It is a remarkable fact that the nation which can boast of the most extensive forest department in one of her colonies, has at home not yet been able to come to an intelligent conception even, not to speak of application, of proper forest policy or forest economy.

One of the English authorities on the subject writes still in 1900: “With so much land of poor quality lying uncultivated in many parts of the British Isles, the apathy shown towards forestry in Britain is one of the things that it is impossible to understand.”

If we should venture to seek for an explanation, we would find it in geographical and physical conditions, but still more in personal and political characteristics, historically developed, such as also in the United States make progress of forestry slower than it would otherwise be.

Due to her insular position with which in part the development of her naval supremacy is connected, England can readily supply her needs by importations. Situated within the influence of the Gulf stream, the climate is much milder than her northern location would indicate, and is in no respect excessive. The topography is mostly gentle, except in Scotland and Wales, and the riverflow even all the year. Hence the absence of forestcover has not been felt in its physical influences.

Britons, Picts, Scots, Scandinavians, Anglo-Saxons and Normans are the elements which have amalgamated to make the English people. Through endless warfare and political struggle the three countries, England, Scotland and Ireland had, by the year 1600, come under one ruler, although final legislative union with Scotland did not take place until 1707, and with Ireland not until 1800.

Theoretically, forming a constitutional monarchy, practically, an aristocracy with republican tendencies, the history of the islands has been a struggle, first to establish race supremacy, then to secure the ascendency of the nobility and landholders over the king and the commoners, in which the former have been more successful than the barons in other parts of Europe.

Politically, the Englishman is an individualist, jealous of his private interests and unwilling to submit to government interference for the public welfare. Hence, State forestry, which is finally the only solution of the forestry problem, appears objectionable. Commercial and industrial enterprise rather than economic development appeals to him; the practical issue of the day rather than demands of a future and systematic preparation for the same occupy his mind. He lacks, as Mr. Roseberry points out, scientific method, and hence is wasteful. Moreover, he is conservative and self-satisfied beyond the citizens of any other nation, hence if all the wisdom of the world point new ways, he will still cling to his accustomed ones. In the matter of having commissions appointed to investigate and report, and leaving things to continue in unsatisfactory condition he reminds one of Spanish dilatoriness. These would appear to us the reasons for the difficulty which the would-be reformers experience in bringing about economic reforms.

1. Forest Conditions.

CÆsar’s and Strabo’s descriptions agree that Great Britain was a densely wooded country. The forest area seems to have been reduced much less through long-continued use, than through destruction by fire and pasture, and by subsequent formation of moors, so that it is now, excepting that of Portugal, the smallest of any European nation in proportion to total area, and, excepting that of Holland, in proportion to population.

Of the 121,380 square miles, which Great Britain and Ireland represent, less than 4 per cent., or 3 million acres, (880,000 in Scotland, 303,000 in Ireland) are forested, one-fourteenth of an acre per capita; but there are nearly 33% of waste lands, namely over 12 million acres of heaths, moors and other waste lands capable of forest growth, and another 12 million acres partly or doubtfully so, while the agricultural land in crops and pasture comprises about 48 million acres. The waste areas re-forested, it is believed, could meet the consumption now supplied by importations. Notably in Scotland, extensive heaths and moors of many hundred square miles in the Northern Highlands and the Grampian mountains—well wooded in olden times, the woods having been eradicated supposedly for strategic reasons—are now without farms or forests, and are mainly used for shooting preserves. In the last thirty years, the land under tillage has continuously decreased, and now represents less than 25 per cent. of the whole land area, grasslands occupying 38 per cent.

The agricultural land as well as the mountain and heath lands, are to the largest extent owned by large proprietors (in 1876, 11,000 persons owned 72 per cent. of the total area of the British Islands). With the exception of 67,000 acres of crownlands, the entire forest area is owned privately, and that mostly by large landed proprietors, there being no communal ownership, except that the municipality of London owns a forest area (Epping Forest) devoted to pleasure, and the Water Board of Liverpool has begun to plant some of its catchment basins.

Practically the entire wood supply is imported, and the rate of importation is rapidly increasing. While in 1864 it was 3.4 million tons, in 1892, 7.8 million tons worth 92 million dollars; in 1899, 10 million tons and 125 million dollars; in 1902, it had grown to 138 million dollars, and in 1906 to 141 million (700 million cubic feet) in which $7.4 million of wood manufactures, against which an export of $19 million mainly wood manufactures, must be offset. This makes England the largest wood importer in the world, Germany coming next, and the amount paid to other countries exceeds the value of her pig iron output. Nearly 90 per cent. of the import is coniferous material, from Sweden, Russia and Canada. The home product, mostly oak ties, mineprops, etc., satisfies about one-sixth of the consumption. In addition to timber and lumber, over 10 million dollars of wood pulp, and 60 million dollars of by-products are imported. The total wood consumption per capita is between 12 and 14 cubic feet, half of what it was 50 years ago.

---

Pine is the only native conifer of timber value, and oak is the most important native deciduous tree, found mostly in coppice or in old, overmature, straggling pasture woods. Compact larger forest areas are entirely absent, but there are many small plantations and parks. For, while Englishmen have not been foresters, they have been active treeplanters, and the mild climate has permitted the introduction of many exotics, especially American conifers. Most of these plantings have been for park and game purposes. The most noted forest plantations are found in Scotland, among them the larch plantations of the Duke of Athole (begun in 1728), of at one time over 10,000 acres, the ducal woodlands now covering over 20,000 acres; the pinery of 25,000 acres, belonging to the Countess of Sealfield, the best managed forest property, partly in natural regeneration, and others. But these plantations too are mostly widely spaced and trimmed, hence not producing timber of much value, so that timber of British production is usually ruled out by architects.

2. Development of Forest Policies.

The Saxons and Normans were primarily hunters, and this propensity to the chase has impressed itself upon their forest treatment into modern times.

The Teutonic Saxons undoubtedly brought with them the feudal and communal institutions of the Germans, under which territory for the king’s special pleasure in the chase was set aside as ‘forest’, and this exclusive right and privilege was on other territory extended to the vassals, while the commoners were excluded from the exercise of hunting privileges on these grounds.

The Normans not only increased the lands under ‘ban’, but they increased also in a despotic manner the penalties and punishments for infraction of the forest laws, and enforced them more stringently than was done on the continent. The feudal system was developed to its utmost. Besides ‘forests’ in which the king alone had exclusive rights, and in which a code of special laws, administered under special courts, was applied, there were set aside ‘chases’, hunting reserves without the pale of the forest laws; ‘parks’, smaller, enclosed hunting grounds; and ‘warrens’, privileged by royal grant or prescription as preserves for small game. Whole villages were wiped out, or lived almost in bondage to satisfy this taste for sport. In the ‘forests’, of which in Elizabeth’s time not less than 75 distinct ones were enumerated, withdrawing an immense area from free use, both ‘vert’ and ‘venison’,—wood and game,—belonged to the king; a host of officers,—stewards, verderers, foresters, regarders, agistors, woodwards,—exercised police duties, and oppressed and ground the people by extortions, while special courts,—‘woodmote’, ‘swainmote’, ‘court of justice seat’,—enforced the savage and cruel laws. The first of these laws was supposed to date from Canute the Great, in 1016, but was eventually found to be a forgery perpetrated by William I in order to lend historical color to his assertion of ‘forest’ rights.

A partial reduction of forests, and a modification of the cruelty and unreasonableness of the laws was obtained by the Charta de Foresta, in 1225, which formulated the laws into a code, and again by the Forest Ordinance of 1306. But not until 1483, under Edward IV, were the people living within ‘forests’ permitted to cut and sell timber, and to fence in for seven years portions of the reserved territory. The last territory was ‘afforested’, i.e., withdrawn for purposes of the chase, under Henry VIII, but he had to secure the consent of the freeholders. The Long Parliament, in 1641, stopped at least the extension of forests, and modified the application of the laws to a more reasonable degree.

The forest laws are still on the statutes, but have fallen into desuetude; the last ‘forest court of justice seat’ was held under Charles I. The ‘forests’ themselves have also almost entirely vanished, some being abolished as late as Queen Victoria’s time, by act of parliament, but the last action under the ‘forest laws’ was had in 1862 when the Duke of Athole tried to establish his right as ‘forester’ for the crown. A full account of the forest laws is contained in Manwood’s volume, the title page of which is here reproduced.

In Scotland the same usages and laws existed, only very much less rigorously enforced, until, in 1681, the extension of ‘forests’ was discontinued by parliamentary act.

It will be understood that the term forest did only distantly refer to woodland and that no economic policy had anything to do with the laws. Only incidentally was forest growth protected and preserved for the sake of the chase—the same medieval policy which still largely animates the forest policy of the State of New York.

The woods outside the ‘forests’, which had mainly served for the raising of hogs, and for domestic needs, experienced at various times unusual reduction by fire. General Monk, among others, laid waste large areas on the Scottish borderland in Cromwell’s time.

The first serious inroads by extensive fellings occurred under Edward III in the first half of the 14th century to enrich the treasury for the French wars. Again, Henry VIII in the 16th century, when he seized the church properties for his own use, turned them into cash. A hundred years later, James I reduced the forest area, especially in Ireland, by his colonization schemes. Yet both, Henry VIII and James I, are on record as encouraging forest planting for utility. Charles I, James’ successor, always in need of cash, alienated many of the crown forests, and turned them into cash, besides extorting money through the forest courts. During the Revolution, beginning in 1642, and during Cromwell’s reign a licentious devastation of the confiscated or mortgaged noblemen’s woods took place.

Finally, under Charles II, the needs for the royal navy forced attention to the reduction of wood supplies, and as a result of the agitation to encourage the growth of timber, a member of the newly formed Royal Society was deputed to prepare an essay, which, published in 1662, has become the classic work of English forest literature, namely John Evelyn’s Sylva, or “A Discourse of Forest Trees,” which has experienced eleven editions. It should, however, be mentioned that an earlier writer, whom Evelyn often quotes, Tuffer, before the reign of Elizabeth, in 1526, published his “Five Hundred Points of Husbandry,” a versification in which treeplanting received attention. Ever since that time, periodically and spasmodically, the question of forestry has been agitated, without much serious result.

From 1775 to 1781, the Society of Arts in London offered gold medals and prizes for treeplanting, and in the beginning of the 19th century a revival of arboricultural interest was experienced, perhaps as a result of an interesting report by the celebrated Admiral Nelson on the mismanagement of the forest of Dean, concern for naval timber giving the incentive, in which he recommended the planting of oak for investment.

At that time, a Surveyor-General, with an insufficient force, was in charge of the crown forests. In 1809, the management was placed under a board of three Commissioners, one of whom being a member of the parliament was to be changed with the administration. Under this management, graft became so rampant that, in 1848, a committee of the House of Commons was appointed, whose report revealed the most astonishing rottenness, placing a stigma on government management such as we still uncover in the United States from time to time. A reorganization took place in 1851. At that time the royal forests and parks, reduced in extent to about 200,000 acres, showed a deficiency of $125,000, mostly, to be sure, occasioned by the parks. There was then still a tribute of some 600 bucks to be delivered to various personages, as was the ancient usage.

At present there are some 115,000 acres classed as royal forest, but only 67,000 acres are really forest, consisting of more or less mismanaged woods, under the administration, not forest management, of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, with Deputy Surveyors in charge of the ranges. Although there are a few notable exceptions in the management, it is to be noted that the same stupid ignorance, which introduced the clause into the Constitution of the State of New York, was enacted into law in 1877 by the English Parliament, forbidding in the New Forest all cutting and planting. In 1900, there existed just one planting plan, made by a professional forester, namely, for a portion of the forest of Dean, while now only two other State properties and two or three private estates are managed under working plans.

In 1887, a Committee appointed to inquire into the administration of this property, expressed itself most dissatisfied, but a Committee of Parliament in 1890 whitewashed the administration and reported that the management was satisfactory.

These committees, as well as an earlier one, in 1885, were also to recommend measures for the advancement of forestry. They laid in their recommendations the main stress upon education, but no action followed, and it can be said that the government has never done anything for the advancement of forestry in the home country, whatever it may have done for the dependencies. A Departmental Committee again reported in 1902 with all sorts of recommendations, which have remained unheeded.

The interests of forestry as far as the government is concerned are at present committed to the Board of Agriculture, an unwieldy body created in 1889, from which this Departmental Committee was appointed. There is now, however, a strong movement on foot, led by foresters returned from India, to commit the government to some action with reference to the waste lands, and towards providing for educational means.

Another committee, appointed in 1908 to enquire into prospects of afforestation in Ireland, reported in favor of acquiring 300,000 acres of wood and 700,000 acres of unplanted land, dwelling especially on the benefit to be secured by providing employment and a check upon emigration of the rural population. Instead of acting upon this proposition the government directed the Royal Commission on Coast Erosion, which had issued its first report in 1907, to suspend its inquiry into the inroads of the sea and apply themselves to the inquiry as to “whether in connection with unclaimed lands or otherwise it is desirable to make an experiment in afforestation as a means of increasing employment during periods of depression, and how, and by whom such experiment should be conducted.”

In 1909, the Royal Commission on Afforestation and Coast Erosion reported at length, proposing the reforestation by a special Commission of nine million acres of waste land at a rate of 75,000 or 150,000 acres a year to be acquired by purchase—an elaborate plan, which so far has remained without result.

The government, although various committees have recommended it, has remained also callous in respect to educational policy, except that, in 1904, the Commissioners of Woods and Forests instituted a school (one instructor) in the Forest of Dean for the education of woodsmen and foremen.

As illustrative of the government’s peculiar attitude to forest policy in general, we may note a curious anachronism, namely the act of 1894, which relieves railway companies from liability for damage from locomotive fires, if they can prove that they have exercised all care, although traction engines cannot offer this excuse.

The first attempt to secure educational facilities dates to 1884 when a chair of forestry was established in the Royal Engineering College at Cooper’s Hill, an institution designed to prepare for service in India purely. Through private subscriptions, another chair of forestry was instituted in 1887 at the University of Edinburgh, and several agricultural colleges, notably that of Cirencester, as well as the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, had made provisions for teaching the subject in a way, but outside of Cooper’s Hill no adequate education in forestry was obtainable in Great Britain, until 1905.

In 1905, the forest department in Cooper’s Hill was transferred to Oxford, the three years’ course—one year to be spent in the forests of Germany or other countries—being as before designed mainly for aspirants to the Indian forest service. Now, besides Oxford, some nine other institutions offer courses in forestry—the reason for this educational development being difficult to imagine.

The name of Sir William Schlich, a German forester, and for some time the head of the Indian forest department now in charge of this school, is most prominently connected with the reform movement.

---

Altogether forest management and silvicultural practice are still nearly unknown in England, and, until within a few years, the useful idea of working plans had not yet penetrated the minds of owners of estates. This apathy is, no doubt, in part due to the fact that the government is in the hands of the nobility, who prefer to keep their “shooting ranges”, and do not see even a financial advantage from turning them into forest as long as they can derive a rent of from 10 to 40 cents per acre for shooting privileges.

---

Private endeavor has been active through the two arboricultural societies, the Royal Scotch, founded in 1854, and the Royal English, beginning its labors in 1880. The transactions of these societies in annual or occasional volumes represented the current magazine literature on forestry since the monthly Journal of Forestry and Estates Management, which began its career in London in 1877, transferred to Edinburgh in 1884, ceased to exist in 1885.

At present, a very well conducted Quarterly Journal of Forestry, started in 1907 by the Royal English Arboricultural Society replacing its Transactions and that of the Irish Forestry Association, also the Journal of the Board of Agriculture, occasionally, supply the needs of the continuously improving chances for development on forestry lines. Until within a short time the English professional book literature has been extremely meager, although a considerable propagandist, arboricultural, and general magazine literature exists. Schlich’s Manual of Forestry, first in three volumes published from 1889 to 1895, now in its second to fourth edition, enlarged to five volumes, is the most comprehensive publication. Another author deserving mention is John Nisbet, known by his Studies in Forestry (1894), who also engrafted continental silvicultural notions into later editions of James Brown’s The Forester, an encyclopÆdic work of merit. Several German and French works have been translated into English, notably K. Gayer: Die Forstbenutzung; R. Hess: Der Forstschutz; H. FÜrst: Waldschutz.

John Croumbie Brown’s sixteen volumes on forests and forestry in various countries may be mentioned among the propagandist literature. The Arboricultural Societies mentioned also make a brave effort to advance professional development of forestry in their publications.

INDIA.

While so neglectful of her forest interests at home, Great Britain has developed in her possessions in the East Indies a far-seeing policy, and, under the lead of German influence, has established there one of the largest, if not most efficient, forest departments in the world.

Contrary to a frequently expressed idea that the conditions and problems of India are comparable to the conditions and problems of the United States, so that the example of Great Britain in India rather than that of any European country might serve us in the United States, the writer thinks that the very opposite is true. Not only are the natural conditions for the most part different, India being mainly tropical with an entirely different flora and different conditions of growth, but industrial, cultural, social and political conditions are also entirely different; all of which entails difference in methods of procedure. There are, to be sure, a few points of similarity: the large size of country under one government, and that in the hands of an English speaking race; the fact that the fire scourge, as with us, but from different reasons, is still the greatest problem; that there are arid regions and deserts (not over 10 per cent.), and irrigation problems and flood dangers to deal with; and finally the long delay in establishing a definite forest policy. Although this policy was inaugurated over 40 years ago, India has not yet, and will by the nature of things, not soon pass out of the first stage of development which we may confidently expect to pass through much more rapidly, due to the conditions in which we resemble Europe more closely.

The greater part of India, namely 62 per cent. of the 1,773,000 square miles, is under British administration, and is peopled by a subject race of nearly 240 million, without a voice in their government, which is carried on by a small handful of the conquerors (about 100,000 Englishmen are living in India), while the balance, around 700,000 square miles with 53 million people, is divided among a large number of more or less independent native States, very different in their civilization from ours.

Industrially, the difference will appear from the statement that about 70 per cent. of the population is engaged in agricultural pursuits, hence there is no active wood market as with us, except for domestic purposes, and, as the woods, like those of most tropical forest, are mainly cabinet woods, even the export trade is insignificant, amounting to hardly 3 million dollars, while minor forest products (lac, cutch and gambier, myrobalan, caoutchouc, etc.) represent about 12 million dollars.

Climatically, as is to be expected, on such a large territory, great variation exists, which is increased by differences in altitude from the sea level to the tops of the Himalayas. The climate is, of course, largely tropical, with a rainfall which varies from the heaviest known, of 600 inches, to almost none at all.

Nevertheless, in spite of these differences from our conditions, much may be learned from Indian experience in the matter of organization, both to follow and to avoid, and the fact that this can be done without the need of a foreign language will be attractive to most Americans.

---

The British, like other nations, gained a foothold in India for trading purposes during the 17th century. This they extended during the 18th century, especially after they had attained the ascendancy by Clive’s subjection, in 1757, of the great Mogul, one of the most powerful native princes. By conquest and amicable arrangement, the territory of British influence was gradually increased through the agency of the East India Company, until, in 1858, the British government in India was formally established by royal proclamation; and, in 1877, it was declared an empire.

As stated, native princes still control, under British influence and restrictions, over one-third of the country, or a territory of nearly 700,000 square miles, divided into 13 feudatory states. The total area under direct British control and government is 1,087,000 square miles, of which 25 per cent. (280,000 square miles) is probably forested and waste, some 232,000 square miles or nearly 150 million acres of which are so far declared government property.

The British territory is divided into three presidencies (Madras, Bombay and Bengal) and nine provinces, each with a separate government under a governor, or commissioner, with a council, and all subject to control by the resident governor-general or viceroy and his council, and he in turn is responsible to the Secretary of State at home.

There is, however, little centralization of government functions, the provincial governments being to a large degree at least semi-autonomous, like the states in the United States, and considerable variation exists in the conduct of affairs. The difficulties in introducing something like a uniform forest policy were, indeed, not small, and much credit is due to the wisdom and tact of the three German foresters, who in succession filled the difficult position of head of the Imperial Forest Department and organized the service—Brandis, Schlich and Ribbentrop.

1. Forest Conditions.

In the tropics, rainfall conditions more than any other factor determine forest conditions. The rains of India depend on extraordinary sea winds, or “monsoons,” and their distribution is regulated by the topography of land and relative position of any district with regard to the mountains and the vapor-laden air currents. Thus excessive rainfall characterizes the coast line along the Arabian Sea to about latitude 20 degrees N., and still more along the coast of Lower Burma, and to a lesser extent also the delta of the Ganges and the southern slopes of the Himalayas. A moderately humid climate, if gauged by annual rainfall, prevails over the plateau occupying the larger part of the peninsula and the lower Ganges valley, while a rainfall of less than 15 inches occurs over the arid regions of the lower Indus.

The rainfall, so unevenly distributed territorially, is, moreover, as unevenly distributed through the year. In most districts the principal rains are experienced in summer, the rainy season being followed by a long dry season. But on the Eastern coast the summer rains are slight, and the principal rainy season is delayed into October and November, while in Northern India and the Himalayas, also winter rains occur, irregular and of short duration.

Even where a relatively large rainfall prevails, the climate is dry on account of the high temperature, hence some 30,000,000 acres of the cultivated acreage (which comprises 225,000,000 acres in all) depend on irrigation, over half of this irrigated area lying in the tropical zone.

Roughly speaking, at least four climatic zones with many sub-types, may be recognized: the truly tropic, intensely hot and wet (over 75 inch rainfall), prevailing on the plains and tablelands of the lower half of the peninsula; the hot and dry (below 15 inch rainfall) climate of the Northwestern Indus plain and plateau; the moderately warm and dry to humid (30-75 inch rainfall) climate of the Ganges plain and central plateau; and the temperate to alpine, humid climate of the Himalaya mountains, with snow and ice in winter, and moderate heat in summer.

In keeping with this great diversity of climate, both as to temperature and humidity, there is a great variation in the character and development of the forest cover. At least six types can be recognized, namely the evergreen forest, found along the West coast, in Burma, Andaman Islands, and the sub-Himalaya zone, which is composed of broadleaved species with a dense undergrowth of small trees and tangled lianas (vines), but few shrubs, as is characteristic of most tropical forest; the deciduous forest, mainly in the interior of Central India, with Sal, Teak and Ironwood as characteristic trees; the arid region forest, found in the Punjab, in Raiputana, and in Sindh, of varying composition, from the open shrub forests of the latter province, composed of acacias, tamarisk and mesquite, to the denser, more diversified, dry, low tree forest of the former; the alpine coniferous forest of the Himalayas and of the mountains of Afghanistan, Belutchistan, and Burma, composed of pine, deodar, juniper, with oak, walnut, boxwood, approaching our own forest types. In addition, there may be segregated the coast forest, of small extent, composed of trees which, like the mangrove, will bear salt water; the overflow forest along rivers; and river forests in the desert regions, of which latter large areas exist.

The natural differences in the forest cover are emphasized by the action of man, who for many centuries has waged war against the forest, clearing it permanently or temporarily for agricultural purposes, or else merely burning it over to improve grazing facilities, or for purposes of the chase.

Statistics, except of government properties, are somewhat doubtful. Apparently, the forested area of the whole of India comprises somewhat over 40 per cent. of the land area. The government forests, settled and unsettled, represent at present about 24 per cent. of the area under British rule (149 million acres), not over 20 per cent. being under cultivation, leaving about 56 per cent. either natural desert, waste, or grazing lands.

The great forests of India are in Burma; extensive woods clothe the foothills of the Himalayas and are scattered in smaller bodies throughout the more humid portions of the country, while the dry northwestern territories are practically treeless wastes. Large areas of densely settled districts are so completely void of forest that millions of people regularly burn cow dung as fuel, while equally large districts are still impenetrable, wild woods, where, for want of market, it hardly pays to cut even the best of timbers.

The great mass of forests in India are stocked with hardwoods, which in these tropical countries are largely evergreen, or nearly so, although the large areas of dry forest are deciduous by seasons; only a small portion of the forest area is covered by conifers, both pine and cedar, these pine forests being generally restricted to higher altitudes in the Himalayas. The hardwoods, most of which in India truly deserve this name, belong to a great variety of plant families, some of the most important being the LeguminosÆ, VerbenaceÆ, DipterocarpeÆ, CombretaceÆ, RubiaceÆ, EbenaceÆ, EuphorbiaceÆ, MyrtaceÆ, and others, and a relatively small portion represented by CupuliferÆ and other families familiar to us. The most important, valuable species are Teak, Sal, and Deodar.

In the greater part of India the hardwood forest consists not of a few species, as with us, but is made up, like most tropical forest, of a great variety of trees unlike in their habit, their growth, and their product; and, if our hardwoods offer on this account considerable difficulties to profitable exploitation, the case is far more complicated in India, several thousand species entering into the composition. In addition to the large variety of timber trees there is a multitude of shrubs, twining and climbing plants, and in many forest districts also a growth of giant grasses (bamboos), attaining a height of 30 to 120 feet, which is ready to take possession of clearings. These bamboos, valuable as they are in many ways, prevent often for years the growth of any seedling trees, and thus form a serious obstacle to the regeneration of valuable timber. The growth of timber is generally quite rapid, although to attain commercial size, Teak requires usually a rotation of 150 years. But in spite of their rapid growth and the large areas now in forest capable of reforestation, India is not likely—at least within reasonable time—to raise more timber than it needs. In most parts of India, the use of ordinary soft woods, such as pine, seems very restricted, for only durable woods, those resisting both fungi and insects (of which the white ants are specially destructive), can be employed in the more permanent structures, and are therefore acceptable in all Indian markets.

At present, Teak is the most important hardwood timber, while the Deodar (a true cedar) is the most extensively used conifer. Teak occurs in all moist regions of India except the Himalayas, grows usually mixed with other kinds, single, or in clumps, is girdled two or three years before felling, is generally logged in a primitive way, commonly hewn in the woods and shipped—usually floated—as timber, round or hewn, and rarely sawn to size.

In 1905-6, the cut in the State forest area was 240,000,000 cubic feet, timber (25%) and fuel, of which 20 per cent. was given to grantees or those holding rights of user free of charge, and less than 2 per cent. was exported. In addition, over 200 million bamboos and nearly two million dollars worth of by-products, such as lac, caoutchouc, cutch, gambier, myrobalans, were secured.

2. Property Conditions.

Prior to the British occupation, the native rulers, or rajahs, laid claim to a certain proportion of the produce from all cultivators of the soil. They also reserved absolute right to the forests, and to all unseated or waste lands, although usually the people were allowed to supply their needs from these. The English government, by right of conquest, fell heir to these rights as well as to the properties, but, without care in asserting its rights, the unimpeded use of unguarded forest property led to the assertion of rights of user by the people, and such were also sometimes granted by the government. “Joint village” communities in some parts, i.e., settlements which occupy contiguous areas, claimed and occupied large areas of forest and waste as commons, and in general the original property rights of the government became uncertain.

The necessity of bringing order into this question led to various so-called settlements, by which the rights were defined, properties de-limited, and payment in kind changed into cash payments.

After attempts to regulate these matters by local rules, the first general Indian Forest Act, passed in 1865, modified by the Forest Act of 1878, laid down the basis upon which the rights of forest property were to be settled. These acts divide the forests into three classes, namely, those in which the right of the State is absolute; those in which the State has property rights, but which are burdened with prescriptive or granted rights of user; and those which are private property, but on which the State reserves the right to cut certain kinds of trees for government use, Teak, Sandalwood, and in some parts Deodar, these being considered “royal trees.” The forest act being throughout applicable only at the choice and under the construction of the provincial governments, modified acts, applicable to different parts of the Empire, and different in details, were passed from time to time, and many different local rules were issued by the provincial governments, but all agree in fixing one definite policy, namely declaration or demarcation of government forests, after inquiry into all existing rights, and division of the declared government forests into three classes, reserves or permanent state forests, protected forests, and unclassed, the latter two still open to change in ownership, and adjustment in rights of user, etc.

The absolute and relative areas of government property, therefore, are continuously changing. In 1900 the reserve forests comprised 81,400 square miles, or 8.6% of the total territory controlled by the British government; the protected forest 8800 square miles, and the demarcated but unclassified area, 117,000 square miles. These figures had, in 1904, changed to 91,567 for permanent reserves (58 million acres), 9865 for protected, and 131,269 for unclassed, showing the rapid change now taking place in the status of classification.

The name of B. H. Baden-Powell, at one time conservator of the Punjab and Acting Inspector-General of Forests during 1872-4, is closely connected with placing this forest legislation on a sound basis. The object of this legislation was mainly to settle the question of ownership and rights, hence reserved forests are not necessarily set aside for forest purposes like the forest reservations in the United States, although ultimately this will probably be their condition.

Rights of user were under this legislation regulated or commuted. In some parts, even on the reserved forest areas, there are still retained rights to cut taungyas, i.e., to make partial clearings for temporary agricultural use, under the restriction of not destroying teak trees over 18 inches in diameter, and with the right of the cultivators to supply their domestic needs, under obligation to cut out fire traces, burning the brush, and instituting similar protective measures.

The title to the forest property having been secured, its permanent demarcation and a survey of the same were the next steps; the first having gradually been nearly accomplished, the latter being still far in arrears.

The area of private and communal forests is not precisely known, but, including waste land and lands of uncertain conditions, there are at least 500,000 square miles so owned, including those of feudatory rulers within the provinces. Of these, some 500 square miles or more of forest are leased to the government and under its control; and in some cases forest administrations are instituted by the rajahs themselves.

In the Act of 1878, there was a clause calling for protection of private forest property against trespass and encroachment, but this remained a dead letter. By later legislation the government is entitled to exercise control over private forests and lands, if it appears necessary for the public weal, or if the treatment which such forests have received from their owners affect the public welfare or safety injuriously; but in such cases the owner can require the government to expropriate the land in question.

The forest act also provided that the government may assign to village communities from the reserved forest area so-called village forests, and make rules for their protection, use and management. How far this policy has been applied does not appear.

There are still areas the ownership of which is not settled, and rights which are still in doubt, the work of the so-called forest settlements still going on, several thousand square miles being annually changed in status, and several thousand dollars annually spent to quiet rights of user.

3. Development of Forest Policy.

Through the long history of India that preceded the arrival of the Mohammedans in the 10th to 12th centuries, it appears that the forest area was only slowly encroached upon by the Hindoo civilization. Even when the invaders, nomads by habit, drove many of the native race into the jungle to eke out a precarious existence, owing to the remarkable recuperative powers of a tropical nature the impression made was not permanent. Although much forest growth was then destroyed, cleared or mutilated, changes took place only slowly.

It has been claimed, that in consequence of the destruction, which was incident to the nomadic life of the Mohammedans and the shifting agriculture of the aborigines, climatic changes were produced, but the proof for this assertion has remained questionable.

When in the 18th century the British entered India in rivalry with the French and other European nations, it was, of course, only for purposes of exploitation, and for a long time after the British had attained the ascendancy and had subjected most of the territory now ruled by them, not much concern was had about the forests; they furnished but small values, excepting in one particular, namely supplies of Teak for naval purposes. In the beginning of the 19th century the Government became concerned regarding these supplies, which under the rough exploitation threatened to become exhausted.

The first step towards securing some conservative management dates back to 1806, when Captain Watson was sent to India as Conservator of Forests, to look after the interests of the East India Company in this direction. His inability to compromise with those who had secured timber privileges led to his removal and an abandonment of the office, in 1823. Ineffective, sporadic efforts at administration by the provincial governments then followed.

In 1839-40, the government of the Bombay Presidency stopped the cutting of Teak trees on government property. In 1834, M. Connolly, Collector of Malabar in the Madras Presidency, began to plant Teak on a large scale at Nilambur. In 1847, Dr. Gibson was appointed Conservator of Forests in Bombay; from 1848 to 1856, Lieutenant (now General, C. S. I.) James Michael conducted the government timber operations in the Anamalai Teak forests (Madras), and made the first recorded attempts to protect Indian forests from injury by annual jungle fires.

In 1856, Dr. Hugh Cleghorn was appointed Conservator of Forests in Madras. He checked the destructive practices of temporary cultivation in the government forests of that Presidency, a measure, which at first was strongly opposed by the people, but his well-known desire to promote native interests inspired the rulers of the country with confidence, and finally his measures were successful.

Various attempts at some kind of regulation of the exploitation by lumbermen were also made by the general government, after various examinations and reports, and, in 1847, even a small and ineffective forest department was organized.

The annexation of the Province of Pegu in lower Burma, in 1852, introduced a new complication, and proved the turning point in forestry matters. In this province, the right to cut Teak had been reserved by the native princes, and hence became a right of the crown, but private lumbermen began to cut this timber, and, after an investigation and report, it was decided to take definite steps to regulate the use of these valuable Teak forests at least.

Lord Dalhousie, the then Governor-General, upon the basis of the report of the superintendent of forests at Pegu, Dr. McClelland, in 1855 laid down in statesmanlike manner an outline of a permanent forest policy for the government, and introduced the first professional adviser.

In 1856, a German forester from Hesse, Dietrich Brandis (afterward Sir) was installed as superintendent of forests for Pegu with wide powers under contract for 10 years, at a liberal salary, and pension after retirement. The only possible check that could at first be applied was to force the lumbermen to make contracts, limit the diameter to which the exploitation was to be allowed, and mark the trees to be felled. This was done, naturally not without a large amount of friction.

The result of this experiment in forest conservancy, as the English are pleased to call it, was so satisfactory, that, in 1862, it was decided to organize a forest department for all India; Brandis was entrusted with the organization, and, in 1864, he was appointed head of the new department under the Secretary of Public Works with the title of Inspector-General, acting as adviser of the various provincial governments.

The forests of India during the next 20 years during which Brandis held office, were, province by province, brought under the regime of the Imperial Forest Department, although the provincial governments retain full and independent administrative power.

The first problem was to settle ownership conditions, which was done in the manner described before, by the act of 1865, and by later acts.

The discontent which was created by this act came very near wrecking the whole enterprise, and much difference of opinion between the local and general governments existed, the government of Madras going so far as to declare the impossibility of establishing State property in view of the acknowledged rights of the villagers over waste lands. The general policy, however, finally prevailed, and an increasingly harmonious cooperation of the provincial governments has allowed the development of an efficient forest service.

Various provincial legislation was considered, passed and repealed, until, in 1878, the Indian Forest Act VII settled the policy at least for the majority of the provinces, Madras and Burma and some minor districts still declining to extend its provisions to their forests. The Burma government enacted, however, similar legislation in 1881, and the Madras government in 1882, and, much later, the other outstanding governments followed (1886 to 1891), so that, while the detail of application varies not inconsiderably, the general policy regarding forest property of the State is the same throughout the empire. Whatever of uniformity exists had to be secured mainly by persuasive means.

The forest acts, as stated on a previous page, contain certain provisions regarding formation of village forests and control of private forest property, but no interference with private forest property has been attempted, although in some parts this is more important and larger than the State holdings. Most of the owners merely exploit their property, but some of the larger, more enlightened native princes have established forest administrations, imitating the example of the Imperial government. Those of Mysore and Kashmir and Hyderabad have placed this administration under an imperial forest officer, furloughed for this purpose, and derive handsome revenues; the Kashmir forests of about 2500 square miles yielding round $180,000; those of Mysore, near 2000 square miles, over $330,000, this largely derived from sales of sandal wood; those of the Nizam of Hyderabad, with 5200 square miles in reserves and 4400 in protected forests, deriving a revenue of $75,000, seven times what it was ten years before.

4. Forest Organization and Administration.

The condition of affairs in the forest department can be briefly summarized as follows for the year 1909.

Total area under government control: 241,774 square miles, namely, Reserved, 94,561; Protected, 8,835; Unclassed, 138,378.

Officials (in 1905): Higher grades, 312; Lower grades, 1,663; Guards, 8,533. The controlling staff was in 1909 increased by 34; and numbers in all other grades increased.

Rounded off Expenditures, $4,500,000; Revenues, $8,225,000; Net Proceeds, $3,675,000 (45% of gross). Variation in the value of the rupee makes comparison with earlier years uncertain.

In spite of the many difficulties, a poor market (no market at all for a large number of woods), wild, unsurveyed, and practically unknown woodlands, requiring unusual and costly methods of organization and protection, the forestry department has succeeded, without curtailing the timber output of India, in so regulating forest exploitation as to insure not only a permanence in the output, but also to improve the woodlands by favoring the valuable species. It has prepared for an increase of output for the future, and at the same time has yielded the Government a steadily growing revenue, which bids fair to rank before long among the important sources of income.

In 1865 the net revenue was only $360,000, it had about doubled by 1875, and more than trebled by 1885, and since then has more than quadrupled.

While in the period of 1870 to 1874 the expense of the administration was still 70 per cent. of the gross income, it has gradually been reduced to near 45 per cent., while the outturn in material has in the last five years increased by 35% over the preceding quinquennium.

At first, the department and its operations as well as its finances were Imperial, the local governments having no control over its officers or over the revenue derived, but, in 1882, decentralization was effected, the local governments obtaining a direct interest in the revenues. As a result the financial interest overruled the conservative policy, and over-cutting was the consequence. In 1884, the general government recognized the need of a change. After some struggle, the Imperial department was placed at least in charge of preparing the working plans, and pressure for their execution if not direct enforcement can be brought through appeal to the general government by the Inspector-General, which, however, has never been necessary to use.

The organization of the forest service passed through various stages, and the arrangement in the different provinces is even now not quite uniform.

The forest service, then, is peculiarly organized as regards division of responsibilities and relationships between the imperial and the provincial governments, the autonomy of the latter being jealously guarded. It is divided into the Imperial and the Provincial Service, the former consisting of the higher grade officials entirely recruited from England, the latter, the executive service, being in administrative functions independent of the former.

An Inspector-General, directly under the Secretary of Revenue and Agriculture, (for some time under the Home Department) is the head of the service, and acts as professional adviser both of the Imperial and the Provincial Governments. But this head of the service is shorn of most of executive functions, all administrative matters being reserved to the provincial authorities.

The Inspector-General has charge only of the forest school administration, of forest surveys, and of the making of working plans, which later, after approval by the Provincial government, are in their execution inspected and critically supervised by him, but without power to enforce them, or to give direction directly to the Conservators in charge (at least in Madras and Burma). He also watches over and reports on the progress of all forestry matters in the empire.

Peculiarities and great variety are also found in other official relations and in the appointing power, the general and provincial governments exercising certain rights in this respect.

The Controlling Staff (57 officers in 1869, now about 300) under the Inspector-General, consists of Conservators, Deputy Conservators and Assistant Conservators. The Conservators, now some 20, so far as they are not directly acting as assistants in the Inspector-General’s office, are the heads of the provincial departments and conservatorships, and in that capacity directly subordinate to the local government, which in Madras and Bombay also has their appointment; each is in charge either of the entire forest business of the Province, or of a circle forming part of a Province and the administration unit in India. These are, therefore, the most influential and most responsible agents in introducing forestry practices. Conservatorships are divided into divisions, each in charge of a divisional forest officer, a member of either the Imperial or the Provincial Controlling Staff; but these have to acknowledge subordination to the Chief Civil officer, the Collector of the district in which they are located, in order to harmonize the financial and forestal interests.

About 80 per cent. of the Controlling Staff in the Imperial Service are appointed by the Secretary of State from graduates formerly from the forest school at Cooper’s Hill College, now Oxford, the remaining 20 per cent. from Englishmen in the provincial service, the members of which have passed through the Dehra Dun forest school and through the lower branches of the service. In addition to this Superior Staff, a Subordinate Staff of Extra Deputy Conservators and Extra Assistant Conservators forms the Provincial Service, which is mainly recruited from the natives.

The districts are divided into ranges, for which an Executive Service is organized, of rangers (over 400), who are now selected from graduates of the forest school in Dehra Dun. Deputy rangers and foresters, a lower grade (some 1700), and guards, having their separate beats (over 8500), form the Protective Service, mostly or all recruited from the better class of natives.

5. Forest Treatment.

With the irregular distribution of forests, the peculiarities of Indian government affairs and population, and the wild and difficult forest conditions themselves, it is but natural that the work thus far has been chiefly one of organization, survey, and protection.

In the protection against unlawful felling or timber stealing and grazing, the Government of India has shown itself fully equal to the occasion by a liberal policy of supplying villagers in proximity of the forests with fuel, building material, pasture, etc., at reduced prices or gratis. Over $1,500,000 worth is thus disposed of annually, the incentive to timber stealing being thereby materially reduced. A reasonable and just permit system for grazing, where again the needs of the neighboring villagers are most carefully considered, not only brings the government a yearly revenue of over $800,000, but enables the people to pasture about 14,000,000 head of animals in the State forests without doing any material damage to tree growth. Thirty-one per cent. of the total forest area is open to grazing.

The work of preventing and fighting fires can with the means available not be carried on over the entire forest area, of which large tracts are not even crossed by a footpath, and in a land where the regular firing of the woods has become the custom of centuries, and where, in addition, intensely hot and dry weather, together with a most luxuriant growth of giant grasses, render these jungle fires practically unmanageable. Each year, however, additional territory is brought under protection. In 1902, nearly 37,000 square miles, or nearly 40% of the area in reserve, but only 12% of the total government forest area, were under protection at a cost of $4.00 per square mile or less than one cent per acre, half of what it was 10 years before, and over 2 per cent. of the gross revenue. Nearly 5,000 fires occurred, to be sure, which burnt over 3,000,000 acres, that is to say over 90 per cent. of the area the protection was effective. For nearly half the fires the cause remains unknown. Danger from fire has, however, become less in protected areas because of the changes in herbage and moisture conditions. Yet it costs still about two per cent. of the gross revenue to protect the area, and the figures just cited show that this expenditure is only partially effective. In 1909, the protected area had increased to 43,000 square miles, the cost to $5, the efficiency to 94 per cent.

The first successful attempts to deal with forest fires were made in 1864 by Major (later Colonel) G. F. Pearson, who was then Conservator of Forests in the Central Provinces, and who devised a system of cleared fire lines or “fire traces,” surrounding the areas to be protected, which were cut and burned over early in the season, a system now in vogue in all India. In the jungle forests the traces must be broad; the grass often taller than an elephant must be cut and burned before the grass on either side of the fire lane is dry enough to burn.

This protection forms the most important duty of the forest officials, a trying one as it has to be carried on during the hot season.

A separate branch of the forest service carried on the work of surveying and mapping the forest area instead of the regular Survey of India, with the result of cheapening the cost. Some 74,000 square miles had been mapped on the scale of 4 inch to the mile, the standard, some smaller areas on smaller scale, at the rate of $25 per square mile. In 1908, however, this work was handed over to the Survey.

Silviculture. Silvicultural practices are naturally but little developed. Protection against fire, grazing, overcutting has been the first requisite. The unregulated selection system with a diameter limit, which Brandis introduced, still prevails mostly, although beginnings of a compartment and group system in converting miscarried selection forest of Deodar, Pine and Sal have been made, or rather of an improved selection method, which seeks to secure reproduction in groups. Clearcutting with seed trees held over is practised in the coniferous mountain forest. Coppice and coppice with standards (reserves of sprouts) is a natural condition over large areas, especially with Teak and Sal. Even improvement cuttings or sowing on barren hillsides with remarkable success, are not absent.

The attempts at securing reproduction, especially in the truly tropic forests have often miscarried, inferior species filling the openings. Girdling of inferior species to favor the better classes has hardly had the desired result. In the deciduous forest, the same difficulty of undesirable aftergrowth is experienced, deteriorating the composition, except in the case of the gregarious Sal tree (Shorea robusta), the treatment of which for reproduction has, after many failures, been well established. Other gregarious species also can be satisfactorily reproduced. The culled and burned-over forests, of which, there are many, are re-habilitated in a manner by merely removing the old overmature and defective timber, with comparative success.

In some parts, the large gregarious bamboos are a serious obstacle to reproduction. Here, the only chance for reproduction exists when they flower and die. Killing the bamboos by cutting the annual shoots proved a failure, but burning over the whole area and sowing seems to be followed by success.

In other parts, as in the large Teak forests of Burma, as well as of other provinces, the useless kinds of trees are girdled, huge climbers are cut off, and a steady war is waged against all species detrimental to teak regeneration with satisfactory results. With Teak, even planting on a larger scale is resorted to, especially by means of taungyas, i.e. plantations, where the native is allowed to burn down a piece of woods, use it for a few years as field (though it is never really cleared) on condition of planting it with teak, being paid a certain sum for every hundred trees found in a thrifty condition at the time of giving up his land. Similarly, the department has expended large sums in attempting to establish forests in parts of the arid region of Beluchistan, and, on the whole, during 1894-95 about $150,000 were expended on cultural operations, which up to that time involved about 76,000 acres of regular plantations and 36,000 acres taungyas (mostly teak,) making a total of 112,000 acres, besides numerous large areas where the work consisted merely in aiding natural reproduction.

But, in 1909, the plantations seem to have been reduced to 59,000 acres, (probably through failures), the taungyas however increased to 84,000 acres, and the budget for plantings and other cultural measures formed a little over two per cent. of the gross revenues.

We see then, that though the forests of India are now, and will continue for some time to be little more than wild woods with some protection and a reasonable system of exploitation in place of a mere robbing or culling system, yet the work of actual improvement steadily increases in amount and perfection.

In disposing of its timber the Government of India employs various methods. In some of the forest districts the people pay merely a small tax and get out of the woods what and as much as they need. In other cases, the logger pays for what he removes, the amount he fells being neither limited in quantity nor quality. The prevalent systems, however, are the permit system, when a permit is issued indicating the amount to be cut and the price to be paid for the same, and the contract system, when the work is more or less under the control of government officers and the material remains government property until paid for. To a limited extent the governments carry on their own timber exploitation.

---

Working Plans. Only a relatively small part of the total forest area, each year, however, increasing, is as yet worked under plans. In 1885, only 109 square miles, in 1899, 20,000 square miles, and in 1903, nearly 30,000 square miles, about 13 per cent. of the total, or 30 per cent. of the reserved area, were operated under working plans, and each year about 4000 square miles are added, so that now (1909) over half the reserved area is under working plans.

Only gradually was the character of these plans brought into practical form, and their execution, in spirit at least, enforced, the Conservators having the right to deviate from the plans.

A map, prepared by the survey branch naturally forms the basis of the plan. The form of the plan is prescribed by the provincial regulations, and the preparation is also carried on by the provincial service under advice and supervision of the imperial department. The “strip valuation survey,” which Brandis introduced, covering sometimes as much as 30 per cent. of the area, is employed in determining number of trees and sizes, growing stock and cut, modeled after the European practice, except that little, perhaps too little, money is spent on their elaboration, especially on determining the proper amount of cut. That the cut is controlled at all is the most important result.

6. Education and Literature.

In 1866, Sir Dietrich Brandis selected as assistants two young men who had been trained in the forest schools of Germany—in turn his successors—and at the same time arrangements were made for the training of young Englishmen in the Forest schools of France and Germany. At the end of 1875 the professional education was entirely transferred to Nancy. The present force of Conservators is composed largely of these men. For some reason, the training of men in Germany and France became unpopular, and this objection finally led, in 1884, to the establishment of a chair of forestry at Cooper’s Hill College for Engineering in England. At first, the course of study extended over 26 months, during 22 of which the candidates prosecuted their studies at the college; the remaining four months being spent under suitable supervision in selected British and Continental forests.

In 1905, this department was transferred to Oxford University and the course extended to three years, one year to be spent in continental forests. At present this time may, however, be reduced to two years and the vacations in continental forests. This is a government affair, and probationers receive stipends from the government.

Mr. Brandis as early as 1869 saw also the necessity of providing the means of giving the natives of India some sort of technical education in forestry. The first step in this direction was to place natives, selected ones, under one or two officers of the Imperial Service who were deemed fit to instruct them, and in this way a few good men were turned out. Another experiment, after the German pattern, was made by apprenticing likely young men under some forester for a year or two and then sending them to an engineering school for theoretical instruction. This was also a failure. After much hard work, the Indian forest school at Dehra Dun was established in 1878, the forests between the Jumna and the Ganges rivers were set aside as training grounds, formed into a special Forest Circle and placed under the control of the director of the school. These forests have been subjected to regular systems of management, based on European experience, and excellent results have been obtained. The first course of systematic theoretical instruction was opened on the 1st of July, 1881. In 1884 the school was made an imperial institution by the Government of India, and the Inspector-General of Forests was charged with its supervision, under a Board of Control, consisting of the Inspector-General, the Director, and three Conservators, with the Assistant Inspector-General as secretary. This board meets once a year at Dehra, conducts the examinations, and looks into all of the workings of the School very carefully. There were two courses—one in which the teaching was given in English for rangers, the other in which the instruction was given in the vernacular for foresters; courses extending over 24 months. In 1906 the school was raised to the rank of a college and the course in the vernacular abolished. The graduates may aspire to the rank of division officers. The training of lower grade officers is left to the provinces. The Bombay Presidency had for some time their own forest school in connection with the Engineering College at Poona, but this is now abandoned. Another school, however, is located at Tharrawaddy, with a two-year course in Burmese, and one in Madras with a one-year course; so that the education of lower grade officials is well attended to.

Forest Experiment and Investigations have never been systematically instituted, being left to individual initiative, but lately (1909) provision has been made in this direction in connection with the Dehra Dun school by the establishment of an Imperial Research Institute.

Besides a monthly journal, the Indian Forester which came into existence in 1875 through Schlich’s initiative, and the annual reports of the various conservators and of the Inspector-General, a small book literature has developed within the last ten or fifteen years.

Descriptive volumes of note are J. S. Gamble’s Manual of Indian Timbers, new edition, 1902; Trees, Shrubs and Woody Climbers of Bombay Presidency by W. A. Talbot, 1902; Ribbentrop’s Forestry in British India, 1900, and the earlier publication of H. R. Morgan, Forestry in Southern India; Brandis’ Indian Forestry and Distribution of Forests in India. Of professional interest are E. E. Fernandez Manual of Indian Silviculture, unfortunately out of print; the same author’s Forest Industries; D’Arcy’s Manual of Forest Working Plans; C. C. Roger’s Manual of Forest Engineering in India, and B. H. Baden-Powell, Forest Law.

The influence of the development of the Indian Forest Service on the forest policy of other British colonies and of the home country has been considerable and is growing, Indian forest officers being detailed to assist in developing forest policies in these other parts of the British Empire.

CANADA.

Report on the Forest Wealth of Canada, by the Statistician of the Department of Agriculture, 1895.

Reports of Crown Lands Departments, of Bureau of Forestry of Ontario, and of Forestry Branch of the Dominion.

Defebaugh’s History of the Lumber Industry of America, Vol. I, 1906, brings together much information on this phase of the subject.

Hough’s Report on Forestry, Vol. II, 1880, has a compilation of earlier statistics.

An Analysis of Canada’s Timber Wealth, by B. E. Fernow, in Forestry Quarterly, Vol. VI, 1908, attempts a differentiation of commercial forest areas.

The largest single colony of Great Britain and the most important as regards forest supplies, both as to quantity and character, Canada has been for a long time supplying the mother country with a large proportion of her imports.

Although in size larger than the United States, its land area being estimated at over 3,600,000 square miles, Canada has so far attained only one-fifteenth of the population of her neighbor, namely less than 7 million, although now rapidly growing. Much of her territory is still unknown, and will remain for a long time unavailable for civilization owing to its inhospitable climate. Indeed, as yet not one-third of its territory may be considered opened up to civilization, and not much more than 100,000 square miles can be said to be occupied, one-half improved in farms, and two-thirds of this in crops.

Much of the northern country remains unorganized and the vast North West Territory (2,656,000 square miles) between Hudson’s Bay and the Rocky Mountains, as well as Labrador, are for the most part uninhabited except by Indians and a few military and trading posts.

The central interior region, dotted with lakes and intricate river systems, is a continuation of the forestless arid and subarid, plains and prairies of the country West of the Mississippi River, toward the north changing by steps into lowlands studded with open treegrowth, and barren tundra frozen all the year, a million square miles answering to this last description. The Pacific Slope is a rough and lofty mountain country, the extension of the Rockies and Coast Ranges, with a variable, in part humid and temperate, in part dry and rigorous climate, more or less heavily wooded, about 600,000 square miles, with the Fraser River in the South forming the most important drainage basin.

The Atlantic portion, south of the plateau-like, bare, or scantily wooded Hudson Bay and Labrador country, with a climate, somewhat similar to North Eastern Germany, is formed by the slopes of the watersheds of the Great Lakes and of their mighty outlet, the St. Lawrence River and its Gulf; the slopes rising gradually northward to the low range of the Height of Land, a plateau with low hills, not over 1500 feet elevation, which cuts it off from the northern country and forms the limit of commercial forest. This region, the bulk of the provinces of Ontario and Quebec—a belt of not exceeding 300 miles in width and about 1500 miles in length, altogether 300,000 square miles—with 93,000 square miles in the maritime provinces, around 250 million acres in all, represents, outside of British Columbia, the true forest region of Canada, and at the same time the centre of Canadian civilization.

Although the Cabot brothers discovered Cape Breton and Labrador in 1497 and 1500, the first settlement of Canadian territory was not made until 1541 by French colonists, after the first Captain-General of Canada, Jacques Cartier, the discoverer and explorer of the St. Lawrence (in 1534), had taken possession of the country for Francis I; but not much progress in colonizing was made until Champlain’s arrival in the first years of the next century. Quebec was founded as early as 1608, and Montreal in 1611, but Ottawa dates its first beginnings not farther back than 1800.

The northern country around Hudson’s Bay was, under the name of Rupert’s Land (after Prince Rupert, the head of the enterprise), undefined in limits, granted by Charles II, in 1670, to the Hudson’s Bay Company, a powerful fur-trading corporation which had not only a commercial monopoly but, except for occasional interference by the French, held absolute governmental sway over the country through 200 years, its jurisdiction at one time extending to the Pacific Coast.

Friction and warfare with the English resulted in the latter acquiring by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, Newfoundland, and settling their rights on Hudson’s Bay. The final conquest of “New France” by the English ended French rule in 1763, but the French colonists remained peacefully, and their descendants form to-day, at least in Quebec, the predominating influence. Indeed, in 1774, by the so-called Quebec Act, the first permanent system of self government was established much on the lines of the French feudal system, and the French civil law was retained.

At first, under English rule, the territory, then including the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota, formed one colony, but after the war of the Revolution, in 1791, the territory remaining English was divided into two separately governed provinces, Upper and Lower, or West and East Canada. They were re-united in 1840, and continued so until 1867 when the so-called Union or British North America Act effected the present organization of the Dominion of Canada, a federal union, comprising only the provinces of Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. After various combinations and subdivisions all of the British Possessions in North America, except Newfoundland and its dependencies in Labrador, came into the union, and, in 1882, the union was completed with the then seven provinces (those mentioned with Prince Edward Island, Manitoba and British Columbia) and all the organized and unorganized territory.

In the same year, four territories, Assiniboia, Saskatchewan, Alberta and Athabasca, in 1895 the territory of Ungava in Labrador, and in 1898 that of Yukon were organized, with a view of their eventual elevation into provinces, the relationships of the federation being quite similar to that of the states and territories in the United States.

In 1905, the Western territories were organized into two provinces, Saskatchewan and Alberta.

The government, although practically much like a republic and largely independent of the home country, is theoretically a limited monarchy, the king being represented by a Governor-General, appointed by the king, and a privy council selected by the governor. The latter also appoints (now 81) senators for life to form the upper house of the Parliament or legislative body, while the lower House of Commons is elected by the people. Besides this imperial government, each province has its own separate government with a lieutenant-governor, appointed by the Governor-General, and an elected legislature; this autonomy being somewhat similar to that of the states of the United States and the division of functions between federal and provincial governments being also similar.

Although the home government retains the veto power, the supreme jurisdiction and various other powers, and although apparently, by the appointment of officials, its influence is guarded, practically the party management as exercised in Great Britain prevails, and independence from imperial influence and from the home government is continually increasing. In regard to the crownlands, including forests, this division as well as this relationship becomes important. Each provincial government except those of the three middle provinces administers the crownlands within its boundaries in its own way, yet on similar lines, while the Dominion government controls only the lands located outside of the provinces together with those of the middle provinces and the so-called railway belt in British Columbia. These latter lands were mostly acquired by purchase from the Hudson’s Bay Company, the Company relinquishing its territorial rights in 1868, and the transfer being completed in 1870 upon payment of £300,000.

1. Forest Conditions.

The forest area has at various times and by various authorities been roughly estimated as between one and a quarter and over one and three quarter million square miles, which would make the forest per cent. at least over 32. But this includes the open woodlands of the northern territory and of the prairies, which, while of great importance to the local settlers, are for the most part probably or surely not of commercial value. Commercially valuable forests, actually or prospectively, are found almost only in British Columbia and in the old provinces, the two forest regions separated, just as in the United States, by a forestless region, except that north of the prairie region a continuous belt of open woodland extends to near the mouth of the Mackenzie River. A careful examination of the sources of information has led the writer to the conclusion that less than 350,000 square miles or round 200 million acres would cover fully the commercially valuable forest land, although the wooded area of the provinces in which the commercial timber occurs is stated officially as around 450 million acres, two-fifths of which is to be found in British Columbia.

Indeed, although we are accustomed to look upon Canada as a great forest country, it really possesses about 60 per cent. less commercial forest area than the United States, and about one-quarter of the mature timber of that country. It will be understood that all such statistics are merely rough estimates, the data being slim, and eked out by conjectures based on geographical conditions which predicate the character of the country. Most unreasonable speculations and calculations[16] as to amount of timber standing and value have been made on impossible assumptions.

While by the change of standards and by local needs, forest areas may become commercially valuable which were not so considered before, and thereby the above figures may be eventually increased, from the standpoint of valuable lumber supply for the world trade, the above named area may be assumed to set the limit for the present.

A computation based on slender information has placed the country with open woodlands in the central region as exceeding 280,000 square miles. The Director of Forestry estimated that 150,000 square miles of this area might contain nearly 200 billion feet merchantable timber.

The southeastern territory south of the Height of Land was originally all densely wooded. From it a farm area of round 25 million acres has been cut out, less than 7 per cent. of the land area included. Especially the south-western half of Ontario, between the Great Lakes, which contains the most fertile land, is densely settled, as also the shores of the St. Lawrence. A large part of the remaining forest area is cut over and culled, especially for pine; the amount of White Pine remaining according to estimates made in 1895 would now be less than 20 billion feet. Extensive areas have been turned into semi-barrens by repeated fires.

The Statistician of the Dominion in his report made in that year comes to the conclusion that “the first quality pine has nearly disappeared” and that “we are within measurable distance of the time when, with the exception of spruce as to wood, and of British Columbia as to Provinces, Canada shall cease to be a wood exporting country.”

The composition in general is the same as that of the northern forest in the United States: hardwoods (birch, maple and elm prevailing) with conifers mixed, the latter, especially spruce, becoming occasionally pure. The nearly pure hardwood forest of the southern Ontario peninsula has been almost entirely supplanted by farms, and here, even for domestic fuel, coal, imported from the United States, is largely substituted for wood. Although White Pine, the most important staple is found in all parts of this forest region, the best and largest supplies are now confined to the region north of Georgian Bay. Unopened spruce and fir lands still abound especially in Quebec on the GaspÉ peninsula and northward. Spruce forms also the largest share in the composition of the New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland forest, the pine in the first two provinces having practically been cut out. Extensive, almost pure Balsam Fir forest, fit for pulp wood, still covers the plateau of Cape Breton, while Prince Edward Island is to the extent of 60 per cent. cleared for agricultural use.

Much of this Eastern forest area is not only culled of its best timber, but burnt over, and thereby deteriorated in its composition, the inferior Balsam Fir appearing in largest number in the reproduction.

North of the Height of Land, in Ungava and westward, spruce continues to timber line, but, outside of narrow belts following the river valleys, only in open stand, branchy, and stunted, hardly fit even for pulp, for the most part with birch and aspen intermixed. This open spruce forest, interspersed among muskegs continues more or less to the northern tundra and across the continent to within a few miles of the mouth of the Mackenzie River and the Arctic Ocean, the White Spruce being the most northern species. In the interior, northern prairie belt, groves of aspen, dense and well developed, skirt the water courses and form an important wood supply.

The forests of British Columbia partake of the character of the Pacific forest of the United States, the Coast Range along the coast for about 200 miles being stocked with conifers of magnificent development, Douglas Fir, Giant ArborvitÆ, Hemlock, Bull Pine and a few others, the Rocky Mountain range also of coniferous growth, pine and larch, but of inferior character, large areas being covered with Alpine Fir (Abies lasiocarpa) and Lodgepole Pine, important as soilcover and for local use in the mining districts, but lacking in commercial value.

If much of the forest area in the settled provinces is burnt over and damaged by forest fire, much more extensive destruction is wrought in this northern forest by fires sweeping annually over millions of acres unchecked, many of them said to be started by lightning. About 50 per cent. of this country is said to be fire-swept.

Among the large notable forest fires the great Miramichi fire in New Brunswick in 1825 destroyed more than 6,000 square miles in a few hours. In 1880 the loss by forest fires in the Ottawa valley alone was still estimated at $5,000,000 annually. In 1909, reports indicate over half a million acres burnt over in that year.

The river systems of Eastern Canada, with the mighty St. Lawrence permitting sea-going vessels to come up to Montreal, have been most potent factors in the development of the lumber industry and export trade, without the need of railroads. Yet although, as a consequence this trade was early developed to a relatively large figure, it has not grown at as rapid a rate as might have been expected, and to-day with an export in excess of imports of less than 40 million dollars is considerably below that of the United States.

The small export trade of earlier times, having been stimulated by exempting Canadian timber from paying duties in the home country, or at least allowing it a preferential tariff, had by 1820 grown to 15 million cubic feet, all squared timber, and sent to England. In 1830, it had crept up to only 20 million cubic feet, but by 1850, it amounted to over 50 million cubic feet, two-fifths of which was sawed material, the 2632 mills being reported by the Census (1851) as having cut 776 million feet B.M. By 1867, when the Dominion was formed, the total export of forest products had advanced in value to $18 million; the next decade, with a climax year in 1873 of $26 million, saw an increase to $20 million in the average, the proportion of sawn material being nearly three times that of hewn wood, and the entire cut of Ontario going to the United States. At that time it was computed that the waste of value in shipping square timber amounted for the province of Ontario alone still to over $350,000 annually. At present sawed lumber, deals, boards, planks, etc., form 70 per cent. of the total export.

In the last 20 years a steady increase in exports at an average rate of about 3 per cent. per annum is noted, the total in 1903 culminating at nearly $41 million, but in the following year sinking to 36.7 million. In 1910, the total export amounted to $53 million, against which an import of nearly $16 million is to be offset, nearly double what it was three years before. Adding wood manufactures, the net export must be increased by some $36 million. The bulk of the export goes, of course, to the United States. But, while exports of forest products thus increased absolutely, relatively to other exports they have considerably declined, i.e., the lumber industry has not grown proportionally to other developments, for while, in 1868, forest products formed 34 per cent. of the total export, in 1904 they represented only about half that figure.

The same conclusion, namely that the lumber business has not increased rapidly in the last 25 years, may be derived from the report of the Decennial Census. While, for 1890, the total cut amounted to over 5 billion feet and its value to nearly $80 million, in 1900, the cut or at least the Census report fell below 4 billion and its value to $53 million. In 1909, the total lumber cut was reported as 3.8 billion feet B. M. and its value $62.8 million.

A measure of the depletion of the great staple White Pine is found in the statement that from 1865 to 1893 the average size of pieces decreased by one-quarter to one-third, and that, in 1863, over 23 million cubic feet were exported from Quebec as against 1.5 million feet in 1904, while the price had more than quadrupled in that period. Spruce has here taken the place of pine, and Ontario is now the main producer of pine. Yet in 1909, the White Pine cut in amount almost equaled that of spruce, and in value exceeded it by 40 per cent. Spruce, and especially pulpwood, forms an ever increasing item in cut and export, export of pulpwood having increased sevenfold in the last decade, to nearly $2 million, and of woodpulp to over $4 million.

A notable economic improvement has taken place during the last ten or fifteen years in that the proportion of raw materials exported, especially logs and square timber, has decreased in favor of manufactures.

While originally the home country took the bulk of exports of forest products, the cut of Ontario has been always, duty or no duty, sent almost entirely to the United States. In the last six or eight years, the export to the United States has been doubled, amounting now to about half of the total export, and as the States return of its own forest products largely in the form of manufactures to the extent of about 6 million dollars worth, a balance of trade for the Canadian forest product of 12 million dollars is left.

2. Ownership.

When the French took possession of the country, all the land belonged to the king, and could be held by others only under feudal tenure, i.e., as a gift under obligation of counter service. The whole country was placed as a fief under the rule of the Hundred Associates, a company which also exercised a trading and colonizing monopoly, but made no success, and was dissolved in 1663. It was then that Richelieu introduced the system of seigniorial tenure, the land being divided into portions of from 100 to 500 square miles, usually with a certain amount of river front, and given outright to younger noblemen, favorites of the court, and clerics, who were, however, obligated to subgrant to colonists, thereby becoming so many immigration agents. These not only treated their colonists as tenants, exacting rent and service, but exercised nearly absolute jurisdiction within their domains, the colonists becoming virtually serfs or retainers of the seigneurs. This condition continued until 1854, when an adjustment of rights was formulated by the Seigneurial Tenures Act, and the government aided the “habitans” to secure their freedom by indemnifying the seigneurs, or else by paying rent, which was done mostly.

Under English rule, the granting of lands, without, however, the seignorial rights, was continued. In 1784, such grants were made along the St. Lawrence and the Bay of Quinte to veterans of the loyalist army, some 20,000, in lots of 200 acres for privates up to 5,000 acres for field officers. In 1791, every seventh section was ordered to be set aside as Clergy Reserves for the support of the Protestant Church, a measure which created much friction, and formed, especially in the Roman Catholic province of Quebec, a chief grievance in starting the Papineau rebellion of 1837. Some 3,300,000 acres were gradually withdrawn for this purpose, and as far as possible leased to secure an income. Some of these lands were sold after 1827, and finally, in 1853, a statute was passed to sell the remainder and turn over the proceeds to municipalities for educational purposes and local improvement.

Extensive grants and sales were made to lumbermen and speculators. In this manner, by the granting of 13,000 acres to an American, Philemon Wright, in 1800, the great lumber industry of Ottawa was started, and, in 1836, another American syndicate secured about a million acres of grants. Out of the 50 million acres granted in aid of railroad construction, some portion must also have been in timber. By all these methods as well as by small grants and sales to settlers a large area of uncertain extent has become private property.

In Nova Scotia, nearly the entire government domain has passed by grant and sale into private hands, some 6 million acres, one-half in small holdings. Of the lands remaining in the crown at least two-thirds is on barrens. Similarly, in Prince Edward Island, the 800 square miles of woodland remaining are almost wholly owned privately, the 14,000 acres of state land being, like most of the private property, stripped of its value.

In New Brunswick over 1.6 million acres, mostly woodland (containing over 10 billion feet) was granted to the railway company and another million acres or so is in other private possession; a liberal disposal of lands having been continued until 1883, when about 7¹/₄ million acres of timber and waste land remained to the crown.

In Quebec some 6 million acres are estimated as privately owned, mostly in woodlots on farms. In Ontario the private woodland area of commercial character may be over 5 million acres.

Besides the large grants which were and still are probably to the greatest extent in timberlands, the farms in the various provinces, according to the Census of 1901, have from 22 to 57 per cent. in woodlots, or altogether probably in the neighborhood of 30 million acres.

The total area privately owned may then be placed at not to exceed, say 40 million acres, and the largest part of the forest area, is still crown lands, the government of the different provinces and the Dominion government in the territories and in the middle provinces administering them and deriving the revenue therefrom. This condition has prevailed since 1837, when the home government gave up its claim to land and revenues.

The provincial ownership extends over about 500,000 square miles. The Dominion government owns an area of 20,000 square miles in the railway belt of British Columbia, 20 miles on each side of the railway for 500 miles, which contains good timber, and some 722,000 square miles of land in the middle provinces which contains practically only timber suitable for local use.

3. Administration of Timberlands.

In the development of ownership conditions, the realization of the valuable assets in timber growth had not been overlooked by the home government, care of supplies for naval construction giving, as in the United States, the first incentive to a conservative forest policy.

Even under the early French rule, the grants of land were made under reservation of the oak timber fit for naval use, as is evidenced from a landgrant made in 1683. This reservation led to considerable friction as it hampered the colonists in making their clearings on the best lands. Later, the reservation was extended to include other timber needed for military purposes, and when the British occupation began, these established rights of the crown were not only continued, but reservations of larger areas for the timber were ordered, notably around and north of Lake Champlain. In 1763, and again in 1775, the home government ordered reservations to be set aside in every township.

But the great timberwealth seemed so inexhaustible that the governors paid little attention to the wise instructions of the home government for the creation of reservations, and whatever regulations regarding the cutting of timber were made, failed to be strictly enforced. In 1789, the policy of reserving to the crown all the timber as far as not granted, and giving licenses to cut, was inaugurated; but not until 1826 was even the revenue feature strongly enough realized to attempt systematically to secure the benefit of it, namely by allowing anyone to cut timber “such as was not required for the navy” who would pay a fixed rate for what was cut; a surveyor-general of woods and forests being appointed to collect the timber dues with the aid of qualified “cullers” (1811). There was even an attempt made to prevent waste by doubling the rate of timber dues on all trees cut which would not square more than 8 inches; this restriction probably remained a dead letter for lack of supervision.

Lumbermen, however, found it cheaper to buy the land, making only part payment, and after cutting the best timber, forfeiting the land; contractors who had the monopoly for cutting the timber for the royal navy cut also for their own account; corruption and graft pervaded the administration, which enriched its followers with the revenues obtained from the timber licenses and otherwise. The strong hand which, in the absence of a strong government, lumbermen were driven to use in order to protect themselves from piracy by their neighbors, or else to perpetrate such, brought about many bloody conflicts. The general maladministration of the so-called “Family Compact” besides other grievances, caused the revolution of 1837, which, although readily put down, led to the union of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada in 1841, and to reform of the abuses. It was then, that, after the new governor-general, Lord Durham’s admirable report on the situation, the home government turned over the administration (in part at least) and revenues of the crownlands to the several provincial governments. At that time in New Brunswick, where a thriving export trade had been early established the dues on $2 million worth of production were involved, and in Quebec and Ontario the income amounted to between $200,000 and $300,000.

But even then, the immediate revenue, and not any concern for its continuation animated the administration of the public or crown forests. The free-hand sales for nominal sums were changed into licenses to cut, and in order to secure larger returns these were by and by put up at auction for competitive bids, the premium or “bonus” being paid for the limits, (i.e., a limited territory on which the holder or licensee had the exclusive right to cut), in addition to the fixed dues or charges per unit for the timber actually cut. Later, to discourage the holding of timber limits for a rise of prices, an annual cut of first 1,000, then 500 feet per square mile of holdings was required. To still further accelerate the use of the licenses to cut, the Crown Timber Act of 1849 limited the license to one year, and provided for an eventual limit in size of the grants. All these provisions forced to more rapid cutting and overproduction, and depression in the lumber market was the result, the supply in 1847 being 44 million feet to meet an export of 19 million.

New rules were promulgated in 1851, introducing a ground rent system, a set price being paid per square mile of limit, and doubling the ground rent for unused limits each year. Needless to say, the impracticability of this geometric progression in ground rents became visible in a few years.

The final present systems in the disposal of timber limits, varying in detail, were gradually perfected in varying manner by the several provincial governments, but they agree in general principles, in that they grant limits for a certain time, some by the year, others by periods, usually 21 years, during which certain conditions as to establishment of mills and amount of manufacture without waste must be fulfilled, and a ground rent, a bonus, and timber dues for all timber cut are to be paid by the limit holder, details and prices varying and being changed from time to time. A diameter limit below which trees are not to be cut also mostly prevails. Lately, sales by the thousand feet B. M. have been inaugurated in Ontario, and sale by the mile is to be abandoned.

As a rule licenses become negotiable and can be transferred upon paying a small fee per square mile.

The governments reserving absolute rights to change conditions of this contract at any time, the interest of the licensee is to cut as fast as he can; other unsatisfactory conditions leading in the same direction.

A Department of Crown Lands in the Dominion government and in each province (in Nova Scotia the Attorney-General acting as head) administers the lands. Scalers or cullers attend to the measuring of the cut. The revenue derived by this system by all the provinces amounts now to round 4.5 million dollars per year, Ontario leading with about 20,000 square miles now under license, (mostly pine), producing in 1910, $1,835,000; the yearly average for the decade ending 1910 was 1³/₄ million dollars, and some 41 million dollars have altogether accrued since 1867; Quebec, with over 70,000 square miles under license, (mostly in spruce,) producing only about $700,000, nearly 30 million dollars having accrued during the 43 years, or at the rate of $418 per square mile, two-thirds of which from dues.

Since land for settlement is, as in the United States, obtainable by homestead and other entries, a good many fraudulent applications under guise of settlement have curtailed the revenue, until now closer scrutiny of the fitness of land for settlement is made.

The retention of the lands by the government is naturally a feature which would permit and should have earlier induced conservative forestry methods, but the immediate revenue interest has had and still has a more potent influence than considerations of the future.

4. Development of Forest Policy.

The impetus to introduce conservative features seems to have largely come through the influence of the forestry movement in the United States, and, although, voices of prominent Canadians, like that of James and William Little, and Sir Henry Joly de LotbiniÈre had been heard before in advocacy of a more far-seeing policy, the meeting of the American Forestry Congress at Montreal in 1882, (see p. 480) may be set as the date of the inception of this movement in Canada.

The definite result of that meeting was the inauguration of forest fire legislation in the various provinces. In the Province of Ontario, the Fire Act of 1878, which had until then remained a dead letter, was improved, in 1885, by inaugurating a fire ranger system, in which limit holders pay one-half the cost of the rangers. The force of fire fighters, 37 in the first year was gradually increased until, in 1910, nearly 1000 were employed at a cost of $300,000. In that year a change was made, the whole service including inspection being charged against the limit holder. In New Brunswick, a fire law was passed in 1885, followed, in 1897, by the introduction of the Ontario ranger system. In 1883, Nova Scotia passed a forest fire law, which, like that of New Brunswick, remained ineffective for lack of machinery; this was not provided until 1904, and since then has worked most satisfactorily. Recently a forest survey of this Province was made. Quebec also enacted fire legislation in 1883, but did not provide means to carry it into effect until 1889. Since at first only $5,000 annually was allowed for its execution, and by 1901-2 not more than $7,226 was expended for fire protection over an area of 40 million acres, its effectiveness may be doubted. But in 1905, a special Forest-Protection Branch, with a Superintendent and a ranger system after the Ontario pattern was organized, and the service has become more effective.

The need for more organized effort and advice led to the establishment of special bureaus of forestry. In Ontario, a Clerk of Forestry was established in the Department of Agriculture in 1883, and, in 1895, he was replaced by a Clerk in the Crown Lands Department, later named Director of Forestry (Mr. Thomas Southworth). This office, later, was changed to a Bureau of Forestry and Colonization, and a technically educated man was appointed as Provincial Forester, with a view of developing a forest management, at least in the Reserves. This movement, however, soon collapsed for lack of appreciation; the office was transferred back to the Department of Agriculture, which does not control any timberlands, the Forester resigned, and the bureau was, finally, in 1907, restricted to the colonization work, the forestry part being deliberately abandoned.

Meanwhile the Province of Quebec pursued a more enlightened course. To control the cut, a Culler’s office was established in 1842, which, however, only checked the square timber, then the principal material. In 1873, after various futile attempts to secure better supervision, a corps of forest rangers was created; but as they worked without organization the results were only partial until, in 1889, they were placed under seven chiefs or superintendents. In 1897, the number of superintendents were reduced to one, but having to work with incompetent men, political appointees, this improvement in headship did not produce much result. In 1907, a re-organization took place by introducing two professional foresters educated at government’s expense at American colleges of forestry who upon their return were employed to supply the technical supervision of cutting on licensed lands, and otherwise to forward forestry reforms. In 1910, the logical sequence occurred by placing the entire forest service except the protection against fire under one of these technical men as chief, with the other one as his assistant, and a corps of three civil engineers, 40 forest rangers and six scalers, besides 20 student assistants—the first organized provincial forest service in Canada, administered under the Superintendent of Woods and Forests in the Department of Crownlands.[17]

In 1898, the Dominion government had also recognized the need of more technical administration by instituting a Forestry Branch in the Department of the Interior under a superintendent with a view of developing improved methods. At first manned without technical advisers, who were, indeed, not in existence, gradually the professional element was introduced, and the scope of the Branch enlarged, the irrigation interests of the country being added. Under the able guidance of the present director—whose task under the political conditions surrounding it is not an easy one—this department may in a few years also become fully organized with technical men, of whom there are now seventeen employed, besides student assistants.

These various government agencies and other propaganda produced at least the important result of committing the governments to see the propriety of setting aside permanent forest reserves.

The first movement in this direction was made in 1893, and in 1895, the first Dominion reservations were made by Executive Order through the Minister of the Interior. These, to be sure, were located in the thinly timbered parts of the province of Manitoba, the Turtle Mountains and Riding Mountain, mainly for the protection of water supply.

Several other similar reserves were set aside by the Minister, but to give more stability to these reservations, an Act of Parliament was passed in 1906, declaring their permanence and placing them, 3,380,000 acres, under the administration of the Superintendent of Forestry. There are so far, some 26 Dominion Forest Reserves created, or in the act of creation, comprising an area of over 25,000 square miles. The Forestry Branch is making a brave beginning to survey and manage these reserves under forestry principles.

Of the provinces, Ontario was the first to recognize the principle of reservations in 1893, when a partially cut over, partially licensed territory of over one million acres was set aside as the Algonquin National Park in the Nipissing District, but the first definite establishment of a forest reserve policy dates from the Forest Reserve Act, passed in 1898, which authorizes the Executive, as in the United States, to withdraw lands for reserves. Some eight reserves and two parks have so far been established, and the reserved area amounts to around 20,000 square miles.

Of management on forestry lines on these reserves there is so far little to be heard, except an effort to keep fires out.

Quebec has followed this example of Ontario, first by setting aside the Laurentides Park in the Saguenay region, (1,634,000 acres), which, like Algonquin Park, was more in the nature of a game preserve. During 1906-7, however, under a law authorizing the Lieutenant Governor to set aside forest reserves, over 100 million acres were placed in reserve. Apparently, however, no administration of this preserve in the forestry sense is as yet attempted.

British Columbia, which until lately was only concerned in disposing of the well timbered crownlands, after having disposed of the best parts, has placed under reservation the balance, and a forest commission of inquiry has been constituted to devise further measures in the interest of forestry. Its report, appearing in 1911, gives a very clear statement of conditions in the province and the promise of active organization of a better service.

Of other attempts to foster forestry interests may be mentioned a law in Quebec, passed in 1882, providing a bonus of $12 per acre for tree planting, which seems to have remained without effect; another, providing for a diameter limit of 12 inches on the stump for pine and 9 inches for other kinds (these dimensions are now varied) inaugurated in 1888, may have preserved some young growth on the limits, although, since pulpwood is now the main product, and supervision has been inefficient, not much may be expected from such laws. Indeed, the chief of the forest service reports that 60% of the regeneration is of the inferior balsam fir.

In Ontario, a very competent Commission was created in 1897, with a noted lumberman, Mr. Bertram as president, to formulate methods of reform; but the able report remained barren of results.

The Dominion has been active in encouraging tree-planting in the prairies. The Agricultural Experiment Station at Ottawa not only set out object lessons by planting some 20 acres of sample plots, but for a number of years distributed plant material to settlers. This work was later taken over by the Forestry Branch and increased to a larger scale, some 85 acres being in nursery, and the distribution having grown to 15,000,000 seedlings in 1910.

Ontario, under the direction of its Department of Agriculture and in co-operation with the Agricultural College at Guelph, has lately embarked in two movements of amelioration, namely, establishing a State nursery from which plant material at cost, with advice as to its use, is given to farmers, and purchasing and reforesting waste lands in the agricultural section.

Tariff legislation is another means which is in the hands of the Dominion government to be used for encouraging forest conservancy. It has, however, so far not been used directly for such purpose, fiscal and commercial policies being uppermost. But the provinces have in this respect helped themselves by encouraging manufacture rather than export of raw materials, Ontario leading in this matter by prohibiting export of unmanufactured logs from Crownlands in 1898. Other provinces impose an export duty on pulpwood cut on crownlands, as does also Ontario.

At present writing, a reciprocity agreement with the United States is under contemplation, which would admit wood products from Canada free of duty—an arrangement which whatever its commercial advantages bodes no good for a conservative forest policy.

Meanwhile private limit holders, here and there, had begun to see the need of conservative methods, and by 1908, at least two large Paper and Pulp concerns had placed foresters in charge of their logging operations.

5. Education.

Until 1900, associated effort to advance forestry in Canada had relied on the international American Forestry Association. In that year, largely through the officials of the Dominion Forestry Branch (Mr. E. Stewart), the Canadian Forestry Association was formed.

This Association has grown more and more vigorous, and having escaped the period of sentimentalism which in the United States retarded the movement so long, could at once accentuate the economic point of view and bring the lumbermen into sympathy with their effort. In 1905, a quarterly magazine, the Canadian Forestry Journal was started by the Association, making its work of instruction and propaganda more effective. The technical literature, as yet slightly developed is found mainly in Bulletins of the Forestry Branch.

A most promising convention held in January 1906, with the Premier of the Dominion presiding, participated by prominent officials and business men, seemed to foreshadow the time when a real rational forest management, at least in some parts of the Dominion would be inaugurated.

But it can hardly be said that the expectations were realized, and another such convention was held in 1911, which may perhaps be followed by better results.

In 1909, following the precedent of the United States, a Conservation Commission was appointed for the Dominion under federal support, manned by the leading officials and prominent representative men from all provinces, and here the forestry interests may find at least educational advancement. The first two years of the existence of this Commission have, however, produced little advancement.

While the Ontario government had directly discredited the forestry movement by abolishing its bureau of forestry, indirectly it laid the foundation for a sure future, in 1907, by establishing in its provincial University at Toronto a Faculty of Forestry, with full equipment. A year later, the Province of New Brunswick also established a chair of forestry in its University, while some time earlier, the Guelph Agricultural College had introduced the subject of farm forestry in its curricula. The latest development in educational direction is the forest school organized in 1910 by the government of Quebec in connection with its forest service for the purpose of educating its own agents.

NEWFOUNDLAND.

Newfoundland, probably the first discovery of America by the Norsemen, remained a mere fishing station until modern times, and, except for the open coast, unknown as regards the wooded interior, which was supposed to be largely barren. It became a possession of Great Britain in 1713. Development did not begin until 1880 when the first railroad was built, and has progressed more rapidly since the Newfoundland Railway traversing the entire island was opened in 1898. It was found that, while the shores and a considerable part of the West and South coast are barren or poorly timbered, and on the interior plateau large moss barrens exist, there are extensive timber areas of mixed growth, White and Red Pine, Balsam and Spruce, with White Birch. A lumber industry, which by 1904 had grown up to probably not less than 100 million feet, is rapidly extending over the whole island, and an extensive paper pulp industry is preparing to establish itself, on timber limits under a license system similar to that applied in other parts of Canada. Some 5000 square miles are now under license. Forest fires have repeatedly devastated large areas, especially in 1904. The experience of that year led to the enactment of a forest fire law, but without any agency to make it effective.

No forest policy exists, except the commercial restriction of the license system. A forestry association has lately been formed.

OTHER BRITISH POSSESSIONS AND COLONIES.

Under the influence of the Indian forest service, or stimulated by its success, some of the other British Colonial governments in Africa and Australia have attempted and sometimes succeeded in establishing a forest policy.

Of East Indian territories, Ceylon, the nearest neighbor to India, with over 25,000 square miles, of which 42 per cent. wooded, mostly with second growth forest of small value, attempted long ago an organization with the aid of Indian foresters, but by 1900 had of over 10,000 square miles only 431 in reserves, in addition to nearly 1800 acres planted. One Conservator and 8 Assistant Conservators produce a net revenue of less than $30,000, there being an import of $250,000 necessary to eke out the wood requirements of the 3.5 million people.

---

The Straits Settlement, an area of 1526 square miles, had, by 1900, a reserved state forest area of 138 square miles under an experienced Indian forest officer. Gutta percha, rubber and gums are here the most valuable products.

---

The Federated Malay States, with 26,350 square miles, and heavily wooded, after a report by the Indian Inspector-General, have begun to reserve forest areas, some 100,000 acres having been set aside, which are administered by the Conservator of the Strait Settlement’s reserves.

---

The government of the island of Cyprus also employs a forest officer and guards to look after its 700 square miles of forest.

---

In Africa, during the last few years small forest departments have been established by the governments of the Soudan, East Africa, Nigeria, Transvaal, Orange River and Natal, mostly for the purpose of planting on the treeless plains.

---

The government of Mauritius had made attempts at conservancy for many years, but without notable success.

---

The most successful attempt in Africa so far is reported from Cape Colony, which as early as 1819 had a Superintendent of Lands and Woods, and in 1876, a Department of Forests and Plantations, neither of which have left much of record.

In 1881, a new forest department under a French forest officer was started, which has grown until now its consists of one Conservator (D. E. Hutchins), 22 Assistant Conservators, 84 European foresters, and a few native guards. In 1888, the needed legislation was had for regulating the working of the nearly half million acres of forest area, which, in 1902, was declared inalienable government property. Since the wood imports amount to over two million and a quarter dollars annually, the need of conservative use is appreciated especially as climatic conditions are unfavorable to reproduction. Some 24,000 acres have been planted during 22 years, at a cost of $1,500,000, the first plantations beginning to yield a substantial revenue, and it is believed that another 40,000 acres of such plantations would supply all the timber needed in the Colony. Treeplanting by private land owners and municipalities is encouraged by furnishing advice gratis and plant material at low cost, and to municipalities in addition government aid is extended to the extent of half the cost of planting.

---

The seven Australian colonies are very variously situated regarding timber supplies, three of them, Queensland, Western and South Australia being poorly wooded, the others more or less heavily forested, especially Tasmania with 65 per cent., and New Zealand with 31 per cent. Generally speaking the forest areas are confined to the coast in narrower and wider belts, the interior being forestless or with scrubby growth. This portion is large enough to reduce the total forest per cent. to less than 6.5. The mountains and hill ranges facing the Eastern, Southern and Western coasts are especially heavily wooded with magnificent Eucalypts, Jarrah and Karri while the Kauri pine is the most valuable tree in New Zealand.

The one successful attempt at a forest policy was made by the almost forestless colony of South Australia, which in 1882 reserved its scanty forest area of 217,000 acres and started to plant, (now 13,000 acres planted), employing a Conservator and six Foresters.

In the other colonies at various times unsuccessful beginnings were made, and there exist in Queensland, New South Wales, and Victoria so-called Forest Branches or departments, but mostly without power or equipment, and no intelligent conception of forest policy seems practically to exist.

In Queensland, since 1897, the Governor in Council may reserve forest lands and regulate the cutting by diameter limit. One and a half million acres have been reserved, but no staff for administration exists.

In New South Wales six million acres were withdrawn from settlement, but it is mostly used for pasture, and withdrawal may be revoked at any time. No effective system of control exists.

In Victoria five and a half million acres have been declared reserves under act of 1890, nearly half the forest area. There exists a forest department of one Conservator, two Inspectors and 25 Foresters, but no plan of management. Four State nurseries of doubtful value seems the whole result.

The other colonies still merely exploit their forest resources under loosely managed license systems, without even an inefficient attempt at intelligent treatment.

---