Life of Joseph Brant - Thayendanegea (Vol. I.) / Including the Border Wars of the American Revolution and Sketches of the Indian Campaigns of Generals Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne; And Other Matters Connected with the Indian Relations of the United States and Great Britain, from the Peace of 1783 to the Indian Peace of 1795

CHAPTER III.

Unyielding course of the parent Government—Efforts of the Earl of Chatham unavailing—Address to the Crown from New-York—Leslie's Expedition to Salem—Affair of Lexington—Unwise movements of Tryon County loyalists—Reaction—Public meetings—The Sammons family—Interference of the Johnsons—Quarrel at Caughnawaga—Spirited indications at Cherry Valley—Counteracting-efforts of the Johnsons among their retainers—Intrigues with the Indians—Massachusetts attempts the same—Correspondence with the Stockbridge Indians—Letter to Mr. Kirkland—His removal by Guy Johnson—Neutrality of the Oneidas—Intercepted despatch from Brant to the Oneidas—Apprehensions of Guy Johnson—Correspondence—Farther precautions of the Committees—Reverence for the Laws—Letter of Guy Johnson to the Committees of Albany and Schenectady—Substance of the reply.

The parent government did not relax its coercive measures, notwithstanding the efforts of the Earl of Chatham, now venerable for his years, who, after a long retirement, returned once more into public life, to interpose his eloquence and the influence of his great name in behalf of the Colonies. His lordship's address to the King for the removal of the troops from Boston, was rejected by a large majority. His conciliatory bill was also rejected. On the 26th of January, Messrs. Bolland, Franklin, and Lee, the Committee from the Colonies, charged with presenting the petition of the Continental Congress for a redress of grievances, brought the subject before the House of Commons, and after an angry debate they refused to receive it by a decisive vote. Meantime bills were passed, by large majorities, restraining all the thirteen Colonies, excepting only New-York, Delaware, and North Carolina, from the prosecution of any foreign commerce other than with Great Britain and her dependencies. The Eastern States were likewise excluded from the fisheries of Newfoundland. But notwithstanding that, from motives of policy, New-York had been thus excepted from the restraining law, its local legislature was at the same time engaged in preparing a memorial to the Crown for a redress of grievances—a fact which the ministers soon learned, and not without mortification. The New-York address was a strong denunciation of the measures of the Government toward the Colonies, and an energetic appeal for redress. "We feel," said they, "the most ardent desire to promote a cordial reconciliation with the parent state, which can be rendered permanent and solid only by ascertaining the line of Parliamentary authority and American freedom, on just, equitable, and constitutional grounds. . . . From the year 1683 till the close of the late war, they had enjoyed a legislature consisting of three distinct branches, a Governor, Council, and general Assembly; under which political frame the representatives had uniformly exercised the right of their own civil government, and the administration of justice in the Colony. It is, therefore, with inexpressible grief that we have of late years seen measures adopted by the British Parliament, subversive of that constitution under which the good people of this Colony have always enjoyed the same rights and privileges, so highly and deservedly prized by their fellow-subjects of Great Britain." Adverting to the essential privilege of trial by a jury of the vicinage, they "view with horror the construction of the statute of the 35th of Henry the VIII. as held up by the joint address of both houses of Parliament in 1769, advising his Majesty to send for persons guilty of treasons and misprisions of treasons, in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in order to be tried in England;" and they "are equally alarmed at the late acts, empowering his Majesty to send persons guilty of offences in one colony, to be tried in another or within the realm of England." They complain of the act of 7th of George the III. requiring the legislature of this Colony to make provision for the expense of the troops quartered among them; of the act suspending their legislative powers till they should have complied; and of the Quebec act; considering themselves as interested in whatever may affect their sister Colonies; they cannot help feeling for the distresses of their brethren in Massachusetts, from the operation of the several acts of Parliament passed relative to that province, and earnestly remonstrating in their behalf. "We claim," said they, "but a restoration of those rights which we enjoyed by general consent before the close of the last war; we desire no more than a continuation of that ancient government to which we are entitled by the principles of the British constitution, and by which alone can be secured to us the rights of Englishmen." The address was presented to the House of Commons by Mr. Burke, but was never called up. [FN]

[FN] Holmes's Annals.

A new Provincial Congress was assembled in Massachusetts in February, which, anticipating that the parent Government was preparing to strike the first blow at that Colony, adopted farther means of precaution and defence—but with great wisdom avoiding any thing like an overt act of resistance. Hostilities had well nigh been commenced on the 26th of February, between Salem and Danvers, by the opposition of Colonel Timothy Pickering and others, to Colonel Leslie, who had been sent to Salem by General Gage, to seize some military stores, which he had been informed were collecting at the former place. The interposition of Mr. Barnard, the minister of Salem, prevented the effusion of blood, and Leslie returned to Boston from a bootless errand.

The ill-starred expedition, by the direction of General Gage, to Concord, and the battle of Lexington on the 19th of April, gave the signal of a general rush to arms throughout most of the Colonies. True, it was not admitted to be a formal commencement of hostilities, and the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts despatched an account of that affair to Great Britain, with depositions, establishing the fact indisputably, that both at Concord and Lexington the firing had been commenced by the King's troops—Major Pitcairn himself discharging the first shot, at the former place. But although this message was accompanied by an address to the people of Great Britain with continued professions of loyalty, yet those professions were sent, hand in hand, with a declaration that they would "not tamely submit to the persecution and tyranny" of the existing ministry, and with an appeal to heaven for the justice of a cause in which they were determined to die or conquer. It was very evident, therefore, that reconciliation was out of the question, and that a trial of arms was near at hand. Of course the exasperation of the public mind was now at its height, and those who had not taken sides could no longer stand neutral.

It was at this moment, just as the Continental Congress was about to reassemble, and just as the exciting intelligence was received from Boston, that, most unwisely for themselves, the influential loyalists of Tryon County undertook to make a demonstration against the proceedings of the Congress of the preceding Autumn. A declaration in opposition to those proceedings was drawn up, and advantage taken of the gathering of the people at a Court holden in Johnstown, to obtain signatures. The discussions ran high upon the subject, but the movers in the affair succeeded in obtaining the names of a majority of the Grand Jurors, and the greater portion of the magistracy of the County.

The Whigs in attendance at the Court were indignant at this procedure, and on returning to their respective homes, communicated their feelings to those of their neighbors who had embraced kindred principles. Public meetings were called, and committees appointed in every district, and sub-committees in almost every hamlet in the County.[FN-1] The first of these public meetings was held at the house of John Veeder in Caughnawaga. It was attended by about three hundred people, who assembled, unarmed, for the purpose of deliberation, and also to erect a liberty-pole—the most hateful object of that day in the eyes of the loyalists. Among the leaders of the Whigs on that occasion, were Sampson Sammons, an opulent farmer residing in the neighbourhood, and two of his sons, Jacob and Frederick. Before they had accomplished their purpose of raising the emblem of rebellion, the proceedings were interrupted by the arrival of Sir John Johnson, accompanied by his brothers-in-law, Colonels Claus and Guy Johnson, together with Colonel John Butler, and a large number of their retainers, armed with swords and pistols. Guy Johnson mounted a high stoop and harangued the people at length, and with great vehemence. He dwelt upon the strength and power of the King, and attempted to show the folly of opposing his officers or revolting against the authority of his crown. A single ship, he said, would be sufficient to capture all the navy which could be set afloat by the Colonies; while on the frontiers, the Indians were under his Majesty's control, and his arms were sustained by a chain of fortified posts, extending from the Gulf of the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. He was very virulent in his language toward the disaffected, causing their blood to boil with indignation. But they were unarmed, and for the most part unprepared, if not indisposed, to proceed to any act of violence. The orator at length became so abusive, that Jacob Sammons, no longer able to restrain himself, imprudently interrupted his discourse by pronouncing him a liar and a villain. Johnson thereupon seized Sammons by the throat, and called him a d—d villain in return. A scuffle ensued between them, during which Sammons was struck down with a loaded whip. On recovering from the momentary stupor of the blow, Sammons found one of Johnson's servants sitting astride of his body. A well-directed blow relieved him of that incumbrance, and, springing upon his feet, he threw off his coat and prepared for fight. Two pistols were immediately presented to his breast, but not discharged, as Sammons was again knocked down by the clubs of the loyalists, and severely beaten. On recovering his feet once more, he perceived that his Whig friends had all decamped, with the exception of the families of the Fondas, Veeders, and Visschers.[FN-2] The loyalists also drew off, and Jacob Sammons returned to his father's house, bearing upon his body the first scars of the Revolutionary contest in the County of Tryon.

[FN-1] The County of Tryon then included all the Colonial settlements West and South-west of Schenectady. It was taken from Albany County in 1772, and named in honour of William Tryon, then Governor of the Province. In 1784 the name was changed to Montgomery. When formed, it embraced all that part of the State lying West of a line running North and South, nearly through the centre of the present County of Schoharie. It was divided into five districts, which were again subdivided into smaller districts or precincts. The first, beginning at the East, was the Mohawk district, embracing Fort Hunter, Caughnawaga, Johnstown, and Kingsborough. Canajoharie district, embracing the present town of that name, with all the country South, including Cherry Valley and Harpersfield, Palatine district North of the river, and including the country known by the same name, with Stone Arabia, &c., and German Flats and Kingsland Districts, being then the most Western settlements, and the former now known by the same name. The county buildings were at Johnstown, where, as before mentioned, was the residence of Sir William Johnson.—Campbell's Annals.

[FN-2] Narratives of Jacob and Frederick Sammons, furnished to the author; repeated references to both of which will be made hereafter.

One of the largest and most spirited of these meetings took place in Cherry Valley. It was held in the church, and the people entered into the subject with so much enthusiasm, that they took their children to the assembly, that they might imbibe lessons of patriotism, as it were at the altar—thus hallowing the cause in which they were about to engage, with the impressive sanctions of religion. The orator of the occasion was an Indian interpreter by the name of Thomas Spencer; he was rude of speech, but forcible; and, warming with his theme, spoke with such power and effect, that the story of his eloquence yet lives in the annals of tradition. [FN] The result of this meeting was the adoption of a strong counter-declaration, condemning the proceedings of the loyalists at Johnstown, and approving, in the most unequivocal and solemn terms, of the proceedings of the Continental Congress.

[FN] And also in Campbell's Annals

These proceedings took place early in May. But from a letter addressed to the Committee of Safety of Albany, by the Committee of the Palatine district, on the 18th of that month, it appears that the Johnsons and their powerful confederates in the Mohawk district succeeded, by threats, intimidation, and an array of military strength, in preventing the adoption of a corresponding declaration by the Whigs. "This County," says the Palatine Committee, "has for a series of years been ruled by one family, the several branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading the people from coming into Congressional measures, and have even, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk district, appeared with all their dependents armed to oppose the people considering of their grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed." The Committee farther notified their friends in Albany, that Sir John Johnson was fortifying the Baronial Hall, by planting several swivels around it; and he had paraded parts of the regiment of militia which he commanded, on the day previous, for the purpose of intimidation, as it was conjectured. It was likewise reported that the Scotch Highlanders, settled in large numbers in and about Johnstown, who were Roman Catholics, had armed themselves to the number of one hundred and fifty, ready to aid in the suppression of any popular outbreaks in favor of the growing cause of Liberty.

Strong suspicions were early entertained that the Johnsons, Butlers, and Colonel Claus, were endeavouring to alienate the good-will of the Indians from the Colonists, and prepare them, in the event of open hostilities, to take up the hatchet against them. Thayendanegea, alias Joseph Brant, as heretofore mentioned, was now the secretary of Colonel Guy Johnson, the superintendent, and his activity was ceaseless. Notwithstanding his former friendship for Mr. Kirkland, the faithful missionary to the Oneidas, Thayendanegea was apprehensive that his influence would be exerted to alienate the Indians from the interests of the Crown, and attach them to those of the Colonists. The wily chief accordingly attempted to obtain the removal of Mr. Kirkland from his station; and at his instigation, a dissolute sachem of the Oneidas preferred charges against the minister to Guy Johnson, the superintendent. A correspondence took place between Johnson and Mr. Kirkland upon the subject, in which the latter sustained himself with force and dignity. The Oneida nation, moreover, rallied to his support, almost to a man; so that the superintendent was obliged, for the time being, to relinquish the idea of his forcible removal. [FN]

[FN] The correspondence referred to in this passage was discovered by the author among the unpublished papers of Mr. Kirkland—obligingly loaned for his use by President Kirkland of Boston.

Justice, however, both to Brant and Guy Johnson, requires it to be stated that the vigilant eyes of the Bostonians had already been directed to the importance of securing an interest among the Indians of the Six Nations, in anticipation of whatever events were to happen. To this end a correspondence was opened through Mr. Kirkland, even with the Mohawks, by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, before the affair of Lexington and Concord. [FN] The following is a copy of the letter addressed to the missionary by the Provincial Congress:—

[FN] Sparks's Life and Cor. of Washington, vol. iii. Appendix.

"To The Rev. Samuel Kirkland.

"Concord, April 4th, 1775.

"Sir,

"The Provincial Congress have thought it necessary to address the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, with the rest of the Six Nations, upon the subject of the controversy between Great Britain and the American Colonies. We are induced to take this measure, as we have been informed that those who are inimical to us in Canada have been tampering with those nations, and endeavouring to attach them to the interest of those who are attempting to deprive us of our inestimable rights and privileges, and to subjugate the Colonies to arbitrary power. From a confidence in your attachment to the cause of liberty and your country, we now transmit to you the enclosed address, and desire you will deliver it to the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, to be communicated to the rest of the Six Nations; and that you will use your influence with them to join with us in the defence of our rights; but if you cannot prevail with them to take an active part in this glorious cause, that you will at least engage them to stand neuter, and not by any means to aid and assist our enemies; and as we are at a loss for the name of the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, we have left it to you to direct the address to him, in such way as you may think proper."

There were at that time dwelling at Stockbridge, in the western part of Massachusetts, a remnant of the Mohickanders, or "River Indians" as they were usually called during the greater portion of the last century, but latterly Stockbridge Indians, from their locality. These Indians were the remains of the Muhhekaneew [FN-1] of the Hudson river, at the time of the discovery. They came originally, according to their own traditions, from the far West—even beyond the great lakes. That such was their original location is supported by the fact, that their language was radically different from that of the Narragansetts and New England Indians generally, and also from the language of the Five Nations. Its affinities were allied to the Shawanese and Chippewa, affording farther evidence that they had emigrated from the West, crossing the country of the Delawares, and establishing themselves on the banks of the Hudson, or Mohickannittuck as the North River was called. They were a powerful tribe at the time of the discovery, numbering a thousand warriors, and inhabiting the country between the Upper Delaware and the Hudson, together with portions of territory now included in Massachusetts and Vermont. They dwelt mostly in little towns and villages, their chief seat being the site of the present city of Albany—called by them Pempo-towwuthut-Muhhecanneuw, or the Fire-place of the Nation. Becoming feeble and dispersed as the white population increased around and among them—although their numbers had been partially recruited by refugees from the Narragansetts and Pequods, on the conquest of those nations—the Muhhekaneew were collected together at Stockbridge, in 1736, under the care of the Rev. John Sergeant, who, and his son after him, were long the spiritual guides of the tribe. They were ever faithful to the English, having been actively employed by General Shirley to range the country between Lake George and Montreal, during the French war ending in the conquest of Canada. [FN-2]

[FN-1] This is the orthography of Dr. Edwards, who was long a missionary among them at Stockbridge. Heckewelder says their proper name was Mahicanni. It is one of the most difficult things in the world to arrive at any thing like system or certainty in regard to Indian names of persons, places, or things. For instance, the author has papers before him at the time of writing, in which the River Indians are called Moheagans, Mourigans, or Mahingans, (French,) Mahickanders, (Dutch,) Mohiccons, (English,) Mohuccans, Mahickinders, Schaticooks, Wabingas, Muhheakunnuks, and the Moheakounucks; indeed, it has been the practice of writers of different, and of even the same nations, to spell more by the ear than by rule, until our Indian names have been involved in almost inextricable confusion.

[FN-2] Brown, in his pamphlet History of Schoharie, gives a singular tradition in regard to the kings of the Mohawks, of which I have found no other mention. Mohawks and River Indians were once bitter enemies, the former becoming the scourge and terror of the latter. Brown states that the last battle between the Mohegan's and Mohawks took place on Wanton Island, in the Hudson River, not far from Catskill. The question between them was, which should have the honour of naming their king, or which should have the preference in the kingly honours. Both nation collected their utmost strength upon that island, for the purpose of a final decision and fought a pitched battle, which continued during the whole day. Toward night the Mohawks, finding that the Mohegans were likely to prove an overmatch for them, deemed it necessary to resort to stratagem, for which purpose they suddenly took to flight, and gained another island in the evening. They here kindled a great number of fires, and spread their blankets on some bushes, gathered and disposed around them for that purpose, as though they themselves had encamped by their fires as usual. The Mohegans following on, landed upon the island in the depth of night, and were completely taken in by the deception. Supposing that the Mohawks were sleeping soundly beneath their blankets, after their fatigue the Mohegans crept up with the greatest silence, and pouring a heavy fire upon the blankets, rushed upon them with knives and tomahawks in hand, making the air to ring with their yells as they fell to cutting and slashing the blankets and bushes instead of Indians beneath them. Just at the moment of their greatest confusion and exultation the Mohawks, who had been lying in ambush flat upon the ground at a little distance, poured a murderous fire upon their foes, whose figures were rendered distinctly visible by the light of their fires, and rushing impetuously upon them, killed the greater part and made prisoners of the residue. A treaty was then concluded, by which the Mohawks were to have the king, and the Mohegans were to hold them in reverence and call them "Uncle." Hendrick was the king first named such by the Mohawks, after this decisive victory, "who lived to a great age," says Brown, "and was killed at the battle of Lake George under Sir William Johnson."—Author.

The relations of the Stockbridge Indians with the Oneidas had become intimate, and it is very possible that the negotiations had even then commenced between the two tribes, which a few years afterward resulted in the removal of the Stockbridge Indians to the Oneida. Be that, however, as it may, when the troubles began to thicken, the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts sent a message to the Stockbridge Indians, apprising them of the gathering tempest, and expressing a desire to cultivate a good understanding between them. The Indians, in return, dispatched Captain Solomon Ahhaunnauwaumut, their chief sachem, to the Congress, to make a reply, and on the 11th of April he delivered the following speech:

"Brothers: We have heard you speak by your letter—we thank you for it—we now make answer.

"Brothers: You remember when you first came over the great waters, I was great and you was little, very small. I then took you in for a friend, and kept you under my arms, so that no one might injure you; since that time we have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel between us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all around the world, and I am become small, very little. I am not so high as your heel. Now you take care of me, and I look to you for protection.

"Brothers: I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel between you and Old England. It appears that blood must soon be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country you came from.

"Brothers: Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me about to revenge my brother's blood. Although I am low and very small, I will gripe hold of your enemy's heel, that he cannot run so fast, and so light, as if he had nothing at his heels.

"Brothers: You know I am not so wise as you are, therefore I ask your advice in what I am now going to say. I have been thinking, before you come to action, to take a run to the westward, and feel the mind of my Indian brethren, the Six Nations, and know how they stand—whether they are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they have always looked this way for advice, concerning all important news that comes from the rising of the sun. If they hearken to me, you will not be afraid of any danger behind you. However their minds are affected, you shall soon know by me. Now I think I can do you more service in this way, than by marching off immediately to Boston, and staying there; it may be a great while before blood runs. [FN] Now, as I said, you are wiser than I; I leave this for your consideration, whether I come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled."

[FN] A company of minute-men, composed of the Stockbridge Indians, was organized by the Massachusetts Congress before the battle of Lexington. They were retained in service some time after the war began, and came down and joined the camp at Cambridge.—Spetz.

"Brothers: I would not have you think by this that we are falling back from our engagements. We are ready to do any thing for your relief, and shall be guided by your counsel.

"Brothers: One thing I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you will let me fight in my own Indian way. I am not used to fight English fashion, therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to know."

Two days afterward the Congress directed the following reply to be made to the Moheakounnuck tribe, through their chieftain:

"Brothers: We this day, by the delegate from Stockbridge, first heard of your friendly answer to our speech to you by Captain William Goodrich, which answer we are told you made to us immediately by a letter, which we have not yet received. We now reply:

"Brothers: You say that you were once great, but that you are now little; and that we were once little and are now great. The Supreme Spirit orders these things. Whether we are little or great, let us keep the path of friendship clear, which our fathers made, and in which we have both traveled to this time. The friends of the wicked counselors of our King fell upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you last by letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and frightened them so much, that they have shut themselves up in our great town, called Boston, which they have made strong. We have now made our hatchets, and all our instruments of war, sharp and bright. All the chief counselors, who live on this side the great water, are sitting in the grand Council House in Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall all as one man, fall on, and drive our enemies out of their strong fort, and follow them till they shall take their hands out of our pouches, and let us sit in our council-house, as we used to do, and as our fathers did in old times.

"Brothers: Though you are small, yet you are wise. Use your wisdom to help us. If you think it best, go and smoke your pipe with your Indian brothers toward the setting of the sun, and tell them of all you hear and all you see; and let us know what their wise men say. If some of your young men should have a mind to see what we are doing, let them come down and tarry among our warriors. We will provide for them while they are here.

"Brothers: When you have any trouble, come and tell it to us, and we will help you.

"To Captain Solomon Ahhaunnauwaumut, chief Sachem of the Moheakounnuck Indians."

These documents have been thus incidentally introduced, not only as being connected with the main history, and also as being interesting in themselves, but in justice to Guy Johnson; since, in regard to his own measures of defensive preparation, he is entitled to the benefit of all the facts, going to warrant his suspicions that an extraneous influence was exerting over the subjects of his general superintendency; and it can hardly be supposed that he was kept altogether in ignorance, either of the correspondence with Mr. Kirkland or of that with the Stockbridge Indians, through whom, probably, the Bostonians were at the same time holding intercourse with the Six Nations. These circumstances could not but awaken a lively jealousy, in regard to the movements of the white people among the Indians under his charge, and especially in regard to Mr. Kirkland. Accordingly, although in the month of February the superintendent had not been able to effect the removal of Mr. Kirkland from his station among the Oneidas, he nevertheless accomplished that object in the course of the Spring, as appears by a letter from the missionary himself, addressed from Cherry Valley to the Albany Committee:

"Mr. Kirkland to the Committee of Albany.

Cherry Valley, Jan. 9, 1775.

"Gentlemen,

"I am much embarrassed at present. You have doubtless heard that Colonel Johnson has orders from Government to remove the dissenting missionaries from the Six Nations, till the difficulties between Great Britain and the Colonies are settled; in consequence of which he has forbidden my return to thy people at Oneida. He has since given encouragement that I may revisit them after the Congress is closed; but to be plain, I have no dependence at all on his promises of this kind. He appears unreasonably jealous of me, and has forbidden my speaking a word to the Indians, and threatened me with confinement if I transgress. All he has against me I suppose to be a suspicion that I have interpreted to the Indians the doings of the Continental Congress, which has undeceived them, and too much opened their eyes for Colonel Johnson's purposes. I confess to you, gentlemen, that I have been guilty of this, if it be a transgression. The Indians found out that I had received the abstracts of said Congress, and insisted upon knowing the contents. I could not deny them, notwithstanding my cloth, though in all other respects I have been extremely cautious not to meddle in matters of a political nature. I apprehend that my interpreting the doings of the Congress to a number of their sachems, has done more real good to the cause of the country, or the cause of truth and justice, than five hundred pounds in presents would have effected."

Mr. Kirkland no doubt spoke the honest truth in this letter. His influence was great among the Oneidas, and deservedly so. Hence, had he undertaken the task, he might, beyond all doubt, and easily, have persuaded the Indians of his forest-charge to espouse the cause of the Colonies. But he did no such thing; or, at least, he avoided the exertion of any farther influence than to persuade them to the adoption of a neutral policy. This determination, probably, was an act of their own volition, after listening to the interpretation of the proceedings of Congress. It was made known to the people of New England by the following address, transmitted by the Oneidas to Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut, with a request that he would cause it to be communicated to the four New England Colonies:

"The Oneida Indians to Governor Trumbull.

"As my younger brothers of the New England Indians, who have settled in our vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left behind—with this belt by them, I open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.

"We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable situation of affairs that way; and we hope, by the help of God, they may return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through their long journey.

"Now we more immediately address you, our brother, the Governor, and the chiefs of New England.

"Brothers: We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds.

"Brothers: Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians. We cannot intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers. The quarrel seems to be unnatural. You are two brothers of one blood. We are unwilling to join on either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you Old and New England. Should the great king of England apply to us for aid, we shall deny him; if the Colonies apply, we shall refuse. The present situation of you two brothers is new and strange to us. We Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or a similar instance.

"Brothers: For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the contest. We are for peace.

"Brothers: Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had struck you, we should look into the matter. We hope, through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon removed and the dark clouds be dispersed.

"Brothers: As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren in New England for their assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live with one another; and you white people settle your own disputes between yourselves.

"Brothers: We have now declared our minds; please to write to us, that we may know yours. We, the sachems and warriors, and female governesses of Oneida, send our love to you, brother governor, and all the other chiefs in New England." [FN]

[FN] The translation of this Oneida proclamation of neutrality was made by Mr. Kirkland, for Gordon's History of the Revolution. It was signed by William Sunoghsis, Nickldsha Watshaledgh, William Kanaghquaesed, Peter Thayebeare, Jimmy Tekayabeare, Nickbis Aghsenbare, i. e. garter; Thomas Yoghtanowea, i. e. spreading of the dew; Adam Ohenwano, Quedellis Agwerondongwas, i. e. breaking of the twigs; Handerebeks Tegahsweahdyen, i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended; Johnko' Skeanendon, Thomas Teondeatha, i. e. a fallen tree.

Of an Indian foe the inhabitants of Tryon County entertained a special dread. In the communication of the Palatine Committee to that of Albany, therefore, cited a few pages back, it was suggested whether it would not be expedient to prevent the sending of powder and ammunition into the Mohawk Valley, unless consigned to the Committee, to be sold under their inspection. In conclusion, the Committee declared, that, although few in number, they were determined to let the world see who were, and who were not, attached to the cause of American liberty; and they closed by avowing their fixed determination, "to carry into execution every thing recommended by the Continental Congress, and to be free or die."

Three days after making this communication to their Albany brethren, that is to say on the 21st of May, the question whether Guy Johnson was or was not tampering with the Indians in anticipation of hostilities, was solved by an intercepted communication from Thayendanegea to the chiefs of the Oneida tribe. The letter, written in the Mohawk language, was found in an Indian path, and was supposed to have been lost by one of their runners. The following is a translation, being the earliest specimen extant of the composition of Brant.

"Written at Guy Johnson's, May, 1775

"This is your letter, you great ones or sachems. Guy Johnson says he will be glad if you get this intelligence, you Oneidas, how it goes with him now; and he is now more certain concerning the intention of the Boston people. Guy Johnson is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the Bostonians. We Mohawks are obliged to watch him constantly. Therefore we send you this intelligence, that you shall know it; and Guy Johnson assures himself, and depends upon your coming to his assistance, and that you will without fail be of that opinion. He believes not that you will assent to let him suffer. We therefore expect you in a couple of days time. So much at present. We send but so far as to you Oneidas, but afterward perhaps to all the other nations. We conclude, and expect that you will have concern about our ruler, Guy Johnson, because we are all united.

"(Signed) Aren Kannenzaron, Johannes Tegarihoge, Deyagodeaghnaweagh. "Joseph Brant Guy Johnson's Interpreter."

The surface of this intercepted despatch discloses nothing more than a desire, on the part of Guy Johnson, to strengthen his domestic forces for the protection of his person, in the event of any attempt to seize and carry him away. But the inhabitants allowed him no credit for sincerity. Information had been received from Canada, through the emissaries sent thither by the revolutionary leaders in Massachusetts, that secret agents of the Crown had been sent among the Six Nations, to stir them up against the Colonies.[FN-1] Hence the correspondence of the Massachusetts Congress with Mr. Kirkland and the Indians, already given; and hence, also, the increasing apprehension of the people, that the Indians were to be inflamed and let loose upon them. Such, consequently, was their distrust of Johnson, that they neither believed there was any design against his person, nor that he was laboring under any apprehension of the kind. There is no reason to doubt, however, that Guy Johnson did feel his position to be critical. General Schuyler had his eye upon him; and, beyond question, his every motion was so closely watched as to make him feel very uncomfortable.[FN-2]

[FN-1] Sparks.

[FN-2] "Watch the movements of the Indian agent, Colonel Guy Johnson, and prevent, so far as you can, the effect of his influence, to our prejudice, with the Indians."—Letter from Washington to Gen. Schuyler, June, 1775.

Evidence, indisputable, that such was the fact, is afforded in the correspondence annexed. The following letter was addressed, at about the same time, by Guy Johnson to the magistrates of the Upper Mohawk settlements:—

"Guy Park, May 20th, 1775.

"Gentlemen,

"I have lately had repeated accounts that a body of New Englanders, or others, were to come to seize and carry away my person and attack our family, under colour of malicious insinuations that I intended to set the Indians upon the people. Men of sense and character know that my office is of the highest importance to promote peace amongst the Six Nations, and prevent their entering into any such disputes. This I effected last year, when they were much vexed about the attack made upon the Shawanese, and I last winter appointed them to meet me this month to receive the answer of the Virginians. All men must allow, that if the Indians find their council fire disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadful revenge. It is therefore the duty of all people to prevent this, and to satisfy any who may have been imposed on, that their suspicions, and the allegations they have collected against me, are false, and inconsistent with my character and office. I recommend this to you as highly necessary at this time, as my regard for the interest of the country, and self-preservation, has obliged me to fortify my house, and keep men armed for my defence, till these idle and ridiculous reports are removed.

"You may lay this letter before such as are interested in these matters.

"I am. Gentlemen, Your Humble Servant, G. Johnson. "To the magistrates and others of Palatine, Canajoharie, and the Upper Districts." [FN]

[FN] This letter is transcribed from the original la the author's possession.

In view of these letters—the intercepted despatch from Joseph Brant and others to the Oneidas, and Johnson's letter to the Committee—the latter body adopted a series of resolutions, renewing their expressions of sympathy for the sufferings of their brethren in Massachusetts and the other Colonies; declaring their approbation of the proceedings of the New England Colonies in the existing crisis; denouncing the conduct of Colonel Johnson in keeping an armed force constantly about him, and stopping travelers upon the King's highway, "as arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable:" and declaring their determination "never to submit to any arbitrary acts of any power under heaven, or to any illegal and unwarrantable action of any man or set of men" whatever.

In addition to the before-mentioned intercepted letter, it was ascertained that already expresses had actually been sent to the upper tribes of the Six Nations, to invite them down to Guy Johnson's house. His own domestic army amounted to five hundred men, and he had now cut off all free communication between the upper Mohawk settlements and Albany. And although the districts of Palatine, Canajoharie, and the German Flats were sanctioning the proceedings of the Continental Congress with much unanimity, they were in a great measure unarmed and destitute of ammunition—not having more than fifty pounds of powder in the districts. Under these circumstances, the Committee wrote an urgent letter to Albany, representing their situation, and suggesting whether it might not be expedient to open the communication through the lower districts of the valley by force. They also advised the sending of two trusty messengers, well acquainted with the Indian language, to the upper nations, to dissuade them, if possible, from obeying the summons of Guy Johnson, and to enlighten them in respect of the true nature and causes of the quarrel with the King's government.

This letter was despatched by express, and the Albany Committee replied on the following day, advising their friends of the upper districts that they had no ammunition to spare, and dissuading them from any attempt to re-open the communication by force. That project was accordingly abandoned; but the Committee sent four of its members to Albany, to gain information as to the condition of the country generally, and with instructions to procure a quantity of powder and lead—the Committee holding itself responsible for the purchase money. Meantime they pushed their measures of internal organization with great energy and success, establishing sub-committees wherever it was expedient, and assuming the exercise of legislative, judicial, and executive powers. Secret articles for mutual succour and defence were prepared, and very generally signed by the Whigs; and threats having been uttered by Guy Johnson, that unless the Committees desisted from the course they were pursuing, he would seize and imprison certain of their number, they solemnly bound themselves to rescue any who might thus be arrested, by force, "unless such persons should be confined by legal process, issued upon a legal ground, and executed in a legal manner."

It is here worthy, not only of special note, but of all admiration, how completely and entirely these border-men held themselves amenable, in the most trying exigencies, to the just execution of the laws. Throughout all their proceedings, the history of the Tryon Committees will show that they were governed by the purest dictates of patriotism, and the highest regard to moral principle. Unlike the rude inhabitants of most frontier settlements, especially under circumstances when the magistracy are, from necessity, almost powerless, the frontier patriots of Tryon County were scrupulous in their devotion to the supremacy of the laws. Their leading men were likewise distinguished for their intelligence; and while North Carolina is disputing whether she did not in fact utter a declaration of independence before it was done by Congress, by recurring to the first declaration of the Palatine Committee, noted in its proper place, the example may almost be said to have proceeded from the Valley of the Mohawk.

Simultaneously with his letter to the magistracy of the upper districts, Guy Johnson had despatched another of the same purport, but entering more into detail, to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the cities of Albany and Schenectady, of which the following is a copy. The date is wanting:—

"Gentlemen,

"As the peace and happiness of the country are objects which every good man should have at heart, I think it highly necessary to acquaint you that for a few days I have been put to the great trouble and expense of fortifying my house, and keeping a large body of men for the defence of my person, &c.; having received repeated accounts that either the New Englanders, or some persons in or about the city of Albany or town of Schenectady, are coming up, to a considerable number, to seize and imprison me on a ridiculous and malicious report that I intend to make the Indians destroy the inhabitants, or to that effect. The absurdity of this apprehension may easily be seen by men of sense; but as many credulous and ignorant persons may be led astray, and inclined to believe it, and as they have already sent down accounts, examinations, &c. from busy people here, that I can fully prove to be totally devoid of all foundation, it has become the duty of all those who have authority or influence, to disabuse the public, and prevent consequences which I foresee with very great concern, and most cordially wish may be timely prevented. Any difference in political ideas can never justify such extravagant opinions; and I little imagined that they should have gained belief amongst any order of people, who know my character, station, and the large property I have in the country, and the duties of my office, which are to preserve tranquility among the Indians, hear their grievances, &c. and prevent them from falling upon the trade and frontiers. These last were greatly threatened by the Indians, on account of the disturbances last year between the Virginians and the Shawanese, during which my endeavours prevented the Six Nations from taking a part that would have possibly affected the public; and I appointed last Fall that the Six Nations should come to me this month, in order to receive, amongst other things, final satisfaction concerning the lands said to be invaded by the Virginians, who have now sent me their answer. In the discharge of this duty, I likewise essentially served the public; but should I neglect myself and be tamely made prisoner, it is clear to all who know any thing of Indians, they will not sit still and see their council fire extinguished, and superintendent driven from his duty, but will come upon the frontiers in revenge, with a power sufficient to commit horrid devastation. It is, therefore, become as necessary to the public as to myself, that my person should be defended; but as the measures I am necessitated to take for that purpose may occasion the propagation of additional falsehoods, and may at last appear to the Indians in a light that is not for the benefit of the public, I should heartily wish, gentlemen, that you could take such measures for removing these apprehensions, as may enable me to discharge my duties, (which do not interfere with the public,) without the protection of armed men and the apprehension of insult; and as the public are much interested in this, I must beg to have your answer as soon as possible.

"I am, Gentlemen, Your most humble Servant, G. Johnson. [FN] "To the Magistrates and Committee of Schenectady, and to the Mayor, Corporation, &c. of Albany. To be forwarded by the former."

[FN] This letter has been copied from the original, found by the author among the old papers in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany.

To this letter the municipality of Albany promptly replied, expressing their conviction that the reports were utterly groundless, and that they had been originated for the purpose of awakening hostile feelings in the minds of the Indians. They also gave the Colonel an admonitory hint that he need be apprehensive of no indignity upon his person, or injury to his property, so long as he studied to promote the peace and welfare of the country, by executing his duties as superintendent of the Indians "with an honest heart." In conclusion, they exhorted him to use all means in his power to tranquilize the Indians, by assuring them that the reports were without any just foundation, and "that nothing would afford his Majesty's subjects in general a greater satisfaction than to be, and continue with them, on the strictest terms of peace and friendship."

On the whole, however, there is no good reason to doubt that Guy Johnson was, in reality, apprehensive of a clandestine visit from the Yankees, and possibly of an abduction. The great influence of his official station, and his equivocal conduct, had created universal distrust; and the affair of the "Tea Party" had taught the loyalists, that the Bostonians were as adroit and fearless in stratagem as in deeds of open daring and bold emprise. Before the receipt of the preceding letters, moreover, it was well understood that he had arrested and searched the persons of two New Englanders, suspicious, as it was inferred, and probably not without reason, that they had been despatched on a mission to the Indians, with whom it was policy to prevent any communication, save through his own interposition. Nor could he be ignorant of the fact, that at that critical conjuncture, the possession of his person might be of as much consequence to those who were on the verge of rebellion, as of detriment to the service in which his predilections would probably induce him to engage.

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