so, however, one of them, named William Johnson, had, on the contrary, boasted of his hostile proceedings, and spoken boldly against the cause of the Americans. On the 30th of October, at the request of some of the chiefs of the Mohawk Castle, John Marbatt was deputed to hold a conference with them, in reference to the imprisonment of Clement and Bowen. Marbatt says, in his letter to General Herkimer, Chairman of the Committee:— "The heads of the Mohawk Castle met me at Abraham Quackenbush's, and made a speech to me. They said we were all brothers, and all brought up together, and hoped that we might remain so. They said they were very sorry for their two brothers, Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen, and desired that they might be discharged. It was so hard for them to see their brethren in confinement that they could not rest. Whereon I told them there was a law; and if any of our brothers transgressed the law, they must expect to be punished by the law. I told them that any one that behaved [well] should not be disturbed at all. But they begged that as they had transacted this, [offended] before the law took effect, they might be discharged; and if ever they transgressed again, they had nothing to say against punishing them. They told me that they wanted to go a hunting, and could not go from home contented until this matter was settled. They desired me to give them an answer against next Saturday. Gentlemen, I hope you will settle this matter for peace's sake. Your compliance will much oblige your friend and humble servant," &c. The speech from the Canajoharie Indians, just recited, if closely scrutinised, might appear somewhat equivocal. Still, it was not belligerent; and, when taken in connexion with the preceding letter, the presumption is reasonable, that the Mohawks remaining about their ancient castles, had not yet determined to swerve from their engagement of neutrality. Such was the progress of the Revolution, in the County of Tryon, down to the close of 1775. A rapid glance at contemporaneous events not already noted, occurring elsewhere, will close the history of the year. The battle of Bunker Hill had aroused all New England to arms; and by the time of General Washington's arrival to assume the command, during the first week in July, the British forces were so effectually shut up in Boston, as to be obliged to send out small vessels to a distance for supplies. To cut up this species of coast-wise commerce, the Colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut each fitted out two small cruisers, before Congress had made a suggestion respecting a naval armament. The first avowal of offensive hostility against the mother country, was contained in the act of the Massachusetts Congress for fitting out a naval armament; and among the first fruits was the capture, by Captain Manly of Marblehead, of a large British ordnance brig, laden with several elegant brass pieces of artillery, a large supply of small arms, tools and utensils of all warlike descriptions, &c. Three days afterward Captain Manly captured three more British ships laden with military stores. South Carolina was at the same time making vigorous preparations for war, but had not exceeding 3,000 lbs of gunpowder within the province. By fitting out a fast sailing vessel, however, they were enabled to intercept a supply vessel off St. Augustine, and obtain a large and timely addition to their stores—15,000 pounds of gunpowder alone. Meantime the affairs of the Colonies continued to form the leading and most exciting topic of debate in the British Parliament. Lord North, who, it is now known, acted throughout this great struggle more in obedience to the positive requisitions of the King, than in accordance with his own private wishes, insisted upon the strongest measures of compulsion. General Conway, Colonel Lutterell, Mr. James Grenville, the Duke of Grafton, and Lord Lyttleton, spoke in favor of concession to the Colonies, and argued in favor of repealing every enactment respecting the matters in dispute with the Colonies, subsequent to the year 1763. The ministers contended that they might as well acknowledge the independence of the Colonies at once. Mr. Burke, during this season, made his great speech on American affairs, and introduced his conciliatory bill, proposing "a renunciation of the exercise of taxation, without at all interfering with the question of right. It preserved the power of levying duties, for the regulation of commerce; but the money so raised was to be at the disposal of the several general assemblies. The tea duty was to be repealed, and a general amnesty granted." This proposition, though regarded with more favor than the others, was rejected; and the Administration was sustained in the policy of sending a large sea and land force against the Colonies, accompanied with offers of mercy upon a proper submission.[FN-1] The Continental Congress, however, still continued its efforts to prevent a final separation; and another address to the King was adopted, beseeching the interposition of his royal authority to afford relief from their afflicting fears and jealousies, and restore harmony by the adoption of such measures as would effect a permanent reconciliation. This petition, signed by John Hancock, was presented in Parliament on the 7th of December, and gave rise to several motions for a pacification—all of which were rejected.[FN-2] [FN-1] Holmes's Annals, Par. Register. [FN-2] Idem. The military operations of the Autumn were chiefly confined to the expedition against Canada. Lord Dunmore, it is true, had given several additional impulses to the Revolutionary spirit in Virginia, by the manner of his opposition; and the enemy had still farther exasperated the people of New England by burning the town of Falmouth, in the north-eastern part of Massachusetts. Having timely notice, the people fled from the town, which was furiously bombarded, and 139 dwelling-houses and 278 warehouses were burnt. The invasion of Canada, by Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, has already been incidentally mentioned. General Schuyler had issued a suitable proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, on entering that territory; but he was obliged by ill health to relinquish the command to General Montgomery. St. John's surrendered on the 3d of November; but while the siege was pending. Colonel Ethan Allen, with thirty-eight of his Green Mountain boys, was captured, and sent to England in irons. [FN] Allen deserved his fate, however, for his rashness and disobedience of orders. Still, he was very near capturing Montreal with the small party he had led in advance, as was subsequently admitted by one of the British officers. [FN] Idem. The fort at Chamblee fell into the hands of Montgomery, together with a large quantity of military stores, which were of great use; among them were three tons of powder. Montreal was next taken by the Provincials—General Carleton escaping in a boat with muffled oars to Three Rivers, from whence he hastened to Quebec. Montgomery, with his little army, was swift to follow him thither; where his arrival had been anticipated by Colonel Arnold, with upward of 700 New England infantry and riflemen, with whom he had performed the incredible service of traversing the unexplored forest, from the Kennebec to the mouth of the Chaudiere. Uniting the forces of Arnold with his own, Montgomery laid siege to Quebec on the 1st of December. His artillery, however, was too light to make any impression upon its walls, and it was at length determined, if possible, to carry the town by a combined assault from two directions—one division to be led by Montgomery and the other by Arnold. The enterprise was undertaken on the 31st of December, and the year closed by the repulse of both divisions and the fall of Montgomery. The success which had marked the American arms in the early part of the Canadian campaign, made a strong impression upon the Caughnawaga Indians. The Canadians, generally, were exceedingly averse to engaging in the unnatural contest, [FN-1] and were strongly inclined to favor the cause of the Colonies; and, notwithstanding the descent of Brant and the Mohawks to Montreal, and the solicitations of Governor Carleton, the Caughnawagas sent a deputation to General Washington, at Cambridge, as early as the month of August, avowing their readiness to assist the Americans in the event of an expedition into Canada. [FN-2] This assurance was fulfilled. In a letter from Sir Guy Carleton to General Gage, written in August, which was intercepted, the Canadian Governor said—"Many of the Indians have gone over to them (the Americans), and large numbers of the Canadians are with them. . . . I had hopes of holding out for this year, though I seem abandoned by all the world, had the savages remained firm. I cannot blame these poor people for securing themselves, as they see multitudes of the enemy at hand, and no succour from any part, though it is now four months since their operations against us first began." [FN-3] The subsequent reverses of the Americans, however, changed the masters of those Indians, and they were ere long found warring in the ranks of the Crown. [FN-1] Letter of Washington to the president of Congress, Aug. 4th, 1775. [FN-2] Letter of Washington to Gen. Schuyler. [FN-3] Sparks. But all the Indians did not join the British standard. Notwithstanding that the Delawares had been engaged in the Cresap war, the year before, they refused the solicitations of the British emissaries and the Senecas to take up the hatchet with them in this contest. A meeting of Indians was held in Pittsburgh, to deliberate upon the question, at which a select deputation of the Senecas attended. Captain White Eyes, a sensible and spirited warrior of the Lenape, boldly declared that he would not embark in a war, to destroy a people born on the same soil with himself. The Americans, he said, were his friends and brothers, and no nation should dictate to him or his tribe the course they should pursue. [FN] [FN] Heckewelder.
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