Geographically, and to some extent climatically, the three peninsulas of the Mediterranean Sea, the Iberian, Italian, and the Balkan, are situated alike. Their people, if not in race, are in temper and characteristics, and in their political economy more or less alike. They represent the oldest civilization in Europe, and in their long history have been frequently in collision with each other. Their forests, through centuries of abuse, are wherever accessible, in poorest condition. Long-continued political disturbances, which have prevented peaceful development, and poverty, have been the greatest hindrances to economic reforms like the recuperation of forests, which require sacrifices. Ancient rights of user, and the necessity of politicians to respect them are also responsible for the fact that, while praiseworthy attempts in legislation have been made, execution has been usually lagging behind.

The accessibility to sea, permitting readily importation, the temperate climate, the simple life and abstemiousness of the people, and the lack of industrial development have made the deficiency of wood material less felt than it would otherwise be, but the detrimental influence of forest destruction is being repeatedly experienced in floods and drouths.

There is probably no more potent cause of forest devastation in all this section of the world than the pasturing of the woods, especially with sheep and goats.

While Italy is now a united country, and only two peoples, Spain and Portugal, occupy the Iberian peninsula, the Balkan peninsula is occupied by eight separate peoples, if we include all the country south of the Danube River and East of the Carpathian Mountains.

TURKISH AND SLAVISH TERRITORIES.

The Turks for centuries warred with, had under vassalage or otherwise controlled, and misruled all the Slavish States, as well as Macedonia and Greece—a territory of around 170,000 square miles and 16,000,000 people—until, by the Congress of Berlin (1878), ending the Russo-Turkish war, these States were recognized as independent kingdoms, namely Bulgaria, Servia, Montenegro, Roumelia, and Roumania, while Bosnia-Hercegovina was placed under Austrian administration (see page 155 and 166).

With the exception of Roumania, these people are still in the lower stages of civilization, the countries undeveloped, the forest still serves largely for the mast and pasturage, probably less than 24 per cent. of the country being forest covered, mostly with deciduous trees, oak, beech and walnut, etc.

Roumania alone has systematically taken advantage of her freedom from Turkish rule in developing a modern civilization, and can also boast the beginning of a forestry system.

Roumelia, comprising Macedonia, Albania and Thrace, the Turkish possessions in Europe, with 67,000 square miles and 5,000,000 people, contain large areas of untouched forest (not less than 5,000,000 acres in Macedonia alone[10]) with valuable oak and walnut, which have remained unused owing to their inaccessibility and the undesirability of developing them under Turkish rule. Where accessible, the forest is maltreated or destroyed.

Bulgaria, to which, in 1885, East Roumelia was attached, represents now 38,000 square miles and over 4,000,000 people, independent under a German prince as king since 1879. The forest area[11] of 7.5 million acres (30 per cent. of the land area), mostly deciduous (oak, beech, walnut, etc.), and largely confined to the mountains, is one-half in communal ownership, one-sixth in private hands, mostly small woodlots, and one-third State property; but ownership rights are still much in doubt, and until 1869 the State forests were freely open to the use of all, when some sort or regulation of the cut according to the needs of different communities was attempted. Since within 10 years such rights of user establish ownership, endless litigation has resulted, until in 1883 a law was enacted ordering the stoppage of rights of user, substituting money payment (10 per cent. of value), and another restricting the diameter to which the most valuable export timber, walnut, may be cut. Changes in detail were made in 1897, but political exigencies, absence of an adequate organization, and other undeveloped conditions have largely prevented enforcement of these laws, and rough exploitation continues in spite of the nominal State control.

Owing to inaccessibility of many of the agricultural districts to the wooded mountains, a large import was necessary, but lately export almost equals the import, and indeed the export of walnut has increased fourteenfold in a few years. The forest administration is vested in a bureau under the Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, with a chief, an inspector general, and two assistant chiefs. When it is stated that in 1905 the entire budget for forestry was $150,000, the inefficiency of the service is apparent.

Servia, a kingdom with 19,000 square miles and 2,000,000 people, has over 42 per cent. (five million acres—according to others only 32%) still in untouched forest, with valuable oak and walnut, the forest being mainly used for hograising. Over 36% is State forest, over 43% communal and institutional forest, leaving about 20% in private hands; but, just as in Bulgaria, property conditions are still somewhat unsettled. Like Bulgaria also on account of the uneven distribution of forest area, lack of transportation and systematic development—a large part of the population are more cheaply supplied by importation, which amounts to near one million dollars. Curiously enough, by the law of 1891 only the wood cut from State and church forests could be exported free of duty. This export duty was abolished in 1904, and the first attempt was made by the Minister of Agriculture to bring order into the forest administration by importing German foresters.

The law of 1891, with various subsequent additions and changes, placed private forest property located on exposed mountain slopes or on shifting sands, or on bogsoils under government surveillance, and relieved plantations made under direction of the government of taxes for 10 years.

Roumania,[12] with 50,000 square miles and nearly 6,000,000 people, under the capable administration of a Hohenzollern prince, King Charles, was in Roman times as Dacia felix one of the most prosperous provinces, half of it hilly and mountainous, the other half in the rich alluvial valley of the Danube, now largely deforested. The hill and mountain country was until the end of the eighteenth century still well wooded. A rapid depletion then took place by the demands of the Turkish markets, until now not quite 17 per cent. (according to others 18 or 20 per cent.) of the area is forested, and multifarious rights of user, which made commons of the woods, have naturally led to widespread devastation in the accessible parts. In 1847, the National Assembly attempted regulation of the cut and of the rights of user, but with little effect. In 1894, the total area had decreased to less than 5 million acres (according to others 6.7 million acres), of which two-fifths is in private hands, two-fifths State property and Royal forest (formerly, until 1863, in the hands of the monks), the small balance belonging to communities and institutes. In the higher mountains, fir and spruce with some pine and larch form the forest; but broadleaf forest, especially oak and beech is the prevailing type occupying the middle altitudes and the hill country. The private forest of small owners is being rapidly depleted, only the State forest and that of large proprietors being in good condition.

In 1863, when the cloister property was secularized and taken over by the state, the rights of user in this property were suspended, and sales at auction to contractors were inaugurated, under condition that a certain number of seed trees per acre be left. There was little enforcement of this rule.

The first comprehensive law organizing the State property and inaugurating a protective policy was enacted in 1881. This law recognized State, Royal and Communal property as of public concern, and also placed such private property under supervision as was situated on steep slopes, near watercourses, and near the boundaries (of strategic importance). These areas, coming under the protective policy, comprise 84 per cent. of the whole forest area. They were not to be cleared except by special permit, and not to be exploited except under specially approved working plans.

In 1885, three French foresters were called in to organize a State forest department and to inaugurate the making of working plans. The personnel (25 inspectors and 89 district officers) being insufficient, and wood prices low (the income from state property being not over $400,000), the progress of the work was slow. Although, in 1894, the income had doubled, the administrative forces had not been enlarged to any great extent (137 foresters of various grades), and by that time only 150,000 acres had been brought under working plans. By 1900, about 200,000 acres of State property, or 14 per cent., and 500,000 acres of private forest, or 22 per cent., were organized in some fashion. Lack of means of transportation, however, prevents a really well regulated management. Altogether only 65 per cent. of the State property is accessible so that it can be worked, and the working plans consist mainly in leaving a number of seed trees.

In 1889, a Forestry Association (Progressul Silvic) was formed, which with its organ, Revista pÂdurilor, pushes the propaganda. In 1890, an energetic Minister of Domains, Carp, sought strenuously to bring improvement into the situation. A budget of $500,000 for foresters’ dwellings was secured to bring the forest managers into closer contact with their charges, a planting fund of $100,000, later increased to $140,000 per annum, was voted, and reforestation and reclamation of sand dunes was begun. A forest improvement fund was inaugurated in 1892 by setting aside 2 per cent. of the gross forest yield. But, in the political struggles, Carp’s party was displaced, and, depression in agricultural prosperity causing financial distress, an era of increased exploitation followed, so that the export of forest products, largely cooperage, (mainly to Greece, Italy and France) which had been declining to less than half, rose again to about four million dollars annually. The financial embarrassment of the State led even to a proposition to sell State forests, but, before contracts for this purpose were consummated, relief came and the danger was averted.

The State cuts about 22,000 acres annually, yielding about $1,000,000, the administration costing (in 1903) $240,000, leaving a net yield of 30 cents per acre. In 1898, the Forest Department, in the Direction of Domains under the Ministry of Agriculture consisted of a Forest Director with 156 foresters academically educated (mostly in France, and since 1892 in the Agricultural Institute at Bucharest), and over 2,500 underforesters and guards. Of some 30,000 acres of sand dunes, one-half belonging to the State, about 18,000 acres have been recovered by planting Black Locust, and some 9,000 acres of plains country have been reforested, for which 330 acres of nurseries furnish the material. In spite of all these efforts, excessive pasturing, although forbidden in the State forest, and fires continue to devastate the property.

Private forestry is, of course, much less developed; yet some large properties (Princess Schoenburg, with 20,000 acres) are under efficient German forest management. Here, money is spent on developing means of transportation, and a better revenue is secured than in State forests.

GREECE.

Dr. Chloros, WaldverhÄltnisse Griechenlands. Thesis for the Doctorate at Munich. 1884. 45 pp.

Anderlind, Mittheilungen Über die WaldverhÄltnisse Griechenlands. Allgemeine Forst- und Jagdzeitung. 1884.

The history of the country has been so unfortunate, and political conditions so unsettled that only lately efforts at improvement in economic conditions could hope to receive attention. For centuries after Greece had become a Roman province (146 B.C.), it changed rulers, Romans, Byzantines, Franks, Venetians following each other, until, between 1460 and 1473, it came under the Turkish yoke. As a result of an insurrection started in 1821, freedom, but no settled order as yet, was attained in 1829 through the assistance of Great Britain, France and Russia, and the elected kings, Otho (of Bavaria), Alfred (of England) and George (of Denmark) successively tried to secure social order and efficient constitutional government.

By the time this new era had arrived there was probably little valuable forest worthy of the name left, except in the inaccessible mountain districts.

1. Forest Conditions.

Although certain districts, like Attica, were already practically denuded in Plato’s time, there is little doubt that originally the whole of Greece with small exceptions was a continuous forest. The destruction of the forest, protected by thousands of gods and nymphs in holy groves, proceeded slowly under the regime of the ancient Greeks, until the fanaticism of the Christian religion led to a war against these pagan strongholds, and the holy groves were reduced by axe and fire. Turkish misrule for centuries, over-taxation, reckless cutting, extensive herding of goats and sheep, and fires have reduced the forest area until now it occupies only 12 or 14 per cent. of the land area (25,000 square miles). In 1854, a survey developed about 2 million acres of woodlands (probably an excessive figure) for the now 2.5 million people, while 67 per cent. of the surface is a useless waste, and only 20 per cent. under cultivation, so that the general aspect of the country is desolate. The many islands are entirely deforested, and so are the seashores. “Where in olden times dense shady poplars stood, now only infertile sand and dreary rock waste remain.”

The forest in northern and middle Greece is confined to the two rugged mountain ranges with numerous spurs which run parallel, north and south, with Mt. Olympus (nearly 9,000 feet) and Mt. Pindus (6,000 feet) the highest elevations. The large fertile plains of Thessaly and Boeotia are forestless. So is the large Arcadian plateau of the Peloponnesus, and the other smaller, hot but fertile plains and plateaus. The most valuable conifer forest is found on the higher ranges between the 2,500 and 5,000 foot level, below the snow-clad mountain tops, where especially two species of fir, Abies Apollinis and Abies reginÆ Amaliae (a species remarkable for its sprouting habit), with other firs and several species of Juniperus and Cupressus, form sometimes extensive forests. Other common trees are chestnut, sycamore, several species of oak and poplar, and, on the coast, Pinus halepensis.

The firs occupy about 35 per cent. of the forest area, oaks and deciduous forest 45 per cent. Among the forest products which are exported, we find galls, vermillion and sumach prominent.

It is believed that Greece in ancient times was more fertile than it is now, and that the deterioration is due to deforestation. Undoubtedly soil conditions favored such deterioration, for, with the exception of the Pindus range, which is composed of metamorphic rock, a poor, dry limestone is characteristic of the country except where fertile, alluvial and diluvial deposits cover it in valleys along the coast. The climate is, however, so favorable that even the poor soil would readily reclothe itself if left alone. The winters are short, hardly three months, and with hardly any snow or ice except on the high mountains, making the vegetative period nine months; and, with temperature ranges from 20 to 106 degrees F.; rainfall average 400 mm.; the summers, to be sure, rainless and dry, but the other seasons humid, somewhat less than in middle Europe, rapid growth is the result of these conditions. But the continued pasturing of goats and sheep—some six million—prevents any natural reforestation. Increased taxation on this industry has had no effect, and the practice of permitting the people to gather dry wood for fuel is an incentive for making dry wood by setting fires, which also serve to improve the pasture; perhaps nowhere are forest fires more frequent, in spite of heavy penalties. That a baneful influence on the water condition and river flow has been the result is historically demonstrated by Chloros.[13]

In the mountains some fine and quite extensive bodies of fir still exist, lack of transportation having preserved them. Elsewhere the rights of user, and the herding of goats are so well established that reforms appear, indeed, difficult.

Firewood, 3 loads for each person, supposed to be taken from the dead or otherwise useless trees, and small dimension material is free to all. For the right to cut workwood, the government charges a tax of 25 to 30 per cent. of the value of the material, the price for this being annually determined. On the material cut in private forests, the government also levies a tax of from 12 to 18 per cent. of its value. This pernicious system of promiscuous cutting leads to the most wasteful use imaginable, not only high stumps, but large amounts of good material are left in the woods so that it is estimated that hardly 50 per cent. of what is cut is really utilized. The cut, as far as the tax gives a clue to it, amounts to around 2.7 million cubic feet workwood, but with the firewood included it was estimated that near 90 million cubic feet are cut annually. Importation to the amount of 1.5 million dollars, mostly from Austria and Roumania, makes up the deficit in work material, especially for the box factories which manufacture the packages for the large export of currants, some 2 million boxes. The tax during the decade from 1862 to 1871 produced an annual income of $600,000, a little less in 1895.

The forest has been from olden times, and is now almost entirely, State property (some 80 or 90 per cent.) and in nearly all the remaining, private, communal and cloister property the State has a partial ownership or supervision. The waste land of probably 3 million acres extent also belongs to the State, the whole State property covering over 30 per cent. of the land area.

2. Development of Forest Policies.

A first definite attempt to regulate matters was made by Otho, who being a German, took a personal interest in this forest property, and instituted for each province forest inspectors (dasarchys) under one chief inspector, with forest guards, to prevent devastation by fire and theft. The mistake was made of employing in these positions superannuated Bavarian army officers, who were merely a burden on the treasury. No management or even regular fellings were attempted. The population could, as before, supply its needs upon permits, always granted, from the governor of the province, one of the forest guards being supposed to vise these, and to see that the wood was properly employed, not, however, to supervise the cutting.

In 1877, further legislation was had, instituting in the Ministry of Finance, a forest inspector, technically trained, with two assistant inspectors, also technically trained, to superintend the outside work. A forest survey was begun in 1879, but interrupted in 1880 for lack of funds and personnel. The same law placed the duty of guarding the State property in the hands of the general police or gendarmerie, 50 officers and some 340 guards, and during the fire danger (June to October) 110 more, being detailed for this service under direction of the Minister of War. The pernicious permit system, however, was continued.

Dr. Chloros, who obtained his education in Germany, became finally Forest Director and was responsible for securing further legislation in 1888, the object of which was, as a first step towards improvement, to survey and delimit and round off the State property. It provided that enclaves, and all absolute forest soil was to be expropriated. If no amicable agreement with the owner could be reached, the price was to be determined by the net yield which had been obtained from the property during the last five years, capitalized at 5 per cent. No attempts, however, at an efficient organization or change of the destructive permit system were made.

By general law, the State has the right to surveillance of private property, although the extent of this right is not fully defined. The government may take for its own use, by paying for it, upwards of one-sixth of the annual cut; it collects a tax of 12 to 18 per cent. for all woodwork cut; it forbids the pasturing of woods that have been burned within 10 years, and obliges all owners of over 1200 acres to employ forest guards. This and other interference with property rights naturally acts as deterrent to private forest management. A notable exception is the small private royal forest property near Athens, which, since 1872 under a Danish forester, appears to have been managed under forestry principles.

A thorough re-organization of the forest service was effected in 1893, when 20 district foresters were employed, the number of forest inspectors was increased to four, and a regular Division of Forestry was instituted in the Finance Department. The general police or gendarmerie was continued as forest guards. Until a native personnel could be educated by sending young men to Germany, foreigners were to be employed for the making of working plans.

Yet in 1896, the then Director of the Forest Department, a lawyer, still complains of the absence of a proper organization and of any personnel with forestry knowledge. Apparently no progress had been made. In that year, however, the gendarmerie was to be replaced by forest guards (52 superior and 298 subaltern) who were to be appointed from graduates of a special secondary school, which had been instituted at Vytina some two years before. This replacement could, of course, not be effected at once, since hardly more than 25 men could be graduated annually; hence even this improvement in the lower class police would not be completed for six or eight years. No steps had been taken to educate officers for the higher grades, and in this direction, propositions merely were discussed.

In 1899, a change in the permit system was made, but hardly for the better, justices of the peace being empowered, under certain conditions, to issue such permits. Nor do we find in 1901 anything more than expressions of good wishes, and desire for further legislation, besides some attempts at popular education through the formation of tree-planting associations under the patronage of the Crown Princess. In 1905 no change in conditions are reported. Forest fires still continue as a common occurrence.

While the government makes efforts to improve conditions, the indifference, stupidity, cupidity, and malevolence of the people, and the long established abuses prevent rapid progress at reform.

ITALY.

Bolletino ufficiale per l’amminstrazione forestale Italiana.

Direzione generale dell’ Agricoltora: Relazione interno all’ amministrazione dei boschi domaniali inalienabili.

Various essays by Prof. Vittorio Perona of Vallambrosa in German magazines; notably in Allgemeine Forst- und Jagdzeitung, 1882, 1888.

Archeologia forestale. Dell’ antica storia e giurisprudenza forestale in Italia. A. Di Berenger. 1859.

Maffei, Revista forestale.

Italy. By Prof. W. Deeke. 1904.

Il rimboschimento dello Appennino meridionale, by Luigi Savastano, 1893. An exceedingly well written popular treatise on silviculture, which gives also briefly insight into forest conditions and forest practices.

I boschia e la nostra politica Italiana, by Bertagnolli, 1889.

Italia moderna. 1904, article by Lunadoni.

The efforts to secure improvement in the treatment of forest resources have been more active and strenuous in Italy than in Greece. They were induced especially by the urgent need of protecting watersheds, the rivers throughout Italy having been turned into torrents by deforestation. But, owing to the weakness of the government and to poverty, the actual execution of the very good laws has lagged behind. Indeed, while ample legislation has been enacted, the people, overburdened with debt, and needing the small income that can be derived from pasturing or renting the pasture in the woods, make it difficult to carry on any reform, and the enforcement of the laws has again and again led to serious trouble. “Forestry is a sore point in the national economy of Italy, as it involves sacrifice of money and time.” Italy, therefore, is still in the transition period from forestal rapine to forest culture.

Densely populated (33 million on 110,600 square miles), with fully one-fifth of its area unproductive, or at least unused, and one-quarter of this almost or quite beyond redemption, no country offers better opportunities for studying the evil effects of deforestation on soil and waterflow. As a result of the combination of geology (slates and limestones), topography (steep slopes), climate, and forest devastation or destruction, mainly by pasturage of goats (two million), the Italian rivers are invariably flooded in March and mostly dry in summer; the melting of the snow coinciding with the heavy spring rains turns them into raging torrents (fiumare), silting over the fertile lands in the valleys and occasional landslides in the mountain country, where extensive tracts are nearly bare of vegetation. Especially the rivers around Bologna, which in 1897 again caused damage in excess of one million dollars, are dreaded.

1. Forest Conditions.

Situated similarly to Greece as regards accessibility and climate, and similarly torn by wars and political strife, and in unstable conditions for centuries, Italy has in proportion to population, if not to area, reduced her forest resources even more than Greece; less than one-third of an acre per capita remains, with a total of somewhat over twelve million acres, or about 17 per cent. of the land area, and this includes much useless brushland, over 2 million acres. Apparently, if the uncertain statistics may be relied upon, a reduction of several million acres has taken place even since 1870. Some 15 million acres of waste land and swamps offer ample opportunity for increasing this forest area without infringing on the 42 million acres of usefully employed agricultural soil.

Of the forest area, 25 per cent. is to be found in the Alps, about 50 per cent. on the Apennines, the one mountain range which forms the backbone of Italy; less than one-quarter is distributed over the plains, and the small balance is found on the islands, especially Sicily, which is a hill and mountain country, once magnificently wooded, now largely denuded (4 per cent. wooded), and on Sardinia, which, with nearly 45 per cent. under forest, is the best wooded part of Italy, although the condition of the forest is here no better than elsewhere.

With the exception of the slopes of the Alps (2.5 million acres of spruce, fir, beech, larch), and the tops of the Apennines and remote plateaus (4.5 million acres), and of a few special places on which now and then even magnificent remnants of virgin forest may be found—lack of transportation having preserved them—most of the area is occupied by miserable brush forest, coppice or else open forest with scattered trees among a shrub undergrowth of thorns, hazel and chestnut (called macchia, i.e., chaparral), so that most Italians have never seen a real forest. Nevertheless, Italy is by no means as treeless as this condition of forest would imply, for trees (poplar, ash, elm) are dotting the plains and slopes, planted for vine supports and boundaries, unshapely through pollarding and lopping the branches for firewood. Olive and chestnut groves on the hills (of the former 2 million acres, of the latter over 400,000 acres planted for the fruit), and 8.5 million acres in vineyards add to the wooded appearance of the country and to the wood supply. The annual product of firewood from these planted trees is estimated at 6 million cords.

On the sand dunes and near the seashore, especially in the marshes, the Maritime, the Aleppo Pine, and the umbrella-shaped Pinus pinea, and picturesque Cypresses are sometimes found in small groves, while the calcareous hills in this region up to 1200 feet are studded with olives, cork and evergreen oak. Osier growing is here also quite extensively practiced. In the mountains, above the 2700 foot level, conifer forest, composed of Pinus silvestris and laricio, and Abies pectinata, has been reduced to less than 7 per cent. of the whole, mixed conifer and deciduous forest represents 4 per cent., the bulk being deciduous forest of oak (several species) and beech, with chestnut. Forty-eight per cent. of the forest area is in coppice (ceduo), and of the 52 per cent. of high forest, the bulk is managed under selection system (a scelta), a small part under clearing system (ad alto fusto), although management can hardly be said to exist except in small groves.

That supply of workwood is insufficient for the needs of the population, and is decreasing, is attested by the fact that the importations more than doubled in the decade from 1892 to 1903 to near 14 million dollars, 80 per cent. of which was saw material, in addition to 2 million dollars of wood manufactures, while nearly 5 million dollars’ worth was exported in the last named year, mostly cork, casks, thin box-boards, olive wood manufactures, and charcoal. No better picture of the forest conditions can be had than by a statement of the home production, which, in 1886, (last official data) was placed at 48 million cubic feet of workwood, valued at 3.4 million dollars, 223 million cubic feet firewood, valued at 4.1 million, 106 million cubic feet charcoal, worth 3.6 million, and by-products to the large amount of 6.4 million dollars, altogether a little less than 17.6 million dollars. Firewood and charcoal, which represent over 80 per cent. of the product, are, of course, furnished by coppice, and in addition by the pollarded material, almost the only fuel to be had.

The ownership of the forest area is for the greater part private (53 per cent.) and communal (over 43 per cent.), the State owning a little over 400,000 acres, less than 4 per cent. The State property being so small, supervision of communal and private forest has become the policy.

The State forest is of two classes, the alienable, under the Department of Finance, the larger part, about 375,000 acres, and the inalienable, so declared by law of 1871, which was then about 115,000 acres, and was placed under a forest administration in the Department of Agriculture; but of this about 20 per cent. is not forest, and even in 1896, some of this small area was sold so that now only 40,000 acres remain. This area is to serve for demonstration of model management, and to supply government needs. Beech and oak with fir, pine and larch, mostly in timber forest, characterize this property, which is managed mostly in selection system. Curiously enough, in 1888, the difficulty of disposing advantageously of the old timber is complained of, due to lack of means of transportation. The personnel of the administration consists of a central bureau with one Inspector General, three Inspectors, and a Council. For each province, and in some cases for two or more provinces together, an Inspector with several Sub-inspectors and a number of guards or brigadieri are charged with the management of the State property and the enforcement of the forest laws.

2. Development of Forest Policy.

For centuries, since the fall of the Roman Empire (476 A.D.) until the end of the eighteenth century, Italy has been the victim of war and strife with neighbors or within its borders, being divided into numberless commonwealths, almost each city being independent. Hence, no economic improvements could take place until, under the influences of the French Revolution, the regeneration period began. Not, however, until the seven or eight states, which the Congress of Vienna (1815) had established, were moulded into one united Italy under Victor Emmanuel, during the years 1859 to 1870, could an effective reconstruction be inaugurated.

It is true that some of the republics in earlier times paid attention to their forest property. Notably in Venice, old forest ordinances[14] date back to 697, and, in 1453, a regular forest administration was instituted, especially to take care of the large forest area in Istria and Dalmatia, which fell into the hands of the Venetians about 1420. A tolerably conservative management continued here until the beginning of the eighteenth century when, in consequence of political complications, supervision became lax, and devastation began which continued through the century, leaving to the new century, and finally to the Austrians, the legacy of the Karst (see p. 173).

Florence too, managed to prevent the deforestation of the summit of her mountains until the beginning of the eighteenth century, and in other republics, kingdoms and duchies, similar efforts at forest administration existed. Yet Genoa, which in Strabo’s time was the principal timber market of Italy, had by 1860 nearly all its mountain slopes denuded.

Before the general legislation for all Italy was enacted there were at least a dozen laws in operation in the various provinces; in Lombardy, the law of 1811; in Naples, the law of 1826; in Rome, of 1827; in Umbria, of 1805; in Bologna, of 1829; in Tuscany, of 1829; in Piedmont, of 1833; in Sardinia, of 1851; etc. If these had been heeded much better conditions would have been inherited by the new kingdom.

With the arrival of a national spirit, many schemes for the promotion of forestry and of forest policy were discussed. The academies of Florence, Milan, Modena, Palermo, and Pesaro offered premiums for reforesting of mountains, and called for popular treatises on silviculture. A forestry journal came into being, furthering the propaganda. In 1860 a very well written account of “Present Conditions of Forestry and Production of Sulphur in Sicily,” a collection of reports, was published by Shiro. In 1860 also, an investigation of forest conditions in each province was ordered by royal decree, and propositions for their improvement were called for, which led to legislative proposals, introduced in 1862, and legislation enacted in 1863.

The law of 1863 still treated each province independently: forest inspectors for each province, and for Naples an Inspector General, with district foresters and a large number of forest guards were appointed.

Another law, applicable only to certain parts of the Kingdom, was enacted in 1874, intended to check the progress of deforestation and prevent turning waste woodlands into pasture; these absolute forest soils were to be reforested within five years. The law remained a dead letter, yet it is still in force in part, with modifications enacted in 1886.

The final unification of the country as far as legislative unity is concerned, was completed in 1877, and in that year the first general forest law for all Italy was also enacted.

This law, which has mainly in view the protective influence of forest cover as a factor in the public welfare, leaving all private property not falling under the character of protection forest entirely free, established provincial forest commissions—conservation boards—unpaid, who were to enact rules and regulations best adapted to their localities. The Board of Commissioners consisted of the prefect of the province, ex-officio president; an inspector of forests, the technical officer who administers the government property; an engineer appointed by the governor; and three members chosen by the provincial council; in addition, each communal council was to send one member to take part in the deliberations of the board as far as his particular commune was interested.

By this law the country is divided into two sections vertically, namely the territory above the limit of chestnut, and that below this limit, the latter representing the farming country, the territory above being unfit for agricultural use. To the former the restrictions of the law apply as a rule (terreni soggetti al vincolo forestale—ban forest), to the latter, as exception, namely where the removal of forest or brush cover might cause landslides, or affect stream flow or health conditions unfavorably. The chestnut limit naturally varies in different parts, but, generally speaking, lies between 1,800 and 2,000 feet elevation. The determination of these areas was to be made by the provincial forest committees, and it is significant to note that in these the State forest administration did not have the majority.

The territory under restriction, was in 1887, after various revisions, established as comprising 7.5 million acres of forest and 2.5 million acres of brush and waste, nearly 71% of the forest area being thus placed under restriction; leaving 2.5 million acres of forest and over 2 million of brush and waste outside the working of the law; these latter areas are left entirely without restrictions, except as general police regulations apply. The execution of the law and regulations is left to the State Forest Department with an organization of forest guards (some 3,000 in 1883), appointed by the prefect of the province with the advice of the forestry commission, but acting under the State forest administration. Their pay was to come to the extent of two-thirds from the communes, the other third from the provincial treasurer.

In the forests placed under the law, clearing and agricultural use is forbidden. Fellings and cultures must be made under direction of the Committee. No compensation is made for this limitation in use except where hygienic influence was the basis for placing the forest under ban.

If the regulations of the commissions had been observed to their full extent, all would have been well in time, but it is evident from subsequent legislative efforts that the execution of the laws was not what could be desired. Political exigencies required leniency in the application of the law. An interesting report on the results of the first quinquennium shows that during that time 170,000 acres were cleared, over 40,000 without permission, and by 1900, it was estimated, deforestation had taken place on about 5 million acres.

Wrangling over the classification of the lands under ban has continued until the present, and local authorities have continued to favor private as against public interest, to withdraw lands from the operation, and to wink at disregard of the law. Moreover, rights of user to dead wood, pasturage (goats are by law excluded) and other privileges continued to prevent improvement, although several laws to effect their extinction had been passed.

The devastating floods of 1882 led to much agitation, and, upon a report of a special commission in 1886, the law of 1874, which had obligated the communities to reforest their waste lands within five years or else to sell, was revived, extending the term of obligatory reforestation in the endangered sections to ten years. By that time, out of 800,000 acres originally declared as requiring reforestation, not more than 40,000 acres had been planted, but the acreage involved had also been gradually scaled down by the forest committees to 240,000 acres. The report, on the other hand, found that the area needing reboisement was at least 500,000 acres, requiring an expenditure of 12 million dollars. The law of 1877 did not contemplate enforced reforestation of banforests; it sought to accomplish this by empowering either the Department of Agriculture or the provinces or the communities or special associations to expropriate for the purpose of reforestation. Results were nil.

A revision and broadening of the law led to the general reboisement act of 1888,[15] which has in view the correction of torrents, fixing of mountain slopes and sand dunes—one of the best laws of its kind in existence anywhere.

The principal features of the law are: obligatory reboisement of mountains and sand dunes according to plans, and under direction of the Department of Agriculture, the areas to be designated by the department, with approval or disapproval of the forest committees; contribution to the extent of two-fifths (finally raised to two-thirds) of the expense by the government; expropriation where owners do not consent, or fail to carry out the work as planned; right to reclaim property by payment of costs and interest, or else sale by government; right of the department to regulate and restrict pasture, but compensation to be paid to restricted owners; encouragement of co-operative planters’ associations. The area to be reforested was estimated at somewhat over 500,000 acres and the expense at over 7 million dollars.

The execution of the law was not any stricter than before. In 1900, the Secretary of Agriculture reports that “the laws do not yet receive effective application.” The difficulty of determining what is and what is not necessary to reforest, what is and what is not absolute forest soil made ostensibly the greatest trouble and occasioned delay, but financial incapacity and political influences bidding for popularity are probably the main cause of the inefficiency.

Meanwhile the forest department tried to promote reforestation by giving premiums from its scanty appropriation and distributing from its 130 acres of nurseries, during the years from 1867 to 1899, some 46 million plants and over 500 pounds of seed, and furnishing advice free of charge.

In 1897, again a commission was instituted to formulate new legislation. This commission reported in 1902, declaring that all accessible forests were more or less devastated, accentuating the needs of water management, and proposing a more rigorous definition of ban forests, a strict supervision of communal forests, and the management of private properties under working plans by accredited foresters or else under direct control of the forest department, the foresters to be paid by the State, which is to recover from the owners. It was found that in the past 35 years of the 125,000 acres needing reforestation urgently only 58,300 acres had been planted at an expense of $1,340,000.

In 1910, conditions seem not to have much improved, for again a vigorous attempt at re-organization and improvement on the law of 1877 was made by the Minister of Agriculture; so far without result.

It is to be noted that Italy is perhaps the only country where forest influence on health conditions was legally recognized, by the laws of 1877 and 1888. The belief that deforestation of the maremnae, the marshy lowlands between Pisa and Naples, had produced the malarial fever which is rampant here, led the Trappist monks of the cloister at Tre Fontane to make plantations of Eucalyptus (84,000) beginning in 1870, the State assisting by cessions of land for the purpose. A commission, appointed to investigate the results, in 1881, threw doubt on the effectiveness of the plantation, finding the observed change in health conditions due to improvement of drainage; and lately, the mosquito has been recognized as the main agency in propagating the fever. The new propositions, however, did not any more recognize this claimed influence as a reason for public intervention. Incidentally it may be stated that to two Italians is due the credit of having found the true cause of salubriousness of forest air, namely in the absence of pathogenic bacteria.

3. Education and Literature.

The first forest school was organized by Balestrieri, who had studied in Germany, at the Agricultural School near Turin about 1848, transferred to the Technical Institute in Turin in 1851. This school continued until 1869, and from 1863 on, had been recognized by the State, assuring its graduates employment in State service. In 1869, the State established a forest school of its own (Institute Forestale) at Vallambrosa near Florence, with a three years’ course (since 1886, four years) and, in 1900, with eleven professors and 40 students. In spite of the State subvention of $8,500, it appears that some peculiar economies are necessary, for owing to the absence of stoves the school is closed from Nov. 1 to March 1. In spite of the existence of this school, the State Service is recruited also from men who have not passed through this school.

The legislative propositions brought forward in 1910 also provide for transfer of this school to Florence, leaving only the experiment station in Vallambrosa, and also for raising the standard of instruction. At the same time, however, there was at the old institution ordered a “rush course” to be finished in 15 months, since it appeared that not enough foresters were in existence to carry out the proposed re-organization.

In 1905, a school of silviculture for forest guards was instituted in Cittaducale, the course being 9 months.

Besides the technical school at Vallambrosa, agricultural schools have chairs of forestry or arboriculture, as for instance the Royal school at Portici. As an educational feature, the introduction of Arbor Day, in 1902, la festa dei alberi, should also be mentioned.

The existence of a forest school naturally produces a literature. While a considerable number of popular booklets attempt the education of the people, who are the owners of the forest, there is no absence of professional works. Among these should be mentioned Di Berenger’s Selvicoltura, a very complete work, which also contains a brief history of forestry in the Orient, Greece and Italy. G. Carlos Siemoni’s Manuele d’arte forestale (1864), and the earlier Scienza selvana by Tondi (1829) are encyclopedias of inferior quality.

In 1859, R. Maffei, a private forester, began to publish the Revista forestale del regno d’ Italia, an annual review, for the purpose of popularizing forestry in Italy, afterwards changed into a monthly, which continued for some time under subventions from the government.

A number of propagandist forestry associations were formed at various times, publishing leaflets or journals, one of these L’Alpe, a monthly, in 1902. In 1910, the two leading societies combined into a federation Pro montibus ed enti affini, merging also the Rivista forestale italiana with L’Alpe, which serves both propagandist and professional needs.

SPAIN.

Revista de Montes, a semi-official journal, established in 1877, is the best source.

El Manuel de Legislacion y Administracion Forestal, by Hilario Ruiz, and Novisima Legislacion Forestal, by Del Campo, 1901, elaborate the complicated legislation up to 1894.

Dicionaro Hispano-Americano, 1893, contains an article (montes) on the administrative practice of the forest laws.

A Year in Spain, by a young American (Slidell) 1829, gives an excellent account of physical conditions of the country and character of the people at that time.

Das Moderne Geistesleben in Spanien, 1883, and Kulturgeschichtliche und Wirtschaftspolitische Betrachtungen, 1901, by Gustav Dierks, details character of institutions and people.

“Poor Spain” is the expression which comes to the lips of everybody who contemplates the economic conditions of this once so powerful nation, almost the ruler of the world. Once, under the beneficent dominion of the Saracens, a paradise where, as a Roman author puts it, “Nil otiosum, nihil sterile in Hispania,” it has become almost a desert through neglect, indolence, ignorance, false pride, lack of communal spirit, despotism of church, and misrule by a corrupt bureaucracy.

With the exception of a narrow belt along the seashore, the whole of the Iberian peninsula is a vast high mesa, plateau or tableland, 1,500 to 3,000 feet above sea level, traversed by lofty mountain chains, or sierras, five or six in number, running parallel to each other, mainly in a westerly and southwesterly direction. These divide the plateau into as many plains, treeless, and for the most part, arid, exposed to cold blasts in winter, and burning up in summer. They are frequently subjected to severe droughts, which sometimes have lasted for months, bringing desolation to country and people. The rivers, as they usually do in such countries similar to our arid plains, form caÑons and arroyos, and, being uncertain in their water stages, none of them are navigable although hundreds of miles long, but useful for irrigation, on which agriculture relies. The great mineral wealth had made Spain the California of the Carthaginians and Romans, and it is still its most valuable resource.

Spain awakened to civilization through the visits of Phoenicians and Carthaginians followed by the Romans. During the first centuries of the Christian era there occurred one of the several periods of extreme prosperity, when a supposed population of 40 million exploited the country. After the dark days of the Gothic domination, a second period of prosperity was attained for the portion which came under the sway of the industrious and intelligent Moors or Saracens (711 to 1,000 A.D.) who made the desert bloom, and whose irrigation works are still the mainstay of agriculture at present. Centuries of warfare and carnage to re-establish Christian kingdoms still left the country rich, when, in 1479, the several kingdoms were united into one under Ferdinand and Isabella, and the Moors were finally driven out altogether (1492). This kingdom persisted in the same form to the present time with only a short period as a republic (1873). Spain was among the first countries to have a constitution.

After the Conquest of the Moors, and with the discovery of America, again a period of prosperity set in for the then 20 million people, but, through oppression by State and Church (Inquisition), which also led to the expulsion of the Jews and large emigration to America, the prosperity of the country was destroyed, the population reduced to 10 million in 1800, and the conditions of character and government created which are the cause of its present desolation. Since the beginning of the century, the population has increased to near 18 million, but financial bankruptcy keeps the government inefficient and unable to accomplish reforms even if the people would let it have its way.

1. Forest Conditions.

It has been a matter of speculation whether Spain was, or was not, once heavily wooded (see page 11). In Roman times, only the Province of La Manca is reported as being unforested, and, in the 13th and 14th centuries, extensive forest zones are still recorded. The character of the country at present, and the climate, both resembling so much our own arid plains, make it questionable to what extent the forest descended from the mountain ranges, which were undoubtedly well wooded.

At present the forest is mainly confined to the higher mountains. The best is to be found in the Pyrenees and their continuation, the Cantabrian mountains.

The area of actual forest (bosques) is not known with precision, since in the official figures mere potential forest, i.e., brush and waste land, is included (montes), and the area varies, i.e., diminishes through new clearings, of which the statistics do not keep account. Moreover, the statistics refer only to the “public forests,” leaving out the statement of private forest areas, if any.

In 1859, this area was reported as over 25 million acres or 20 per cent. of the land area (196,000 square miles); in 1885, the acreage had been reduced to about 17.5 million acres; and, in 1900, about 16 million acres, or 13 per cent. of the land area remained as public forest, and the total was estimated at somewhat over 20 million acres.

The following peculiar classification, published in 1874, gives (in round figures) at once an insight into the meaning of montes, and the probable condition of the “public forest” area:

An estimate of the actual forest (timber and coppice), does not exceed 12 million acres for a population of 18 million, or .7 acres per capita. The latest official figures claim as State property around 600,000 acres, and municipal institutional property 11.5 million acres; these constituting the public forests. According to official classification, these public forests are to the extent of 5.3 million acres high forest, 3 million coppice, the balance brushwoods.

In spite of this evident lack of wood material, except for firewood or charcoal, the importations in 1903 did not exceed 13.5 million dollars, accentuating the absence of industrial development. The official statement of imports reports 6.5 million dollars more than the above figure, but this includes horses and cattle enumerated as forest products—products of the “montes.” These also figure in the exportations of 15 million dollars, which to the extent of one-half consists of cork (some 5 million dollars from 630,000 acres) and tanbark, while chestnuts, filberts and esparto furnish the balance. In 1908, the imports of lumber and staves alone amounted to $7,382,000.

In 1882, all the public forests produced from wood sales only $900,000, but the value of the products taken by rights of user was estimated at nearly twice that amount. In 1910, the average income of the forest service was reported as having averaged for the decade in the neighborhood of 2 million dollars, and the expense approximately 1 million, a net yield of about 30 cents per acre on the area involved resulting, the total cut being 5.7 million cubic feet annually.

The forest flora and its distribution is very similar to that of Italy, and is described fully in two volumes prepared by a special commission appointed for this purpose.

2. Development of Forest Policy.

Spain is noted for its comprehensive legislation without execution; it is also known that official reports are rarely trustworthy, so that what appears on paper is by no means always found in reality, hence all statements must be accepted with reservations.

The forest laws of Spain are somewhat similar to those of Italy, yet show less appreciation of the needs of technical forest culture. The value of forest resources and need of economy in their use was, indeed, recognized early. Recommendations for their conservative use are recorded from the 13th century on. An ordinance of Pedro I, in 1351, imposed heavy fines upon forest destroyers. Ferdinand V, in 1496, expressed alarm at the progressing devastation, and, in 1518, we find a system of forest guards established, and even ordinances ordering reforestation of waste lands, which were again and again repeated during the century. In 1567 and 1582, notes of alarm at the continuing destruction prove that these ordinances had no effect. The same complaints and fears are expressed by the rulers during the 17th and 18th centuries, without any effective action. In 1748, Ferdinand VI placed all forests under government supervision, but in 1812, the Cortes of Cadiz, under the influence of the spirit of the French Revolution, rescinded these orders and abolished all restrictions.

An awakening to the absolute necessity of action seems not to have arrived until about 1833, when a law was enacted and an ordinance issued, at great length defining the meaning of “montes,” and instituting in the Corps of Civil Engineers a forest inspection. At the same time, a special school was to be established in Madrid. This last proposition does not seem to have materialized, for, in 1840, we find that several young men were sent to the forest school at Tharandt (Germany).

No doubt, under the influence of these men on their return, backed by La Sociedad Economica of Madrid, a commission to formulate a forest law was instituted in 1846, and in the same year, carrying out ordinances of 1835 and 1843, a forest school was established at Villaviciosa de Odon, later (1869) transferred to the Escurial near Madrid. This school, under semi-military organization, first with a three-year, later a four-year, course, and continually improved and enlarged in its curriculum (one Director and 13 professors in 1900), is the pride of the Spanish foresters, to all appearances deservedly so. It was organized after German models by Bernardo della Torre Royas as first Director.

The creation of a forest department, however, Cuerpo de Montes, had to wait until 1853. This department, under the Minister of Public Works (now under the Minister of Agriculture), is a close corporation made up of the graduates of the school as Ingenieros de Montes, acceptance into which is based upon graduation and four years’ service in the forest department as assistants besides the performance of some meritorious work. The school stands in close relation to the department service.

The first work of the new administration was a general forest survey to ascertain conditions, and especially to determine which of the public forests, under the laws of 1855 and 1859, it was desirable to retain. The investigation showed that there was more forest (defined as in the above classification) than had been supposed, but that it was in even worse condition than had been known. The public forests, i.e., those owned by the State, the communities and public institutions, were divided into three classes according to the species by which formed, which was the easiest way of determining their location as regards altitude, and their public value; namely, the coniferous forest and deciduous oak and chestnut forests, which were declared inalienable; the forests of ash, alder, willow, etc., naturally located in the lower levels, therefore without interest to the state, which were declared salable; and an intermediate third class composed of cork oak and evergreen oak, whose status as to propriety of sale was left in doubt. In 1862, a revision of this classification left out this doubtful class, adding it and the forest areas of the first class which were not at least 250 acres in extent to the salable property. The first class, which was to be reserved, was found to comprise nearly 17 million acres (of which 1.2 million was owned by the State), while the salable property was found to be about half that area.

Ever since, a constant wrangle and commotion has been kept up regarding the classification, and repeated attempts, sometimes successful, have been made by one faction, usually led by the Minister of Finance, to reduce the public forest area (desamortizadoro), opposed by another faction under the lead of the forest administration, which was forced again and again to re-classify. In 1883, the alienable public forest area was by decree placed under the Minister of Finance, the inalienable part remaining under the Minister of Public Works (Fomento); very much the same as it was in the United States until recently. The public debt and immediate financial needs of the corporations gave the incentive for desiring the disposal of forest property, and, to satisfy this demand, it was ordered, in 1878, that all receipts from the State property and 20 per cent. of the receipts from communal forests were to be applied towards the extinguishment of the debt.

The ups and downs in this struggle to keep the public forests intact were accentuated on the one hand by the pressing needs of taking care of the debt, on the other hand by drought and flood. Thus, in 1874, the sale in annual instalments of over 4.5 million acres in the hands of the Minister of Finance was ordered, but the floods of the same year were so disastrous, (causing 7 million dollars damage, 760 deaths, 28,000 homeless), being followed by successive droughts, that a reversion of sentiment was experienced, which led to the enactment of a reboisement law in 1877. This law, having in view better management of communal properties, ordered with all sorts of unnecessary technical details, the immediate reforestation of all waste land in the public forests, creating for that purpose a corps of 400 cultivators (capatacas de cultivos). To furnish the funds for this work the communities were to contribute 10 per cent. of the value of the forest products they sold or were entitled to. But funds were not forthcoming, and, by 1895, under this law only 21,000 acres had been reforested (three-fourths by sowing).

The financial results of the management of the public forests, although the forest department probably did the best it could under the circumstances, had, indeed, not been reassuring. In 1861, a deficit of $26,000 was recorded; in 1870, $600,000 worth of material was sold, 1.3 million dollars worth given away, and $700,000 worth destroyed. Altogether, by fire and theft, it was estimated that 15 per cent. of the production was lost. In 1885, this loss was estimated at 25 per cent., when the net income had attained to 15 cents per acre, or, on the 17.5 million acres to less than three million dollars.

When it is considered that the governors of provinces and their appointees, besides the village authorities, had also a hand in the administration, it is no wonder that the forest department was pretty nearly helpless. While, under the law of 1863, the department was specially ordered to regulate the management of communal forests and to gauge the cut to the increment, the political elements in the administration, which appointed the forest guards, made the regulations mostly nugatory.

At last, in 1900, a new era seems to have arrived, a thorough reorganization was made, which lends hope for a better future. The technical administration was divorced from the political influence and placed under the newly created Minister of Agriculture. The machinery of the Cuerpo de Montes was remodeled. This consists now of one Chief Inspector-General, four Division Chiefs, ten Inspectors-General for field inspection, 50 chief engineers of district managers, 185 assistants, and 342 foresters and guards, the latter now appointed by the department, instead of the Governors, and not all, as formerly, chosen from veteran soldiers. The better financial showing referred to above was the result.

In 1910, a special reboisement service, the Servicio Hidrological Forestal, was also placed on a new footing, the country being divided into ten districts for this purpose, and an engineer placed in charge of each. But from a statement that, in 1910, of some 300,000 acres planned to be recovered only 31,000 had been completed it may be inferred that financial difficulties still retard the work.

Private forests, which had been without any interference, were, in 1908, placed under government control so far as located within a defined protective zone (zona protectora dasocratica). Such must be managed under plans provided by the Forest Service, and in case of refusal on the part of owners expropriation proceedings are provided, but the money for taking advantage of this provision would probably not be in the Treasury. Indeed, according to Professor Miguel del Campo at the Escurial forest school, results so far are nil.

Since 1896, popular education is attempted through Arbor days, various associations fostering the idea; in 1904, La Fiesta del Arbol was made a national holiday, and premiums are distributed for plantations made on that day.

The Revista de Montes, a semi-official monthly journal, began its publication in 1877, and serves the purpose of propaganda, as well as the professional needs. A considerable book literature is also developed.

A pamphlet written for the International Exposition at Rio de Janeiro in 1908, contains a chapter written by a forester, Borges, which gives most recent and authentic information.

Besides notes scattered through the literature, an article by L. PardÉe, a French botanist, in Revue des Eaux et ForÊts, 1911, gives an extensive description of forest conditions and especially of the forest of Leiria.