Page 1, line 10, Savory of Mauleon.—For an interesting article on this Baron and his poems, see the eighteenth volume of the Histoire LittÉraire de France, pp. 671-682. His name is of frequent occurrence in the English rolls and charters of the reigns of John and Henry III. —— l. 20, laxait Bordelois.—Alphonso VIII. King of Castille, married Alianor, daughter of Henry II. of England, and in her right he claimed Gascony, in opposition to King John, and invaded it. In 1206, he laid siege to Bourdeaux. See Dom. Bouquet, Collect. des Historiens de France, tom. xviii. p. 245. P. 3, l. 2, lois is the Latin laudes. —— l. 19, par presen.—It has been suggested that this may mean as though he were present; but I think the translation adopted is preferable. P. 4, l. 6, Lo rei Richard.—Richard I. was in Aquitaine when he received the wound which caused his death. —— l. 17, Lozoics ... Guillelme ... ad Aurenga.—The allusion, I suppose, is to the inedited romance of Guillaume d’Orange. P. 5, l. 20, Cadoing.—Perhaps Cadomum, or Caen, as here translated. But there was also a place called Cadoing near PÉrigueux, which had a celebrated abbey. It may be observed, as a peculiar characteristic of the ProvenÇal songs of this class, that the poet generally introduces an address to a lady, although she has nothing to do with the subject. P. 6, l. 11. Song on the Bishops.—Since this part of the volume was printed, I have found among the manuscripts of the British Museum (MS. Reg. 7 F, V, fol. 1, ro, written in a contemporary hand) a copy of this song, containing important variations, which would have enabled me to give the text Complange tuum, Anglia, melos suspendens organi; Et maxime tu, Cantia, de mora tui Stephani. Thomam habes sed alterum, secundum habes iterum Stephanum, qui trans hominem induens fortitudinem signa facit in populo. Dolos doles metropolis quos subdoli parturiunt, Orbata tuis incolis, dolose quos ejiciunt, Largos emittis gemitus, patre privata penitus. Sed cum habebis Stephanum, assumes tibi tympanum, chelym tangens sub modulo. The following are the various readings offered by this MS.—P. 6, l. 1, tuum.—P. 7, l. 4, doles.—15, vel legem.—17, quis Nathan David.—19, vel postibus.—21, jam liberetur.—P. 8, l. 2, exurge.—4, ancilla.—5, jam superductis aliam.—7, PortÆ prÆvalent inferi, with Tartari written over the last word.—8, nam ludo.—16, Scriptis omitted.—19, Patet interpretatio " et arduis et infimis, " Nam regni, &c.—P. 9, l. 2, et sacerdos, with et erased and nam written over it.—3, concurrit ad.—7, sudet.—12, eos.—15, et deicit.—20, debent et suum fundere.—22, jactant.—P. 10, l. 8, in hac.—11, clamet.—16, dum.—17, perit.—20, sedet ad.—22, Euvangelium.—23, after this line should come the following, Ad nummos vertit oculum.—P. 11, l. 1, lucro lucam.—2, Marcum marca.—3, librum libra.—8, Amplectuntur.—13, sunt appositi " Sed longe.—20, ob hoc.—P. 12, l. 1, In canes nostri.—10, Eliensis.—11, datus.—12, Eli et ensis.—14, Elios.—16, Et Babilonis.—19, Wlstani.—P. 13, l. 1, Wlstani.—4, Effot, mitram, et anulum.—8, et is omitted.—9, Hinc est, et hinc a latere " Et pauper.—13, non causatur.—14, des. Cantia. —— l. 16, tui Stephani.—Stephen Langton, whom the Pope had appointed to the archbishopric of Canterbury, in opposition to the election of the monks and the King. He was archbishop from 1207 to 1229. P. 7, l. 17, natum should be Nathan; see the above various readings for this as well as for some other necessary corrections, which would have rendered the translation less difficult. P. 8, l. 3, Agar ... filium.—The marginal note in Flacius says, Joannem Graye Episcopum Nordovicensem intelligit. It is not said whether these side-notes are given from the MS. which Flacius used, or are of his own making. P. 8, l. 14.—The same side-notes tell us the scribentem digitum means the Pope—Papam intelligit. P. 9, l. 12, Non est qui.—The allusion, according to the side-note, is to Pandulph the legate. This explanation is, however, rather doubtful. P. 10, l. 1, prÆsuli BathoniÆ.—Joceline de Welles, Bishop of Bath and Wells from 1205 to 1242. He fled out of England with the Bishops of London, Ely, and Worcester, who had published the interdict. —— l. 10, Norwicensis bestia.—John Graye, Bishop of Norwich, who was designed by the King to the see of Canterbury. The three Bishops who took part with the King, whom Matthew Paris calls “tres episcopi curiales,” were those of Norwich, Winchester, and Durham. —— l. 15, Cato quondam tertius.—I do not quite understand the allusion. It occurs again at the end of the Apocalypsis GoliÆ— De cÆlo cecidi ut Cato tertius, Nec summi venio secreti nuncius, Sed meus michi quod inscripsit socius, Hoc vobis dicere possum fidelius. —— l. 19, Wintoniensis armiger.—Peter de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, from 1204 to 1238. He was a native of Poitiers in France, and had been a knight before his consecration. He, with the Bishops of Durham and Norwich, supported the party of the King against the Pope. In 1214 he was made chief-justice of England, and he was protector of the realm during the minority of Henry III. See Godwin, de PrÆsulibus. P. 11, l. 1, lucro Lucam ... Marco marcam ... librÆ librum.—These puns are frequently repeated in the satirical poetry of the thirteenth century. They will be found further on in the present volume, pp. 16 and 31, as well as in some of the poems of Walter Mapes. Giraldus Cambrensis uses a similar pun in relating his journey to Rome, where he says he differed in one particular from others who went there, for he offered libros, non libras. Libra in the song should probably be translated a pound, as at p. 31, not the scales. P. 12, l. 1, Joannes ... decanus.—For Joannes, the King’s MS. has canes, which is perhaps right, as canus and canit in the following line seem to be continued puns upon the word. P. 12, l. 10, Heliensis.—Eustace, Bishop of Ely, from 1197 to 1214. As has been observed, he was one of the three who published the pope’s interdict. —— l. 19, Wolstani subambule.—Maugerius, Bishop of Worcester, from 1200 to 1212. He was also one of those who published the interdict, and having like the others fled to the Continent, he died in exile at Pontiniac, in 1212. It is hardly necessary to observe that St. Wolstan had held the see of Worcester in the eleventh century. P. 13, l. 6, De Roffensi episcopo.—Gilbert de Glanville, Bishop of Rochester, from 1185 to 1214. Between him and his monks there was perpetual contention, and he diminished much the goods of his church. See Godwin. —— l. 10, pauper SarisburiÆ.—Robert, Bishop of Salisbury, who seems to have lived in obscurity. Godwin says he could find no other information relating to him, except the date of his being bishop. —— l. 15, I Romam.—Flacius Illyricus gives here the following side-note—“Golias ad librum, vel Gualterus Mapes.” P. 14, l. 6-10.—This information is conveyed in two side-notes in Flacius Illyricus, who has printed this Song imperfectly; but whether these notes were composed by the editor, or found in the manuscript, we are not told. There are no circumstances in the Song itself which would lead us to fix it to this date rather than to any other in the first half of the thirteenth century. The two notes are at the beginning,—“Leo, Joannes Rex; aselli, episcopi sunt;”—and at the end, “Jupiter Rex Joannes est: Pluto, Romanus pontifex.” On reference, however, to Bale, I find that he speaks of Mapes as calling King John sometimes a lion and sometimes Jupiter, and as designating the Pope by the name of Pluto, and the bishops as asses, which seems to prove that he had read these side-notes, perhaps in the manuscript from which Flacius’s transcript was made. It is not indeed improbable that the latter obtained it from Bale himself, who was perhaps the author of the side-notes. —— l. 11, Song on the Times.—Flacius has printed this Song in his Varia Doctorum, etc. Poemata, p. 406, with the omission of the three first stanzas, which he had previously given as a separate song at p. 159. The text now printed is made up from a comparison of the manuscript with the printed text. The variations are as follows:—L. 1, utor, Flacius.—3, deaurati belli, Fl.—9, Facies in opere, MS.—10, Tegunt partem an., Fl.—P. 15, l. 2, congruit ramum in, Fl.—3, P. 16, l. 6, crux placet.—The face of the coin was marked with a cross. P. 20, l. 1, prima rabies.—The insurrection of the Barons. —— l. 2, altera belligeras Francorum.—The expedition of Prince Louis to help the Barons, who were hard pressed by John’s foreign auxiliaries. —— l. 3, Scottorum tertia.—l. 4, Flexit quarta Galenses.—Both the Scots and Welsh joined actively in the war, or rather took that occasion of invading the kingdom. —— l. 6, turres.—The MS. has turmas in the text, and “vel turres” in the margin. P. 22, l. 13.—The writer evidently intended a pun, or rather a double meaning, in the word parentis at the end of the line. P. 23, l. 5, viri, i. e. Gualo the legate. The poem was evidently written by a strong partizan of the Pope. —— l. 10, truces.—The MS. has traces. —— l. 15, &c.—Louis and his party were at London, which they quitted in the November after King John’s death, in order to march towards the North. On the 6th December they took Hertford Castle, and that of Berkhampstead on the 20th, and proceeded to St. Alban’s. A truce was then agreed to, which continued till after Easter. P. 24, l. 2, Montique Sorello.—When hostilities recommenced, the Barons of the king’s party laid siege to Mount Sorrel, in Lincolnshire, but were obliged to retreat by the approach of a part of the army of Louis under the command of the Comte de Perche. —— l. 7, Cestrensis clipeus.—Ranulph de Blundeville, Earl of Chester, one of P. 24, ll. 8, 9, 10, in the margin, opposite these three lines respectively, the original scribe has written, “S. Notingham. Trente. Nicole.” The nobilis matrona was Nichola, widow of Gerard de Camville, who defended Lincoln Castle against the French. —— l. 11.—It may be well to point out the remarkable alliteration in this line and the following. —— l. 14, signa.—The MS. has singna, a form not uncommon in such words. —— l. 15, ora.—The MS. has hora. P. 25, l. 2, Sabbatum.—Saturday, May 20, 1217. The next day was Trinity Sunday. P. 28, l. 11, SabinÆ.—Sabina was a very common term for a modest woman in low Latin, just as Thais was for a strumpet. See on the latter word a note in the Early Mysteries and other Latin Poems, p. 131. —— l. 12, Arabes.—Arabia, the land of gems and spices, was believed to contain inexhaustible stores of riches. P. 33, l. 4, Refert ad focariam.—Focaria was the name given to the wives or concubines of the priests and clergy, who had been recently proscribed. It occurs again in the Apocalypsis GoliÆ— Seductam nuncii fraude prÆambuli, Capit focariam, ut per cubiculi Fortunam habeat fortunam loculi, Et per vehiculum omen vehiculi. I have rendered the word, according to its derivation, by fire-side woman, for it is explained in an old gloss as meretrix foco assidens. See Ducange in v. Fuller (Church Hist. p. 27, folio edit.) makes very needless difficulties on the meaning of this word, apparently for the sake of introducing some equally needless jokes. The following article in the decreta of Pope Alexander, printed in the History of Henry of Huntingdon (Scriptores post Bedam, fol. 1601), p. 589, which one would think must have passed under his eyes, left little room for doubt;— “Ne clerici in sacris ordinibus constituti focarias habeant. “Clerici in sacris ordinibus constituti, qui mulierculas in domibus suis sub incontinentiÆ nota tenuerint, aut abjiciant eas et continenter vivant, aut beneficio et officio fiant ecclesiastico alieni.” In the statutes of Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, MS. Cotton. Julius D. II. fol. 167, ro, we find also a chapter— “De focariis amovendis. “Sacerdotibus vero prÆcipue et spiritualiter in virtute Spiritus Sancti et sub periculo beneficii districte prÆcipimus quod continenter vivant et honeste, concubinas suas a domibus suis procul expellant, et nullam familiaritatem cum eis de cÆtero habeant, nec in propriis domibus nec in alienis, nisi volunt simul beneficiis et officiis contra hoc agendo privari,” etc. And again, just after, we have the following title:— “De poena et satisfactione focariarum. “ConcubinÆ sacerdotum frequenter moneantur ab archidiaconis, et prÆcipue a sacerdotibus in quorum parochia morantur, vel ut contrahant, vel ut claustrum ingrediantur, vel sicut publice peccaverunt publicam agant poenetentiam.” The word focaria is often used by Giraldus Cambrensis. Speaking of a priest on the Borders of Wales, he says, “More sacerdotum parochialium AngliÆ fere cunctorum damnabili quidem et detestabili, publicam secum habebat comitem individuam et in foco focariam et in cubiculo concubinam.” (Wharton, Anglia Sacr. vol. ii. p. 525.) From this passage it is clear that the name focaria was given to them because they lived publicly with the priests in their houses, and shared their fire-sides; and from some other circumstances mentioned in Giraldus, it appears that they were in reality married to the priests, though the stricter party considered the marriage to be uncanonical. P. 36, l. 2, Omina.—The MS. has Homina. —— Bernard de Rovenac.—For all that is known of this poet, see the Histoire LittÉraire de France, tom. xviii. p. 667. P. 48, ll. 7-10, Regnat nunc impietas, &c. These four lines resemble very closely the first four lines of another song, in MS. Sloane, No. 1580, fol. 160, Captivata largitas longe relegatur, Exulansque probitas misere fugatur, Dum virtuti veritas prave novercatur, Inperat cupiditas atque principatur. P. 49, l. 8, Wandelardus.—Perhaps a Vandal. —— ll. 15-18. With the little information given in the song, it is difficult to ascertain who were the four brothers the writer intended to satirise. This punning way of deriving and explaining proper names was by no means uncommon during the middle ages. In a splendid Bible in three volumes folio, written in England early in the twelfth century, and now preserved in the Library of St. GeneviÈve at Paris, the scribe gives the following very curious account of his family. Its being previously inedited will be a sufficient excuse for inserting it here. “Hanc Bibliothecam scripsit Mainerus scriptor Cantuariensis. Sed ne ab ignorantibus parentelam suam putaretur nothus, sive spurius, placuit ei nomen proprium suum et nomen propinquorum parentum suorum scribere et ethimo-logizare. Ipse itaque scriptor inter suos recto nomine Mainerus nominabatur, quod nomen ei desienter datum est; Mainerus enim interpretatus est, imitata in sua manu gnatus, quia peritus fuit et gnarus in arte scribendi. Pater ejus Wimundus nominabatur, quod nomen interpretatum Latine sonat hodie mundus; poterat enim de eo dici cotidie quod mundus esset, quod mundus in mundo munde vixit, ad Creatorem suum sine immunditia migravit. Nomen matris suÆ dicebatur Anglice Livena, quod Latine sonat lÆtitia; fuit enim mulier hylaris, facie decora, moribus ornata et pudica, et semper in largiendo bona sua pro Dei amore datrix hilaris; sana et incolumis per .lxxx. annos et plus feliciter vixit. Avus suus nominabatur Ulgerus, i. ulnas gerens; fuit enim vir magnus et fortis, qui magnas habebat ulnas. Nomen aviÆ suÆ dicebatur Anglice Elvera, quod interpretatur Dei vidua, quÆ et in bona viduitate diu vixit. Quatuor habuit fratres et unam sororem, quorum primus vocabatur Radulphus, i. ratus et adustus, i. firmus in adolescentia; fortis enim valde juvenis fuit. Secundus dicebatur Robertus, quia a re nomen habuit, spoliator enim diu fuit et prÆdo. Tertius nuncupabatur Giroldus, girovagus enim fuit omnibus diebus vitÆ suÆ. Quartus nominabatur Johannes, quod nomen interpretatum sonat Dei gratia; et iste gratiam Dei gratia Dei P. 51. Song upon the Tailors.—It is scarcely necessary to say that the three lines which form the theme of this song, are the commencement of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Llewellin, Prince of Wales, invaded the Marches in 1263. P. 53, l. 3, capucium.—The name capuce was given sometimes to a separate piece of apparel with which the head was covered, and at others to the upper part of the tunic of the monks which covered the head. In the present instance it must be taken in the former sense. A full account of the different senses of the word will be found in Ducange. —— l. 6, almucium.—The aumuce was a separate article of clothing which covered both head and shoulders. One of the articles of the canons for the behaviour of the monks, given by Pope Clement V., was, “ut almutiis de panno nigro, vel pellibus, caputiorum loco, uterentur.” —— l. 14, Tyeis.—The French and Anglo-Norman form of the Latin Teutonicus. It is the origin of the name of several old English families. P. 57, l. 4, Cernite.—The MS. has scernite. P. 58, l. 2, Frollo.—This personage is a famous character in the fabulous history of Arthur, and is there said to have been King of Paris under the Romans. When hard pressed by Arthur, who had conquered “all France and all Germany,” he took refuge in Paris, and was besieged there. The people in the city beginning to feel the effects of famine, persuaded Frollo to engage Arthur in single combat. The battle was said to have taken place in the “isle” (insula Parisiensis), the part of the French capital included between the two branches of the Seine, in which, at the present day, stand NÔtre-Dame and the Palais de Justice, with its beautiful Sainte-Chapelle. The story of Arthur and Frollo is told at length in Geoffrey of Monmouth. —— ll. 10, 11, Arthurus.—King Arthur, the hero of so many romances. Broinsius. (?) Constantinus.—Constantine the Great, whose mother Helena was said to have been a British lady. Brennius: the conqueror of Rome, who, according to the British history, was a Briton. P. 58, ll. 13, 14, Karolum—Charlemagne; Ricardum—Richard Coeur-de-Lion: both of whom were the heroes of romances and popular songs. The same two heroes of French and English fable are mentioned in a curious passage of the Polychronica of Ralph Higden: “Quemadmodum GrÆci suum Alexandrum, Romani suum Octavium, Angli suum Ricardum, Franci suum Karolum, sic Britones suum Arthurum prÆconiantur.” P. 225, in Gale’s Scriptores. P. 59. The Song of the Barons.—The transcript of this curious fragment was communicated to me by Sir Frederick Madden. The original is written in a contemporary hand on a roll twenty-two inches long, by three broad, and was evidently intended to be carried about by the minstrel who was to sing it. On the reverse had been written a curious interlocutory poem in English of a later period, entitled, “Interludium de Clerico et Puella.” It was, in 1838, in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Richard Yerburgh, Vicar of Sleaford, in Lincolnshire. Such rolls appear to have been in common use. A very curious vellum roll of the fifteenth century, containing chiefly religious songs with the music, and, among the rest, a copy of the well-known song on the battle of Agincourt printed by Percy, has been recently deposited in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. I am informed that another, of the thirteenth century, has been lately found among the archives of Sir John Hanmer, Bart., containing an Anglo-Norman romance previously unknown, on the adventures of Melors, son of Melians of Cornwall. Among the Sloane MSS. in the British Museum (No. 809), is an early copy of the curious poem of Walter de Biblesworth, designed for the instruction of children in the French language, written in a similar manner on a roll of parchment, evidently for the purpose of being more easily used in a school. —— l. 1, de Warenne ly bon quens ... en Norfolk.—John, Earl of Warenne, a staunch supporter of the royal party, in whose cause we shall soon afterwards find him fighting at Lewes. —— l. 7, Sire Jon Giffard.—Sir John Giffard, of Brimsfield, in Gloucestershire, a firm adherent of the Barons. When Sir Roger de Clifford delivered Gloucester to Prince Edward, Giffard fortified his castle of Brimsfield, and P. 60, l. 1, Sire Jon Dayvile.—Sir John Dayvile, or D’Ayvile (Robert of Gloucester calls him in one place De Eivile) does not appear very prominent in these troubles till after the death of Simon de Montfort at Evesham. He then headed those of the Barons who established themselves at Chesterford in the Peak, and afterwards was the chief of those who held the Isle of Ely against the King. Knighton calls him “homo callidus et bellator fortis.” See Knighton (in Twysden), col. 2454; Chron. ThomÆ Wikes (Gale), pp. 81, 82; Robert of Gloucester, p. 564. —— l. 7, De Cliffort ly bon Roger.—Roger de Clifford first took part with the Barons, but early in the war deserted them, and delivered Gloucester castle, which he held for them, to Prince Edward. He was with the King at Northampton. —— l. 13, Sire Roger de Leyburne ... ses pertes que Sire Edward le fist.—Sir Roger de Leyburn was at first a partizan of the Barons, and had been taken prisoner at Rochester Castle, and committed to the custody of John Mareschall. It was on this occasion, probably, that he was visited with the penalties alluded to in the song. He was afterwards seduced by the royal party, and made Warden of the Cinque Ports. He was with the King at the taking of Northampton, at the defence of Rochester, where he was wounded, and at Lewes. P. 61, l. 16, Ly eveske de Herefort.—Peter de Egueblanche, Bishop of Hereford, a staunch adherent to the King, and, by his oppressions, exceedingly obnoxious to the Commons. In 1263, the Barons seized and imprisoned him, and confiscated his treasures. He was a native of Savoy. P. 62, l. 1, ly pastors de Norwis.—Simon de Wanton, Bishop of Norwich, from 1257 to 1265, chaplain to King Henry III., and one of his justices. —— l. 7, Sire Jon de LangelÉ.—According to the Annales de Dunstaple, the estates of G. de Langley were plundered soon after the arrest of the Bishop of Hereford:—“idem facientes de maneriis G. de Langele et ejus bonis.” Vol. i. p. 354. Perhaps this was the same person. P. 62, l. 13, Sire Mathi de Besile.—We should perhaps read Machi; Robert of Gloucester and Stow call him Macy. He was a French knight, who had been made Sheriff of Gloucester, after the King had sworn to the articles of Oxford. The Barons ejected him, and put another sheriff in his place; Sir Macy came with a body of armed men and the authority of the King, reinstated himself by force, and drove away his rival. Sir Roger de Clifford and Sir John Giffard came against him, besieged and took Gloucester Castle, and imprisoned him along with the “Freinss bissop” of Hereford, whom they seized immediately afterwards. Robert of Gloucester mentions the confiscation of his property:— “And Sir Jon Giffard nom to him is quic ei?te echon, And al that he fond of is, and nameliche at Sserton.” The song here printed was evidently written just after this event, and previous to the subsequent desertion of Clifford and others mentioned in it. —— l. 18, treget.—It has been suggested that this word represents the Latin treugellum, a little truce. —— l. 19, mi Sire Jon de Gray.—John de Gray held on the King’s party, and was rewarded for his loyalty by the grant of various high offices. The circumstance alluded to in the song is thus told in the Annales de Dunstaple (Ed. Hearne, vol. i. p. 357); it occurred in the disturbances in London in 1263.—“Quo perpetrato facinore, cives Londoniarum contra ipsum et alios de consilio regis in civitate commorantes, insurrexerunt; in tantum quod hospitium Johannis de Grey extra Ludgate invaserunt, et equos ejus triginta duo et alia quÆcunque ibidem inventa abduxerunt: ipso Johanne cum difficultate maxima ultra alveum de Flete fugam arripiente. Idem fecerunt de domibus et bonis Simonis Passelewe.” —— l. 21, que must, quod movit. P. 63, l. 4, Sire Willem le Latimer.—Sir William le Latimer was a firm adherent of the King, and held at different times several offices of trust. He suffered considerable losses in the Barons’ wars. He afterwards appears to have accompanied Prince Edward to the Holy Land, and was at the siege of Carlaverock in 1300. He died in 1305, at a very advanced age. Knighton calls him miles strenuissimus. P. 63. Song of the Peace with England.—It has been suggested to me that the word cul in this song is only a form of col (collum); and I am told The Song of the Peace with England had been previously printed by Mons. Achille Jubinal, well known for his numerous publications of early French literature, in a very curious volume entitled “Jongleurs et TrouvÈres,” 8vo. Paris, 1835. M. Jubinal also gave a translation into modern French of this song, as well as of the piece I am now going to mention, in the “Journal de l’Institut Historique,” Jan. 1835, which has been reproduced in the Histoire de Saint Louis, by the Marquis de Villeneuve-Trans, 8vo. Paris, 1839, vol. iii. p. 614. In the manuscript from which this song is printed, it is accompanied by a piece in prose on the same event, and of a similar character, entitled Le Chartre de la Pais aus Anglois, which I venture to reprint here from M. Jubinal’s book, as the latter is now out of print, and very scarce. It will be observed that the same style of gross joking which is found in the song, runs through the charter; a double meaning was evidently intended, for example, in the words qu’il fu fet La Chartre de la Pais aus Anglois. “Ce sache sil qui sont et qui ne sont mi, et qui ne doivent mi estre, qu’il fu fet .i. gros pes entre ce rai Hari d’Ingleter, et ce riche homme Loys À Parris, sarra forretier de ce grant forrest À Normandi. Et quant ce rai Hari d’Ingleter voudra vauchier par son terre, ce riche homme Loys À Parris voudra donier À ce rai Hari meismes .ii. poronssores À mester soz son houses, por ester plus minet; et quant ce rai Hari voudra aler de mort À vie, cestui riche homme Loys À Parris, devra donier À d’Adouart sa fils cesti chos meism, souz vise quitement, francement di-je, c’avant c’arier. C’est donques À saver .i. poronssores quant il voudra vauchier par son terre À meter soz son houses, por ester plus minet aussinc comme À sa piere. Et por ce que je vÉele que ce chos fout fiens en estable, je vÉele pendez ma saiele À ce cul par derrier, avoecques la saiele À mi barons d’Ingleter. L’an de l’incarnacion nostres sinors Jesoucriet mimes qui souffri mort À la crucefimie por nous, m. cc. lx. i. ij. et iij., À ce jodi assolier, derriÈre ce vendredi, À orre que Marri Masalaine chata ce honissement À honissier les .v. plais Jesoucriet nostre sinors mimes, qui souffra mort À la croucefin por nous, et Marri Mauvaise-alaine portez ce honnissement À la Saint Supoucre; et Marri Mauvaise-alaine vÉez l’angiel, et l’angiel pona: “Marri! Marri! quei quierÉ vous quei?” Et Marri pona: “Je queres Jhesum qui fout À la crucefimie.” Et l’angel pona À Marri: “Marri! Marri! alÉici, alÉici: il ne fout pas Çi, il fout alÉ cestui matin À Galerrie.” P. 64, l. 6, choison; from choir (cadere). P. 65, l. 6, gondre Glais grondier, contra Anglos grunnire. —— l. 9, À l’art.—Perhaps it should be alart, and is derived from the Latin alacriter. —— l. 11, la conte À Clocestre.—Gilbert de Clare, who succeeded his father in the Earldoms of Hereford and Gloucester in 1262, and was a zealous partizan of the Barons, until he deserted Simon de Montfort before the battle of Evesham. —— l. 15, la cont Vincestre.—Roger de Quincy, Earl of Winchester. Why his name is introduced so prominently, does not seem clear. He died in the year following (1264), and the title became extinct. P. 67, l. 3, Rogier Bigot.—Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk. P. 67, l. 18, Saint Amont, means, probably, St. Edmund. P. 69. Song against the King of Almaigne.—This song was first printed in Percy’s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. —— l. 2, Kyn of Alemaigne.—It is hardly necessary to say that this was Richard Earl of Cornwall, the King’s brother. —— l. 3, Thritti thousent pound.—The Barons had offered him this sum, if he would by his intermediation persuade the King to agree to a peace with them, and at the same time accept the terms they demanded. —— l. 10, Walingford.—The honour of Wallingford had been conferred on Richard in 1243. —— l. 12.—Windsor was the stronghold of the royal party, and had been garrisoned by foreigners. —— l. 15, mulne.—“After the battle was lost, Richard, King of the Romans, took refuge in a windmill, which he barricadoed, and maintained for some time against the Barons, but in the evening was obliged to surrender. See a very full account of this in the Chronicle of Mailros.” Percy. P. 70, l. 8.—The Earl of Warenne escaped from the battle, and fled into France. —— l. 20, Sire Hue de Bigot.—Hugh Bigod escaped with the Earl of Warenne to Pevensey, and from thence to France. He was cousin to the Hugh Bigod who took part with the Barons, and was slain at Lewes. P. 71, l. 6, lyard.—This word (in low Latin liardus) means, properly, a dapple-grey horse; but it is often used, like several other similar words, as a common name for a horse in general. I have interpreted it as meaning a hack; but probably the passage implies a sneer at Edward, who had been more than once with his army to Dover, in the hope of taking the castle from the Barons, and the word may mean simply his horse. P. 72, l. 13.—The battle of Lewes was fought on Thursday, (?) May 14, 1264. P. 73, l. 36, in claustro.—A great part of those of the King’s party who quitted the field, took shelter in the abbey of Lewes, where they were besieged by the Barons. P. 74, l. 47, apud Northamptoniam.—Northampton had been taken by the King on the third of April preceding. P. 74, l. 55, monasterium, quod Bellum vocatur.—I have not found any notice elsewhere of the contributions forced from the abbies of Battle and Robertsbridge. P. 75, l. 1, monachi Cystercii de Ponte-Roberti.—There was an abbey of Cistertian monks at Robertsbridge, in Sussex. —— ll. 73-77.—With these lines may be compared a passage in Knighton’s Chronicle (ap. Twysden), col. 2445:—“Et sicut Simon MachabÆus surrexit pro fratre suo Juda, ut pro populo Dei et lege paterna certaret ad mortem; sic et Simon de Monteforti pro Anglia erexit se, ut pro legibus et libertatibus ejus usque ad mortis perniciem dimicaret.” P. 76, l. 94, intumuit.—In the MS. the scribe has written intimuit in the margin, either as a various reading, or as an improvement of his own. P. 78, l. 128, bellici.—The MS. has vellici. P. 79, l. 145, gaudii.—The MS. has gladii in the text, with gaudii written in the margin. P. 81, l. 193, S. divina gratia prÆsul Cycestrensis.—Stephen de Berkstead, Bishop of Chichester. He was excommunicated for his staunch adherence to the party of Simon de Montfort. P. 88, l. 325, movisset.—The MS. has novisset. —— l. 330, for proponerat, read proponeret. P. 89, l. 252, invenire.—The MS. has inveniere. P. 94, l. 437, Testis sit Glovernia.—Alluding to the delivery of Gloucester to Prince Edward, and his treatment of the town. P. 102, l. 609, regis et.—The MS. has regisset. P. 104, l. 635, Unius rex, etc.—This line appears to be very corrupt, as are one or two others in the poem. P. 114, l. 833, Nec libertas proprie debet nominari, " quÆ permittit inscie stultos dominari.—The reader will hardly fail to call to mind the similar sentiment expressed in the line of Milton— “Licence they mean, when they cry liberty.” P. 115, l. 858, p’rat.—The MS. has prat, the meaning of which is by no means clear. P. 116, l. 875, Veritas, lux, caritas, calor, urit zelus.—Perhaps the commas P. 117, Regis esse noveris nomen relativum.—It would be by no means uninteresting to collect the expressions of the popular doctrine concerning the kingly character held by our forefathers at different periods. Perhaps it may not be considered altogether foreign to the subject to point out here a few of them. I.—In a MS. of the tenth century (MS. Cotton. Nero, A. I., fol. 71, ro.) we have, among some other things of a similar kind, the following sketch of the opinion of the Anglo-Saxons on this subject, said to be from the pen of Alfric:— Cristenum cyninge ge-byreÐ on cristenre Þeode, ÞÆt he sy eal swa hit riht is folces frofer, ? rihtwis hyrde ofer cristene heorde, ? hym ge-byreÐ ÞÆt he eallum mÆgene cristendom rÆre, ? Godes cyrcan Æghwar georne fyrÐrie ? friÐrie, ? eal cristen folc sibbie ? sehte mid rihtre lage, swa he geornost mÆge, ? Þurh Ælc Þing riht-wisnesse lufie, for Gode ? for worolde. For Þam Þurh ÞÆt he sceal sylf fyrmest ge-Þeon, ? his Þeodscype eac swa, Þe he riht lufige, for Gode ? for worolde. ? him ge-byreÐ ÞÆt he geornlice fylste Þam Þe riht willan, ? Á hetelicest yre Þam Þe Þryres wyllan. He sceal mÁn dÆde men Þreagean Þearle, mid woroldlicre steore; ? he sceal ryperas ? reaferas ? worold-struderas hatian ? hynan; ? eallum He sceal boc-larum hlystan swyÞe georne, ? Godes beboda geornlice healdan, ? ge-lome wiÐ witan wisdom smeagan, gyf he gode wile rihtlice hyran. ? gif hwa to Þam strÆt sy ahwar on Þeode, ÞÆt riht nelle healdan swa swa he scolde, ac Godes lage wyrde, oÐÐe folc lage myrre, Þonne cyÞe hit man Þam cynge, gif man ÞÆt nyde scyle, ? he Þonne sona rÆde ymbe Þa bote ? ge-wylde hine georne, to Þam Þe his Þearf sy huru unÞances, gif he elles ne mÆge. ? do swa him Þearf is, clÆnsige his Þeode, for Gode ? for worolde, gif he Godes miltse ge-earnian wylle. It behoves a Christian King in a Christian people, that he be all as it is right the people’s protector, and a just shepherd over the Christian flock, and it behoves him that he with all his might raise Christendom, and advance and protect God’s church everywhere diligently, and pacify and reconcile with just law all Christian people, as he most earnestly may, and love justice in every thing, before God and before the world. Because by that he shall profit himself in the first place, and also his people, whom let him love rightly, before God and before the world. And it behoveth him that he diligently help those who wish for justice, and ever most hatefully persecute those who wish for wrong. He shall punish men severely for evil deeds, with secular punishment; and he shall hate and put down thieves and robbers and oppressors of the world; and sternly resist all God’s enemies; and he shall be with justice both mild and severe, mild to the good and stern to the bad. This is the king’s right, and the manner of a king, and this shall be most efficient in the people. Lo! through what shall peace and help come to God’s servants and to God’s poor, except through Christ and through a Christian king? Through the king’s wisdom the people shall be happy, prosperous, and victorious, and on that account shall a wise king enlarge and increase Christianity and royalty, and ever he shall hinder and persecute heathendom. He shall listen very diligently to scholars, and diligently hold God’s commandments, and frequently search wisdom from his witans, if he will rightly hear what is good. And if any one openly be any where in the people, that will not hold justice as he should, but infringes God’s law, or obstructs the law of the people, then let people declare it to the king, if they would extinguish that violence, and there let them soon take counsel for the amends, and subdue him diligently, until that he be reduced at last by force, if he may not otherwise. And let him do as it is needful for him, purify his people, before God and before the world, if he will earn God’s mercy. And again, a little further on (fol. 72, ro.)— Ælc riht cynestol stent on Þrim stapelum, Þe fullice ariht stÆnt. An is Oratores, ? oÐer is Laboratores, ? Þridde is Bellatores. Oratores syndon gebedmen, Þe Gode scylan Þeowian, ? dÆges ? nihtes for ealne Þeodscype Þingigan georne. Laboratores syndon weorc-men, Þe tilian scylan ÞÆs Þe eal Þeodscype big sceal libban. Bellatores syndon wig-men, Þe eard scylon werian, wiglice mid wÆpnum. On Þyssum Þrim stapelum sceal Ælc cynestol standan mid rihte on Cristenre Þeode. ? awacie heora Ænig, sona se stol scylfÐ; ? ful berste heora Ænig, Þonne hryst se stol nyÞer, ? ÞÆt wyrÐ ÞÆre Þeode eal to un-Þearfe. Ac staÞelige man ? strangige and trymme hy georne, mid wislicre Godes lage ? mid rihtlicre worold lage, ÞÆt wyrÐ Þam Ðeodscype to langsuman rÆde. ? soÐ is ÞÆt ic secge, awacie se Cristendom, sona scylfÐ se cynedom; ? arÆre man un-laga ahwar on lande oÐÐon Únsida lufige ahwar to swyÞe, ÞÆt cymÐ ÞÆre Þeode eal to un-Þearfe. Ac do man swa hit Þearf is, alecge man un-riht, ? rÆre up Godes riht, ÞÆt mÆg to Þearfe for Gode ? for worolde. Amen. Every just throne stands on three props, that stands perfectly right. One is Oratores, and the other is Laboratores, and the third is Bellatores. The Oratores are the men of prayer, who shall serve God, and by day and night intercede for the whole nation. The Laboratores are the workmen, who shall labour in order that all the nation shall live thereby. The Bellatores are the men of war (i. e. knights), who shall defend the land, valiantly with weapons. On these three props shall every throne stand with justice among Christian people. And if any of them become weakened, soon the throne wavers; and if any one of them fail entirely, then the throne falls down, and that will be the entire ruin of the people. But let man establish and strengthen and confirm them diligently, with the wise law of God and just law of the world, that will be to the nation for a lasting counsel. And it is true what I say, if Christendom be weakened, soon royalty wavers; and if people raise lawlessness everywhere in the land, or love everywhere wickedness too much, that brings the people entirely to ruin. But let people do as it is needful, let people put down injustice, and raise up God’s justice, that may bring it to prosperity before God and before the world. Amen. II. In the curious poem of the proverbs of Alfred, composed perhaps in the twelfth century, and which is here quoted from a MS. of the earlier part of the thirteenth century (MS. Trin. Coll. Cambridge, B. 14, 39) is the following account of the duties of King and People. ¶ Þus quad Alfred, Englene frovere: May no riche king ben onder Crist selves, bote Þif he be booc-lerid, ? he writes wel kenne, ? bote he cunne letteris, lokin himselven wu he sule his lond laweliche holden. ¶ Þus quad Helfred: Þe herl ? Þe heÞeling Þo ben under Þe King, Þe lond to leden mid lauelich i-dedin, boÞe Þe clerc ? Þe cnit demen evenliche rict. For after Þat mon souit, als inpich sal he mouin, ? everiches monnes dom to his oge dure cherricd. ¶ Þus quad Alfred: Þe cnith biovit kerliche to cnouen for to weriin Þe lond of here ? of here-gong, Þat Þe riche habbe gryt, ? Þe cherril be in frit, his sedis to souin, his medis to mowen, his plouis to drivin, to ure alre bi-lif. Þis is Þe cnichs lage, loke Þat hit wel fare. Thus saith Alfred, the protector of the English: There may no just king be under Christ himself, unless he be book-learned, and he know well writings, and unless he know letters, to look himself how he shall his land hold with good laws. Thus saith Alfred: The Earl and the Atheling they are under the King, the land to lead by example of lawful deeds, both the clerk and the knight to judge impartially right. For according as a man sows, so shall he mow, and every man’s judgment falls at his own door. Thus saith Alfred: It behoves the knight carefully to know how to defend the land from army and from invasion, that the rich may have peace, and the churl be in tranquillity, his seeds to sow, his meadows to mow, to drive his ploughs, for the sustenance of us all. This is the knights’ law, see that it goes well. III. In the middle of the thirteenth century, at the period of the Barons’ wars, we have the passage to which this forms a note. IV. In the reign of Edward III. the writer of Piers Ploughman gives us the following description of the relative duties of the different orders of society. Thanne kam ther a kyng, kny?thod hym ladde, mi?t of the communes made hym to regne. And thanne cam kynde wit, and clerkes he made, for to counseillen the kyng, and the commune save. The kyng and kny?thod, and clergie bothe, casten that the commune sholde hemself fynde. The commune contreved of kynde wit craftes, and for profit of al the peple plowmen ordeyned, to tilie and to travaille, as trewe lif asketh. The kyng and the commune, and kynde wit the thridde, shopen lawe and leautÉ, ech man to knowe his owene. Then came there a king, knighthood led him, the power of the commons made him to reign. And then came natural sense, and he made clerks, in order to counsel the king, and to be a safeguard to the commons, The king and knighthood, and clergy along with them, determined that the commons should find themselves. The commons contrived arts by means of natural sense, and for the profit of the people ordained ploughmen, to till and to labour, as true life requires. The king and the commons, and natural sense the third, created law and loyalty, each man to know his own. V. We may compare all these with the Alliterative Poem on the Deposition P. 120, l. 947.—This line cannot be construed as it stands, and is evidently corrupt. P. 121. William de Rishanger was a monk of St. Alban’s, and is said to have been the King’s historiographer (historiographus regius) after Matthew Paris’s death. He died in 1312. He tells us that this song was written before, and not after, the battle of Lewes; and that it was the defection of some of the Barons mentioned in the song at p. 59, which gave rise to it. It is, therefore, probably placed wrongly after the battle of Lewes. P. 122, l. 19, O Comes GloverniÆ.—This was Gilbert de Clare, who was extremely active in the cause of the Barons, and distinguished himself at the battle of Lewes. P. 123, l. 3.—The second line of this tetrastich seems to be lost. —— l. 10, Comes le Bygot.—This was Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, whom the Barons made Governor of Orford in Suffolk, after the battle of Lewes. P. 124, l. 3, nobis.—A mere error of the press for vobis. P. 125. The Lament of Simon de Montfort.—This song was printed privately, with some other Anglo-Norman poems from the same MS., by Sir Francis Palgrave, in 1818, in a collection which is now extremely rare. It was also inserted in the second edition of Ritson’s Ancient Songs (1829), where it is accompanied with a translation in English verse by George Ellis. —— l. 8, Tot À cheval.—The Barons were surprised at Evesham before they were joined by their foot soldiers, and when therefore they were unprepared for this decisive conflict. P. 126, l. 4, Sire Hue le fer, ly Despencer, tresnoble justice.—Hugh Despencer, appointed justiciary of England by the Barons. He fell at Evesham. —— l. 6, Sire Henri ... fitz le cuens de Leycestre.—The eldest son of Simon de Montfort; he fell in the battle. —— l. 7, par le cuens de Gloucestre.—After the battle of Lewes, the Earl of Gloucester, becoming jealous of Simon de Montfort’s popularity, deserted to the King, and fought against his former associates at Evesham. —— l. 14, une heyre.—I suppose this refers to Guy de Montfort, Simon’s P. 126, l. 15, les faus ribaus.—As this word, ribaldus, ribaus, ribaud, occurs frequently in our Songs, both in Latin, Anglo-Norman, and English, it may be worth while to say something about it. It is one of those curious words of which the origin and primary signification are very doubtful. It was certainly applied to a particular class of people, and a class which seems to have been dependant on the household of the great. Giraldus Cambrensis, when telling his various troubles and persecutions (Wharton, Anglia Sacra, vol. iii. p. 575), speaks thus of the witnesses brought against him by his enemies:—“Archidiaconus (i. e. Giraldus himself) autem statim, productis testibus illis coram auditoribus ad jurandum, proposuit in singulorum personas se dicturum; in canonicos Menevenses tanquam perjuros et excommunicatos, in monachos tanquam trutannos et domorum suarum desertores, in ribaldos tanquam vilissimos et, sicut cÆteri cuncti, mercede conductos.” And again, on the next page, “Et testium multitudinem de garcionibus et ribaldis partis adversÆ, qui omnes jurare parati fuerant et testificare ... trutannus ille vilissimus id totum faciebat; qui et ribaldos suos cunctos ad hoc probandum simul cum ipso mittebat.... Videns igitur archidiaconus ribaldos illos ad nutum dominorum suorum quidlibet probare paratos.... Sciens itaque si probatio ribaldica procederet ... ribaldica multitudo, etc.” They seem to have been the lowest class of retainers, perhaps men without any certain appointment, who had no other mode of living than following the courts of the Barons, and who were employed on all kinds of disgraceful and wicked actions. One authority quoted by Ducange couples “parasitos atque ribaldos.” A story quoted from a MS. at Berne, by Sinner (Catalogus, tom. i. p. 272), shows us that a goliard belonged to the class of ribalds: now a goliard seems to have been only another name for a jongleur (joculator), or one who attended the tables of the rich to amuse the guests by jokes, buffoonery, and mountebank tricks. An ecclesiastical statute quoted in Ducange (v. Goliardus) says, “item prÆcipimus quod clerici non sint joculatores, goliardi, seu bufones;” and another commands, “quod clerici ribaldi, maxime vero qui dicuntur de familia goliÆ, per episcopos ... tondere prÆcipiantur.” Matthew Paris, sub an. 1229, says, “quidam famuli, vel mancipia, P. 128, l. 1, pepulere.—The MS. has pepulare. P. 130, l. 8, Plebs devicta fremit.—Alluding to the rising at Chesterfield, the occupation of the Isles of Axholme and Ely, and other insurrections. —— l. 11, Urbs Londoniensis.—The Earl of Gloucester, dissatisfied with the King’s proceedings after the battle of Evesham, had taken up arms and established himself at London, the citizens of which joined his party readily, as they were themselves enraged against the King for having deprived them of their charter. P. 131, l. 2, Francorum regis germanus rex Siculorum.—Prince Edward left England in July, 1270, to join the King of France, Saint Louis, in his expedition to the Holy Land. Louis was persuaded by his brother, Charles, then King of Sicily, to turn aside, in order to make war on the Bey of Tunis, from whom he claimed a tribute. Louis died at Carthage of a disease produced by the climate; and when Prince Edward and his English army arrived, P. 132, l. 5, Accon respirat.—Acre was besieged by Bondocar, Sultan of Babylon, who was preparing to take the place by assault, at the moment when Edward arrived to raise the siege. —— l. 9, Assessinus Veteris de Monte.—On the Old Man of the Mountain, and the Assassins, or Assessins, much information will be found in a popular form, in the Marquis of Villeneuve-Trans, Histoire de St. Louis. —— l. 16.—This seems to be a new testimony against the truth of the story which makes Edward’s Queen suck the poison from his wound. A song made on the occasion would hardly have failed to mention such a circumstance, if it had been known. —— l. 17, Thomam de Wyta.—This writer’s name is not found in Tanner. P. 135, l. 13, comencent.—Probably an error of the scribe for comencement. P. 136, l. 4, vironum.—The MS. has virronum. Viro is given by Ducange as synonymous with baro, and is supposed to be derived from vir. P. 137, ll. 15, 16, sonme ... prodhonme.—In old manuscripts it is quite impossible to say whether the scribe meant n or u, unless we know otherwise which it ought to be, and the n in words of the form of those just quoted may perhaps be intended for u. But I am rather inclined to think such was not the case. P. 138, l. 34, Sympringham.—The order of Sempringham, commonly called Gilbertine canons, was founded by Sir Gilbert de Sempringham, in the first half of the twelfth century. One of its peculiarities was the establishment of monks and nuns in the same house, though their different habitations were carefully separated, and all intercourse between them strictly forbidden. Nigellus Wireker speaks of this as a newly established order, and satirizes the near collocation of nuns and monks in a spirit similar to that of our song:— Canonici missas tantum, reliquumque sorores Explent; officii debita jura sui. Corpora, non voces, murus disjungit, in unum Psallant directe psalmitis absque metro. And again, in describing his own order, he says, archly,— Quid de Semplingama? quantum? vel qualia sumam? Nescio, nam nova res me dubitare facit. Hoc tamen ad prÆsens nulla ratione remittam, Namque necem nimis fratribus esse reor; Quod nunquam nisi clam, nullaque sciente sororum, Cum quocunque suo fratre manere licet. P. 139, l. 61, De Beverleye.—The monks of Beverley were Franciscans. P. 140, l. 71, De Hospitlers.—The order of Knights Hospitalers, founded during the first crusades, was introduced into England about the year 1100. They were laymen, and, from an humble beginning, they became exceedingly rich and proud. In the Patent Rolls (45 Edw. III.) we find that the King “constituit Ricardum de Everton visitatorem Hospitalis S. Joannis Jerusalem in Anglia ad reprimendam religiosorum insolentiam, et ad observandam religiosorum honestatem.” See Ellis’s Dugdale, vol. vi. p. 786. —— l. 79, De Chanoynes.—The regular canons were a less strict order than the other monks in general, and followed the rule of St. Augustine. One of the rules of their order was expressed simply thus—“Carnem vestram domate jejuniis et abstinentia escÆ quantum valetudo permittit.” They appear to have been particularly enjoined frequent abstinence from flesh. However, at the time when this song was written, they seem not to have observed their rule in this respect very strictly. Rutebeuf says of them (Jubinal’s Rutebeuf, vol. i. p. 239)— En l’ordre des canoines qu’on dist Saint-Augustin, Ils vivent À plentÉ, sans noise et sans hustin. Je lo que leur soviÈgne au soir et au matin Que la chars bien nourie porte À l’Âme venin. P. 141, l. 95, de Moyne Neirs.—The Black Monks were the Benedictines. P. 142, l. 115, Des Chanoygnes Seculers.—The luxury of the secular canons is often alluded to by the early satirists. Nigellus Wireker says of them— Illud prÆcipue tamen instituere, tenendum Omnibus in tota posteritate sua, Lex vetus ut suasit, ne quilibet absque sua sit, Et quod quisque suas possit habere duas. Hi sunt qui mundum cum flore cadente tenentes, Ne sic marcescat, sÆpe rigare student. Hi sunt qui faciunt quidquid petulantia carnis Imperat, ut vitiis sit via prona suis. Rutebeuf (ed. Jubinal, vol. i. p. 239) says that there were many of them— ——qui ont grant signorie, Qui poi font por amis et assÉs por amie. P. 143, l. 133, Gris Moignes.—Perhaps the Cistercians. In a poem on the Grey Monks, De Grisis Monachis (MS. Cotton. Vespas. A. XIX. fol. 56, ro), which will be found among the works of Walter Mapes, they are ridiculed for the same arrangement of clothing,— Carent femoralibus partes turpiores, Veneris ut usibus sint paratiores, Castitatis legibus absolutiores; In cunctis hominibus nulli sunt pejores. The Albi Monachi are similarly satirized by Nigellus Wireker for going without breeches. The Friars de Sacco wore no breeches under their robes. P. 144, l. 154, l’Ordre de Cilence.—Perhaps the Carthusian monks, a branch of the Benedictines, whose order, which was peculiarly strict, was introduced into England by Henry II. They were enjoined to live in separate cells, and to keep very strict silence, and have little communication with each other. —— l. 169, Les Frere Menours.—The Friars Minors were better known as Franciscans, and in France as the Cordeliers. Their order enjoined, above all things, poverty and humility. They were not to ride when travelling, unless some manifest necessity or infirmity obliged them. See Dugdale, vi. 1505. P. 145, l. 188.—The MS. has en autre, which seems to be a mere error for ne autre. P. 146, l. 194, des Prechours.—The preaching friars were the Dominicans, called, in France, Jacobins. This order was introduced into England in 1221. Rutebeuf says that instead of adhering to their primitive humility and poverty, P. 148, l. 240, devyns seems to be a mere variation of devys, thus spelt in order to accommodate the rhyme. P. 149. Song of the Husbandman.—This Song is in many parts extremely difficult to translate, from the numerous words in it which do not occur elsewhere, as well as from the abruptness of the phraseology. The same may be said of one or two other songs printed from the same manuscript. P. 154, l. 14, halymotes.—This word means literally holy meetings. It is translated sabbath, in the supposition that there is some allusion to the popular notion of the festive meetings of the devils and the witches. P. 160. Song on the Scottish Wars.—The copy of this Song preserved among the manuscripts of Clare Hall was first pointed out by Mr. Hunter, in the Appendix to the last Report of the Record Commission. I have obtained a copy of part of it by the kindness of Mr. Halliwell, who was unable from different circumstances to continue his transcript beyond the 72nd line. The Oxford MS. I only know through Mr. Halliwell’s description of it: to judge by the articles contained in this MS., I should be inclined to think they were mostly copied from the Cottonian MS. Titus A. XX. In the Cottonian MS., Claudius D. VI. this poem bears the title “Commendatio Gentis Anglorum et processus guerrÆ inter Anglos et Scotos.” In the Clare Hall MS. the Song is attributed to the “Prior de Blithe.” The Prior of Blythe, in Nottinghamshire, at this time, was William Burdon. See Ellis’s Dugdale, iv. 621. The MS. in the Sloane Library seems to be a transcript from a monastic register, perhaps of Alnwick, in Northumberland, for the reference in the margin is, “Regist. Prem. fol. 59, a.” It is there attributed to the Prior of Alnwick. The original title seems to have been “Rithmus bonus de bello ScotiÆ ad Dunbarre;” which the transcriber had first copied, and then, after erasing it, substituted the following, “Prioris Alnwicensis de Bello Scotico apud Dunbarr, tempore regis Edwardi I., dictamen sive rithmus Latinus; quo de Willielmo Wallace, Scotico illo Robin Whood, plura, sed invidiose, canit.” Ritson, in his preface to Robin Hood, was misled by this latter title, and cites it as a proof that this hero was popular in the thirteenth century. In MS. It will already have been observed by the reader, that, in verse of this kind, the fourth line of each tetrastich is an hexameter (sometimes a pentameter), taken from some poet then popular, and often from a classic writer. In the MS. from which the Sloane transcript was made, the authorities for the hexameters, in the present Song, were indicated in the margin. They are as follows:—ll. 4, Morus.—8, Cato.—†8, Cato.—†12, Poetria.—†16, Oracius.—12, Cato.—16, Doctrinale.—20, Doctrinale.—24, De proprio.—28, Doctrinale.—32, Cartul.—36, Urbanus.—40, Doctrinale.—44, Morus.—48, Theodorus.—52, De proprio.—56, Vulgat.—60, Pu....—64, Vulgat.—68, Buliardus.—72, Oracius.—76, Oracius.—80, Oracius.—84, Cato.—88, Ovidius.—92, Doctrinale.—96, Cato.—100, Cato.—104, Ovidius.—108, Cato.—112, Cato.—116, Cato. (?)—120, Cato.—124, Cato.—128, Cato.—132, Doctrinale.—136, Cato.—140, Cato.—144, Poeta.—148, Poeta.—152, Orasius.—156, Virgilius.—160, Statius.—†164, Oratius.—†168, Teodorus.—164, Omerus.—168, Ovid. Omer.—172, Cartul.—176, Veritas evangelica.—180, De proprio.—184, Ovidius.—188, Vulgat.—192, Doctrinale.—196, Vulgat.—200, Doctrinale.—204, Idem.—208, Oracius.—212, De Vulg.—216, Doctrinale.—220, Amianus. In the above list of names, Poetria refers to the celebrated work of Galfridus de Vinesauf. Poeta seems to be a mere error of the scribe for Poetria. Doctrinale is here only another name for the ParabolÆ of Alanus de Insulis. Cato refers to the well-known Disticha. De proprio means that the verse is of the author’s own making. P. 164, l. 44, Joannis, John Baliol.—In the Cottonian MS. Claudius D. VI. the following lines are here inserted, which evidently do not belong to the poem: “Exprobratio Scotorum. Caude causantur, regnarunt, apocapantur; Privantur caude, fas fandi, Scotia, plaude. Responsio Anglorum. Scotia scotabit strebÆ, Scotus vix latitabit; Anglia, jam pange, fas fandi, Scotia, plange.” P. 168, l. 102, Johannem WarenniÆ.—This was the same John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, who, staunch to the party of Henry III., had escaped from the battle of Lewes. He commanded the English army at the battle of Dunbar, was afterwards made Governor or Guardian of Scotland, and was again at the head of the English forces when they were defeated at Stirling. P. 169, l. 1, Quod Trentam non transient.—The King had carried with him to London the Scottish knights whom he most suspected, and, before he went to Flanders, he exacted from them solemn oaths that during his absence they would not repass the Trent without his permission. P. 170, l. 138, ad Strivelyne.—The battle of Stirling was fought on Thursday the 11th of September, 1297. P. 171, l. 141, comes dux Anglorum.—The Earl of Surrey (Warenne). —— l. 147, Levenax et Ricardus Lundi.—For an account of this reverse, and the part which the Earl of Levenax (Lennox) and Richard Lundi acted, see Knighton, in Twisden, coll. 2516, et seq. P. 172, l. 163.—This line is evidently corrupt; but, as it is only found in one MS., I have no means of correcting it. P. 173, l. 163, Cremare Northumbriam.—The invasion of Northumberland and the burning of Hexham and Corbridge are told by Matthew of Westminster, p. 427. See also Peter Langtoft, in the present volume, p. 287; and Knighton, coll. 2520, et seq. None of them mention the damages done at Alnwick. —— l. 167, Vesey, Morley, Somervile, Bertram.—The poet seems to refer to members of those families who had distinguished themselves in opposing the inroads of the Scots at different periods, but who were dead at the time of this invasion. P. 174, l. 186, Willelmo datum est militare pignus.—On his return from the expedition into England, Wallace was solemnly installed Guardian of Scotland. P. 176, l. 205, die MagdalenÆ.—The battle of Falkirk, so fatal to the Scots, was fought on St. Mary Magdalen’s day, the 22nd of July, 1298. —— l. 211, trutannus.—This word is the origin of the modern word truant. Its primary meaning has not been accurately ascertained, but it seems to have been most generally used for a person who wandered about, and gained his living by false pretences, or passed himself under a different character to that which really belonged to him. It is applied sometimes to abbots or priors who P. 178, l. 234, Margaretam reginam.—Edward married, in second nuptials, Margaret, sister of the King of France. —— l. 243, Comyn, Karryk, Umfraville.—Three of the most active leaders of the Scots in their opposition to Edward. The Earl of Karrik was Robert Bruce. Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, had been one of Edward’s Commissioners for manning and fortifying the castles in Scotland. P. 183, l. 11, collectio lanarum.—The oppressive duty upon wool, which was the staple of English commerce at that period, was severely felt and complained of. In 1296, the King seized all the wool in the merchants’ warehouses, and sold it for his own profit, paying for it, as usual, with tallies, and promises to repay them to the full. “Ministri regis omnes saccos lanÆ, quinarium numerum excedentes, datis talliis, acceperunt ad opus regis, et ab unoquoque sacco, numerum quinarium non excedente, ab ipsis eorum dominis, nomine malÆ totÆ, xl. solidos extorserunt.” Hemingford, p. 110. P. 186, l. 11, de fust manger (de fusto manducare).—In low Latin, fustum was a generic name for everything made of wood. It need hardly be said that it means here the plates and other utensils of the table, which among the lower classes were generally of this material. It would be more reasonable, says the writer of the song, if the court would eat out of wooden vessels, and pay for their provisions with silver, than to live sumptuously with plate, and only pay their victuals with wooden tallies. —— l. 13, Est vitii signum pro victu solvere lignum.—The King’s purveyors were a great grievance to the peasantry. In the curious poem of “King Edward and the Shepherd” (printed by Hartshorne from a MS. in the University Library, Cambridge), the latter personage is made to say:— “In Wynsour was I borne; Hit is a myle but here beforne, The town then maist thou see. I am so pyled with the Kyng, That I most fle fro my wonyng, And therefore woo is me. I hade catell, now have I non; Thay take my bestis, and don thaim slon, And payen but a stick of tre.” And when the King, in disguise, promises to obtain redress, the Shepherd proceeds— “Sir,” he seid, “be seynt Edmonde, Ther is owand .iiii. pounde And odd twa schillyng. A stikke I have to my witnesse, Off hasill I mene that hit is, I ne have non other thyng. * * * * Thei do but gode, the kynges men, Thei ar worse then sich ten That bene with hym no dell. Thei goo aboute be .viij. or nyne, And done the husbondes mycull pyne, That carfull is their mele. Thei take geese, capons, and henne, And alle that ever thei may with renne, And reves us our catell. Sum of them was bonde sore, And afturwarde honget therfore, For soth as I you say. ?et ar ther of them nyne moo; For at my hows thei were also, Certis, ?isturday. Thei toke my hennes and my geese, And my schepe with all the fleese, And ladde them forth away. Be my do?tur thei lay al ny?t. To come agayne thei have me hy?t; Of helpe I wolde yow pray. With me thei lefte alle their thyng, That I am sicur of theire comyng, And that me rewes sore. I have fayre chamburs thre; But non of them may be with me While that thei be thore. Into my cart-hows thei me dryfe; Out at the dur thei put my wyfe, For she is olde gray-hare.” P. 187. Song on the Flemish Insurrection.—This Song was printed by Ritson, in his Ancient Songs. P. 188, l. 16, Peter Conyng.—Peter Coning (in English, Peter King,) was a weaver of Bruges. A brief account of this insurrection is given in Matthew of Westminster, p. 444. See, for a more complete narrative, Michelet’s Histoire de France, vol. iii. p. 76. P. 189, l. 8, avowerie.—This is the low Latin advocaria. See Ducange, in voce. —— l. 11, hou.—The MS. has hout. P. 189, l. 17, to clynken huere basyns of bras.—This circumstance occurred on the 21st March, 1302, at the beginning of the insurrection. In the towns of Flanders, as in the boroughs in England, the people were called up in an insurrection by the sound of the church bell. There was a famous distich on the bell of Roland, at Bruges— Roelandt, Roelandt, als ick kleppe dan ist brandt, Als ick luye, dan ist storm in Vlaenderlandt. On the present occasion, the people dared not go to their bell, on account of their French governors, so they beat their brass basins:—cumque ad campanam civitatis non auderent accedere, pelves suas pulsantes ... omnem multitudinem concitarent. Meyer, Annal. in a. 1301, p. 90. P. 191, l. 9, Conyng.—This word, in English, meant a rabbit, and is here made the subject of a pun. In Flemish, it signified king. P. 193, ll. 17, 18, Awey thou ?unge pope!... Thou hast lore thin cardinals.—P. 194, l. 2, Do the forth to Rome.—An allusion to the dissensions between the Pope and the family of the Colonnas.—“Illis etiam diebus, dominus papa, fidei et orationum quÆ erant beati Petri oblitus, assumens quÆ non erant ejus, tam aurum videlicet a viduis et orphanis quam argentum, non viduis et orphanis, sed militibus bellicosis illud erogare curavit, contra schema quorundam cardinalium, eos denique degradando, et contra regem SiciliÆ guerram movendo. Sed dicti regis exercitus de galeatis turmis domini papÆ multa millia viriliter necaverunt.” Matthew of Westminster, p. 432. This was the famous Pope Boniface VIII., who suffered so much from the persecutions of the King of France. —— l. 7, fot lome, probably means foot-lame, lame of foot. It occurs again in p. 335 of the present volume. P. 195. A Song on the Times.—The MS. from which this song is taken, MS. Harl. No. 913, was written in Ireland, about the year 1308, by an English monk. For a detailed description of it, see Mr. Crofton Croker’s Popular Songs of Ireland. P. 196, l. 19, hoblurs.—The name hoblurs (hobellarii) was given properly to a kind of light-armed soldiers. P. 198, l. 14, geet.—This word should probably be translated goats, rather than kids. P. 199, l. 7, anone.—In the MS. this word is explained by the original scribe in the margin as “at one time.” P. 206. Song against the Scholastic Studies.—In the Cottonian MS. from which this song is taken, a hand of the 16th century has written in the margin that it was the work of Robert Baston. The Oxford MS. was pointed out to me by Mr. Halliwell, but I have not been able to obtain a collation. P. 207, l. 2, propere.—The MS. has p~p~e, the meaning of which is not clear. —— l. 10, Sicut servus Stichus.—This name was given to a servant in the Roman comic writers. It is introduced here for the sake of rhyme. P. 208, l. 2, nullus.—The MS. has unus. —— l. 10, Thebanas ... vel Trojanas cÆdes.—Referring to the Thebaid of Statius, and the poem De bello Trojano of Joseph of Exeter, both of them at that period popular reading books. —— l. 16, Telluris.—The MS. has Celurus. P. 209, l. 4, agro ... positis.—The MS. has ager and positus. P. 212. Song on the Execution of Sir Simon Fraser.—This song was printed by Ritson, in his Ancient Songs. P. 213, l. 6, The Waleis.—Wallace was taken prisoner at the second battle of Dunbar, in 1305, and was executed at London on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, (Aug. 24) 1306. The places to which his quarters were sent were Newcastle, Berwick, Perth, and Aberdeen. —— l. 10, Simond Frysel.—This was the original form of the name of Fraser, and is the way in which it is spelt in all the English documents. P. 215, l. 14, kyng of somere.—Matthew of Westminster gives a popular P. 215, l. 9, Sire Edward of Carnarvon.—The Prince of Wales. P. 216, l. 10, Sir Emer de Valence.—Aylmer de Valence, second Earl of Pembroke, a Baron who was frequently occupied in the Scottish wars, and who was appointed by Edward to be one of the guardians of his son, Edward II. —— l. 19, the batayle of Kyrkenclyff.—Fought, according to Holinshed, on the next Sunday after Midsummer day, 1306. —— l. 15, Sire Thomas of Multone.—Thomas de Multon, of Egremond, in Cumberland. He was active in the Scottish wars of this reign. P. 218, l. 17, Sire Herbert of Morham.—Apparently a mere error of the scribe for Norham. Matthew of Westminster relates the same anecdote. P. 219, l. 13, oure Levedy even.—The seventh of September, 1306. —— l. 16, Sire Rauf of Sondwyche.—Ralph de Sandwich was constable of the Tower of London (constabularius turris London). P. 221, l. 7, a curtel of burel.—Burellus, in low Latin, bureau or burel in old French, was a kind of coarse and common cloth. P. 222, l. 9, tu-brugge.—Perhaps this word means a drawbridge. It occurs again in Robert of Gloucester, p. 543:— “And the castel brugge out of the med he barnde fram then ende To the tu-brugge along, vor me ne ssolde out wende.” Which means probably that he burnt all that part of the bridge on the meadow side up to the place where its communication with the rest was cut off by the raising of the drawbridge. P. 223, l. 6, Erl of Asseles.—John de Strathbogie, Earl of Athol. He also was captured and executed. —— l. 18, Tprot, Scot, for thi strif!—The word tprot appears to be a mere exclamation of contempt. In a poem on “The Propertees of the Shyres of Engelond,” printed by Hearne in the Introduction to the fifth volume of Leland’s Itinerary, we find it used, as here, against the Scots:— “Northumbrelond hasty and hoot; Westmerlond tprut Scotte!” It will be found similarly used in a passage quoted in a note further on (p. 391). “Tproupt! tproupt! bevons hardiement; Ne faisons si le coc emplat.”—(p. 183.) And again, immediately after (p. 184):— “Tproupt! tproupt! oÙ que soit passÉ, Diex!” P. 223, l. 21, with the longe shonkes.—King Edward, still known popularly as Edward Long-shanks. P. 224. Song on the Venality of the Judges.—After this song was printed, I found another copy of it in MS. Reg. 12, c. XII. fol. 1, vo. of reign of Edw. II., written likewise as prose, which presents the following variations:—P. 224, ll. 1, 2, esuriunt " Et faciunt justitiam " et od.—7, exhennia.—9, this line is omitted, and the following begins Sed quÆ.—11, et aure non.—13, Sed modo miro more.—15, ad peric.—17, ambiant.—P. 225, l. 1, hÆc.—7, nam is omitted.—8, Qui sensum.—9, ei pure.—14, Quid ergo Jhesu bone.—P. 226, l. 1, accedit.—2, secretius.—7, potest.—ll. 12-18 are placed after l. 10 in the next page.—14, dona.—15, et hoc pro l.—17, quamvis prius.—19, Si quÆdam pulcra nobilis " decora vel am.—P. 227, l. 2, hoc.—12, ut exprimant.—13, vocantur.—14, priores.—18, Sed quid.—P. 228, l. 1, quid laboras.—2, quid facis.—8, ibis Omere, foras.—9, De vinctibus.—11, enumerare.—19, Est salsum totum. This MS. ends with this verse. —— l. 7, encennia.—This word answers as nearly as may be to the modern word jewels. The other MS., of which the variations are given above, reads exennia, i. e. treasures. P. 225, l. 17, cedunt.—In the MS. the scribe has written over this word “i. re,” that is, “i. e. recedunt.” P. 226, l. 21, cum capite cornuto.—The head dress of the ladies of rank and fashion at this period was arranged in the form of two horns. P. 227, l. 13, relatores, “qui querelam ad judices referunt.” Ducange. P. 229, l. 13, transmittantur.—The MS. has transmutantur. P. 229, l. 18, averia.—The term averium is commonly used to signify all kinds of moveable property; but more particularly to signify cattle and horses. P. 230, l. 1, clericos.—The scribe has written above this word, in the MS. “i. pauperes.” P. 231. The Outlaw’s Song of Trailebaston.—This song also was printed by Sir Francis Palgrave in the collection mentioned in a former note. The notion that the judges were called Trailebastons on account of the hastiness of their proceedings, is quite incorrect. The term was applied not to the judges, but to the persons judged, who received this name because they carried with them long staffs. An account of the origin of the Trailebastons will be found in the extract of Peter Langtoft, at p. 318 of the present volume. The proceedings against them led to many abuses, and were often made the means of gratifying personal revenge. The statute against the Trailebastons was continued in force through the reigns of Edward II. and Edward III. P. 232, l. 1, souz.—In old French and Anglo-Norman, the word sous was not used in its present sense, but represented the Latin solidos. —— l. 7, le bois de Belregard.—Perhaps a fictitious name, invented by the poet. P. 233, l. 3, ly Martyn ... ly Knoville.—l. 5, Spigurnel ... Belflour.—By the following commission, given in Rymer, we find that these Barons were the commissioners appointed to judge the Trailebastons in the western counties of England. There can be little doubt that Belflour in the song is meant for the name which in the commission is Bellafagus. This document is curious, both for the light it throws on the subject, and for the circumstance that it fixes the period at which the song was written; it bears date at Westminster, April 6, 1305. “De transgressionibus nominatis Trailbaston audiendis et terminandis per totum regnum.—Rex delectis et fidelibus suis, Wilielmo Martyn, Henrico Spigurnell, Wilielmo de Knovill, Rogero de Bellafago, et ThomÆ de la Hyde, salutem.—Quia quamplures malefactores, et pacis nostrÆ perturbatores, homicidia, deprÆdationes, incendia, et alia dampna quamplurima nocte dieque perpetrantes, vagantur et discurrunt in boscis, in parcis, et aliis locis diversis, tam infra libertates quam extra, in comitatibus CornubiÆ, DevoniÆ, SumersetiÆ, DorsetiÆ, HerefordiÆ, WygorniÆ, SalopiÆ, StaffordiÆ, Wiltes’, et SuthamptoniÆ, P. 235, l. 6, escolage, answers probably to a low Latin word excollectionem. P. 237. A Song against the Retinues of the Great People.—Half of this song is written in the original in short lines, and the other half in long lines, to suit the convenience of the MS. It contains numerous popular words and phrases, the meaning of which it is now very difficult to ascertain. P. 242, l. 9, Le rei de Fraunce.—Edward seems to have long cherished the design of embarking in a new crusade, which had been strongly advocated by the Pope, but he had been hindered by his continued wars and embarrassments, which the writer of the song attributes to the intrigues of the King of France. P. 243, l. 13, A Peiters À l’Apostoile.—Pope Clement the Fifth, who was constantly in hostilities with his Italian subjects, and little more than a dependent on France, resided a great part of his pontificate at Poitiers. P. 245, ll. 5, 6, Si Aristotle ... e Virgile.—Aristotle and Virgil were names in great repute in the popular literature of the middle ages, and were the subject of much legend and romance. P. 246. Elegy on the Death of Edward I.—This song had been already printed in Percy’s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. P. 253. On the King’s Breaking his Confirmation of Magna Charta.—This curious poem is reprinted from an interesting little volume of early poetry, edited and printed privately by David Laing, Esq. and W. B. D. D. Turnbull, Esq. under the title of “Owain Miles, and other Inedited Fragments of Ancient English Poetry.” 8vo. Edinburgh, 1837. —— l. 7, the feire.—Probably the fair of St. Bartholomew. P. 254, l. 5, Of .iiij. wise-men.—This was a very popular story, and found its way into the celebrated Gesta Romanorum. It also occurs frequently in a separate and different form in manuscripts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The sentences of the wise men were popular sayings independent of the tale, and are sometimes found separately. They varied at different periods, both as they are found separately, and as they are given in the different recensions of the story. It would be a curious and interesting work to collect together such popular political proverbs in chronological order. I have met with this story in a MS. in the British Museum contemporary with the present song, in which, if I remember right, both the sayings and the explanations of them are given in full both in English and Latin, but I have unfortunately mislaid “Legitur quendam Regem quondam fuisse qui habuit 4or Philosophos in regno suo. In quo regno multÆ plagÆ, multa infortunia, et multi defectus fiebant in populis. Rex autem videns se ipsum nullo peccato mortali vulneratum, mirabatur valde, et diligenter inquirebat a prÆdictis 4or Philosophis qua de causa hÆc infortunia magis agebantur in populis in tempore suo quam in tempore prÆdecessorum suorum. “Primus Philosophus dixit, Mi?t is ri?t; Unde illud YsaiÆ, 69, Conversum est retrorsum judicium, et justitia longe stetit; corruit in platea veritas, et Æquitas non potuit ingredi. Li?t is ny?t; unde Ewang., VÆ homini illi per quem scandalum venit! Per eum scandalum venit qui alios malo exemplo corrumpit. Dominus in Levetico dixit: Time, inquit, Dominum Deum tuum, ut vivere possit frater tuus apud te; hoc est, ut sic vivas quod frater tuus per tuum exemplum vitam possit habere non mortem. Fi?t is fli?t; unde Augustinus: Bene agere et illicita non prohibere consensus erroris est. Gregorius: Facientis proculdubio culpam habet qui quod potest corrigere negligit emendare. “Secundus Philosophus dixit, One is too; unde Ewang.: Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur. Ambrosius: Sicut sine via nullus pervenit quo tendit, sic sine caritate, quÆ dicta est via, non ambulare possunt homines, sed errare. Frend is foo; hoc potest intelligi quando homines et prÆcipue potentes veram pacem vel justitiam aut Dei ecclesiam strangulant, quibus principaliter propter Deum militare deberent. Weele is woo; Gregorius: Qui bona mundi diligit, velit nolit timori et dolori bene succumbit. Seneca: Avarus nisi dum moritur nichil bene facit. “Tertius Philosophus dixit, Lust has leve; unde Paulus: Si secundum carnem vixeritis, moriemini. Jeronimus: Qui post carnem ambulant, in ventrem et libidinem proni, quasi irrationalia jumenta reputantur. Thef is refe; unde Jeremias: VÆ qui Ædificant domum suam non in justitia! Robertus Lincolniensis: VÆ illis qui dicunt, faciamus mala, ut veniant bona, quorum damnatio justa est! Pride has slef; unde in Ps.: Irritaverunt eum in adinventionibus suis, et multiplicata est in eis ruina. David autem dixit: Non habitabit in medio domus meÆ qui facit superbiam. “Quartus Philosophus dixit, Wille is red; unde per Psalmistam dicitur: Noluit intelligere ut bene aget. Prover. 12: Via stulti recta in oculis ejus; qui autem sapiens est audit consilium. Wytte is qued; unde P.: Erit enim tempus cum sanam doctrinam non sustinebunt. Augus.: Juventuti malorum hominum venenum est quidquid virtus prÆcipit, esca vero quidquid diabolus suggerit. Good is ded; unde in psalmo: Universa vanitas omnis homo vivens, i. vivens secundum hominem, non secundum Deum. Augus.: Sicut mors corporalis separat animum a corpore, ita peccatum mortale animam a vera vita, quÆ est Deus.” In the following, which is taken from the common printed Gesta Romanorum, cap. 144, the English is translated. “Fertur de quodam Rege cujus regnum in tam subitam devenit mutationem, quod bonum in malum, verum in falsum, forte in debile, justum in injustum est mutatum. Quam mutationem Rex admirans, a quattuor Philosophis sapientissimis causam hujus quÆsivit; qui, inquam, Philosophi post sanam deliberationem ad quattuor portas civitates pergentes quilibet eorum tres causas ibi scripsit. Primus scripsit, Potentia est justitia, ideo terra sine lege; dies est nox, ideo terra sine via; fuga est in pugna, ideo regnum sine honore. Secundus scripsit, Unum est duo, ideo regnum sine veritate; amicus est inimicus, ideo regnum sine fidelitate; malum est bonum, ideo terra sine pietate. Tertius scripsit, Ratio habet licentiam, ideo regnum sine nomine; fur est prÆpositus, ideo regnum sine pecunia; corabola vult esse aquila, ideo nulla discretio in patria. Quartus scripsit, Voluntas est consiliarius, ideo terra male disponitur; denarius dat sententiam, ideo terra male regitur; Deus est mortuus, ideo totum regnum peccatoribus est repletum.” In the moralisation, these sentences are applied to the time in which it was written. In the English Gesta Romanorum (edited by Sir Frederick Madden for the Roxburghe Club in 1838, and which it is to be regretted is not published in a popular form), p. 397, we have the following version of the story. “This is redde in the Cronycles of Rome, that in the tyme of Antynyane the Emperour, in the citie of Rome befille a grete pestilence of men and bestes, and grete hungre in alle the empire. The comons risene agayne her lordes, and agayne her Emperour. The Emperour desirede to wete the cause of the tribulacions and diseases, and disposede hym for to putte a remedie agayne the The sentences in this last version are also found frequently in MSS. in a separate form. An imperfect copy of them will be found in the ReliquiÆ AntiquÆ, (Pickering, 1839,) p. 58. I have met recently with a much more complete copy, agreeing closely with the sentences in the above tale from the English Gesta, but I have also unfortunately lost the reference to it, and cannot recall it to mind at the present moment. In MS. Cotton. Vespas. E. XII. fol. 100, ro., of the end of the fourteenth century, is given another Latin version of this story, where the scene is laid at Carthage, the King is Hannibal, and instead of the four wise men we have Virgil, and the sayings are again different from the others. This version is important both for the history of the story, and for its connexion with the fable of the legendary Virgilius. P. 256, l. 9, god is ded.—It will have been observed in the foregoing note that one of the versions of the story interprets god by Deus;—God is dead,—which is most probably right, and the former editors have very properly given the word with a capital. P. 258. Songs on the Death of Peter de Gaveston.—Both these songs are parodies upon hymns in the Romish ritual. P. 260, l. 1, Vult hic comes, et non Petrus, dici.—The favourite was, indeed, extremely angry because people persisted in calling him Peter, and obtained a Royal decree that no one should be permitted to call him otherwise than Earl of Cornwall in future. P. 262. The Battle of Bannockburn.—The text of this poem is extremely corrupt. It appears, from Mr. Halliwell’s description of the MS., that there is another copy of it at Oxford, MS. Rawl. B. 214. This poem is attributed to Robert Baston, a carmelite, who, according to a popular story, was P. 262, l. 6, dabantur.—Debantur in the MS. —— l. 10, prÆparare.—The MS. has portare, with “p’p’are” written above. P. 263, l. 9, conflictus.—The MS. had consultus, which is changed into conflictus. —— l. 10, Comes heu! GloverniÆ.—Gilbert de Clare, son of that Earl of Gloucester who was so active in the Barons’ wars of the reign of Henry III. On his death, at Bannockburn, the title became extinct. —— l. 17, proditorius vir Bartholomeus.—Perhaps Bartholomew de Badlesmere, who was Steward of the King’s household, and attended the King in these wars. P. 264, l. 2, sex seminum.—This word evidently represents the French semaines. P. 265, l. 2, nimis.—The MS. has nims. —— l. 4, veneficos.—The MS. has venifices. —— l. 9, multiplica.—In middle-age Latin, the form multiplicus is frequently used for multiplex. —— l. 14, corruerunt.—The scribe has written sub over the first syllable of this word in the MS., as though he would correct it to subruerunt. P. 266, l. 16, horridus.—The MS. has oridus, and just afterwards it seems to have quievit for crevit. P. 267, l. 4, stirps radice.—The MS. has radix, with ortus written over it; from which it may be conjectured that the original from which the scribe copied had the reading which I have given, and that the word ortus was written over it, or in the margin, to supply the construction—stirps ortus radice JessÆ. —— l. 12, far....—The MS. has far?. P. 268. The Office of St. Thomas of Lancaster.—Popular heroes and patriots were frequently canonised by the people after their death. Such was the case with Simon de Montfort. See p. 124 of the present volume. A very curious story of this kind will be found in William of Newbury, l. 5, cc. 20, 21. The King, in the present instance, was obliged to issue a proclamation forbidding the worship of Earl Thomas of Lancaster. P. 268, l. 2, Thomam CantuariÆ.—All the popular heroes were compared to St. Thomas of Canterbury. We have seen the comparison used in the case of Simon de Montfort, see p. 125 of the present volume. P. 270, l. 11, pater proles erat regia.—Thomas Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster, was son of Edmund, younger brother of Edward I. —— l. 12, matrem ... reginam Navarria.—Blanche, daughter of Robert, Earl of Artois, and widow of Henry, King of Navarre, who was espoused in second marriage to Edmund Plantagenet. —— l. 16, Benedicti capitur vigilia...., l. 17, die tertia.—After the battle of Boroughbridge (March 15, 1322), the Earl of Lancaster took refuge in a chapel, where he was taken on the 20th, brought to Pontefract on the 21st, tried on the 22nd, and beheaded the same day. The 20th of March was the eve of St. Benet. P. 271, l. 2, HoylandiÆ.—Robert de Hoyland (the father of Thomas de Holand, Earl of Kent, the first husband of Joan, Princess of Wales,) had been sent to collect forces in Lancashire, to assist the Earl of Lancaster, but when he had gotten them together, he deserted the Earl, and went over with them to the King’s party. —— sudam appears to be an error for some other word. P. 273. Peter Langtoft’s Chronicle.—The Cambridge MS. contains only the history of Edward I., which is given as a complete work, with the title, “Ici commence le Brut coment li bon rei Edward gaigna Escotz e Galis.” The Fairfax MS. seems also to have given the same portion of Langtoft’s Chronicle. Since my text was printed, Sir Frederick Madden has kindly given me his transcripts of the English fragments as they stand in the Fairfax MS. No. 24, in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford, and in the Arundel MS. No. 14, in the College of Arms. The numerous variations in these lines, and the frequent recurrence of lines in one MS. which are omitted in another, seem clearly to prove they were fragments of popular songs interwoven into the Chronicle by its writer. I ought to say that, at the time the extracts in the present volume were printed off, it was not in my power to have the sheets collated with the original. It may also be observed, that it has not been thought proper to correct the text by the various readings, but the translation is frequently made from the latter, when the text is evidently wrong. P. 274, l. 15, Celestine la pape.—Pope Celestin the Fifth, who was elected in July, 1294, and abdicated in the December following. P. 275, l. 50, suz Dover.—An account of this attack upon Dover will be found in Matthew of Westminster, p. 424, and in Knighton, col. 2502. P. 278, l. 75, Thomas de Turbevile.—See, on this affair, Matthew of Westminster, p. 425, Knighton, col. 2502, Hemingford, p. 58. —— l. 83, Cent lievre de tere.—Robert de Brunne’s version has a hundred pounds of land, i. e. lands of that yearly value. P. 280, l. 106, Le tierz jour.—Robert de Brunne says— Opon the thrid day, at a toun hamelet, Thomas was his pray, as he to mete was set. —— l. 112, cum traitur est jugÉ.—Robert of Brunne has given more details of Turbeville’s trial than are found in the original. P. 282, l. 135, Le counte de Nincole.—Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln and Salisbury. —— l. 136, Sir Willeam de Vescy.—William de Vescy, Lord of Alnwick, and governor of Scarborough Castle. —— l. 153, la male rage.—“Male rage: Faim extraordinaire, enragÉe; mala rabies.” Roquefort. —— l. 156, rivelins.—Apparently a kind of rough boots worn by the Scots, so called perhaps on account of their ragged and torn appearance. —— la nue nage.—Nage is the Latin nates. The Fairfax and Arundel MS. have here a line or two of the French which is not found in the other copies, with the following fragments of English— (F.) Tprut! Skot riveling, In unseli timing crope thu out of cage. (A.) Tprut! Scot riveling, With mikel mistiming crop thu ut of kage. —— l. 157, Robert de Ros de Werke.—Robert de Ros was an English Baron, but, falling in love with a Scottish lady, he deserted to the Scots, for which his possessions were confiscated. See Hemingford, p. 85. P. 284, l. 168, quatre mile.—The English version makes it forty thousand— In the non tyme felle this cas, that slayn was ilk a man, That were in Berwik, fourti thousand and mo. —— l. 170, Richard de Cornewalle.—Holinshed, p. 298, says Sir Richard Cornwall was brother to the Earl of Cornwall. See also Hemingford, p. 91. —— l. 171, la sale rouge.—The Red Hall was the factory of the Flemish merchants, who carried on an extensive trade with Berwick. P. 285, l. 175, Willeam de Douglasse.—William Douglas was captain of the garrison of Berwick. See Hemingford, ib. —— l. 176, Ricard Fresel.—The English has Symoun Freselle. —— l. 178, li quens de la Merche, Patrik.—Patrick, Earl of Dunbar and March, served in the English army; but his Countess, who was left in the castle of Dunbar, and who hated the English, delivered the castle to the Scots. —— l. 180, Gilbert de Umfravile.—Gilbert de Umfraville, Earl of Angus, was one of the Scottish Barons who remained faithful to the English. P. 286, l. 194, Piket him, etc.—The Fairfax MS. has only four lines of this song:— Piket him and diket him, in skorn seiden he; Nu piketh he it and diketh it, his owen for to be. In the Arundel MS. it stands thus:— Pikit him and dikit him, in hoker seiden he; Nu pikes he it and dikes it, his owen for to be. Skiterende Scottes Hodere in their hottes, nevere thei ne the; Rigth if I rede, Thei tumbled in Twede, that woned bi the se. Robert of Brunne gives the fragment as follows, with six additional lines:— Now dos Edward dike Berwik brode and long, Als they bad him pike, and scorned him in ther song. Pikit him and dikit him on scorne said he, He pikes and dikes in length as him likes how best it may be. And thou has for thi pikyng Mykille ille likyng, the sothe is to se. Without any lesyng Alle is thi hething fallen opon the, For scatred er thi Scottis, And hodred in ther hottes, never thei ne the. Right als I rede, Thei tombled in Tuede, that woned bi the se. P. 288, l. 227, Otes de Graunt-souns.—Otho had been sent into the East to the aid of the Christians by Edward I., who intended to follow him in person. An account of the loss of Acre, and the escape of the Christians to Cyprus, will be found in Hemingford, pp. 21-28. P. 289, l. 245, le counte de Warwik e Huge le Despencer.—Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and Hugh Despencer, who was afterwards so famous as the favourite of Edward II. P. 293, l. 299, On grene, &c.—In Robert of Brunne, these lines stand thus:— Ther on that grene, That kynrede kene gadred als the gayte. Right als I wene, On som was it sene ther the bit bayte. P. 294, l. 324, sire CorynÉe.—The fabulous hero who was said to have killed the giant Gogmagog. P. 295, l. 338, The fote folke, etc.—Robert of Brunne gives these lines as ¶ The Scottis had no grace, To spede in ther space, for to mend ther misse, Thei filed ther face, That died in that place; the Inglis rymed this. Oure fote folk Put tham in the polk, and nakned ther nages, Bi no way Herd I never say of prester pages, Purses to pike, Robis to rike, and in dike tham schonne, Thou wiffin Scotte of Abrethin, kotte is thi honne. In the Fairfax MS. they stand thus:— Wel worthe swich a fot folk, That drof the Skottes in the polk, and paiede hem here wages. Bi wode ne bi weye, Ne herd I nevere seien of prestere pages, To pullen and to piken The robes of the rike that in the feld fellen. Fi! Skot, hu spedde ye thenne? The devel I you bikenne, that ragged rit in helle! The Arundel MS. gives them thus:— Wel worth swich a fote folk, That put the Scottes in the polk, and paied tham their wages. Bi wode ne bi weie, Herd I nevere seie of prestere pages, To pulle and to pike The robes of the rike that in the feld felle. Hou ferd the wreches thenne? The devel I them bikenne that ragged sit in helle. In my transcript of the Cambridge MS. I had written wages in the third line, but, thinking it might be an error of my own, I ventured to change it to nages, in conformity with the readings of the other MSS. I have no doubt that nages, the French nages (see before, p. 283, l. 156, and the note), the Latin nates, is the right word. The other reading of the line was perhaps substituted by some one who did not understand the word. P. 298, l. 380, For Scottes, etc.—Robert of Brunne agrees with the present text, in this song. In the Fairfax and Arundel MSS. it stands thus:— (F.) For skiterande Skottes Tell I for sottes, of wrenches unwarre. Hem to wrothere hele Dintes to dele driven to Dunbarre. (A.) Skiterende Scottes I telle for sottes, and wreches unwar. Mikel unsele Dintes to dele them drof to Dunbar. P. 300, l. 417, Albanak, the son of Brute, who was said to have first peopled Scotland, and given it the name of Albania. P. 303, l. 466, For boule, etc.—Robert of Brunne, like the Museum MSS., gives only the first six lines of this fragment. —— l. 471, hise tabard es tome.—Toom tabard (empty tabard) was a nickname given by the Scots to their King, John Baliol, on account of his little wit. In like manner, we still vulgarly call people who possess very little sense, empty bottles. P. 304, l. 484, eces; another form of assez. —— l. 486, Henri de Perci aid Galwei.—Henry de Percy, nephew of Warenne, was made keeper of the county of Galloway and the sheriffdom of Ayr. P. 305, l. 504, le eveske de Duram.—The famous Anthony Beck, Bishop of Durham, who, at the head of his knights, attended Edward in all his invasions of Scotland, and commanded one division of the army at the battle of Falkirk. —— l. 514, Kambynoy.—Robert of Brunne translates this passage as follows:— Cambinhoy Beres him coy, that fendes whelp, Ther with craft He has tham raft, it may not help. The Trulle the Drenge on se, thei lenge the fendes tueye, The hold tham fer, And dar no ner than Orkeneye. Andrew is wroth, The wax him loth, for ther pride. He is tham fro, Now salle thei go, schame to betide. Thou scabbed Scotte, Thi neck, thi hotte, the develle it breke, It salle be hard To here Edward ageyn the speke. He salle the ken Our lond to bren, and werre begynne Thou getes no thing, Bot thi rivelyng to hang therinne. The sete of the Scone Is driven over done, to London led; I hard wele telle, That bagelle and belle be filchid and fled. P. 306, l. 521, Ou il est mort " al mouster.—The Monastery of Hexham, which the Scots had burnt, was dedicated to their patron Saint, St. Andrew. Hemingford remarks, in a similar manner, the impiety of the Scots in burning the church of their patron. This writer, in many parts of his Chronicle, seems to paraphrase and enlarge upon the narrative of Peter Langtoft. P. 307, l. 550, Deus! cum Merlins.—The Cambridge MS. has Teus, with a great T., by an error of the illuminator. Robert of Brunne, in translating this part of the Chronicle, quotes the original author, Peter Langtoft, as his authority:— Nou tels Pers, on his maners, a grete selcouth, He takis witnes, that it soth es, of Merlyn mouth, etc. The MS. from which Hearne printed contained a marginal note, “De unione ScotiÆ et AngliÆ secundum dicta Petri et Bridlingtone,” meaning that Bridlington had something similar in his prophecies. Hearne, not aware that it is Peter Langtoft to whom the writer refers, alters it to Petri de Bridlington; although, if he had referred to Bale, he would have found that Bridlington’s name was John, and not Peter. P. 309, l. 582, Jon e Thomas ... Cuthbert.—John of Beverley, Thomas of Canterbury, and Cuthbert of Durham. These three saints are elsewhere spoken of in Peter Langtoft as Edward’s especial patrons and aiders. P. 310, l. 607, Des biens de seint eglise.—See, on this transaction, Matthew of Westminster, p. 428, and Hemingford, p. 107. P. 311. I suspect that the lines here inclosed in brackets, as not found in the Cambridge MS., were missed by myself in transcribing. —— l. 613, disime dener.—Robert of Brunne says the twelfth penny. P. 315, l. 683, jeo crei.—The manner in which the writer here speaks, as well as other expressions in the course of the poem, seem to show that he wrote down the events as they happened. P. 316, l. 701, le Sire de Canturbir.—Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, from 1294 to 1313. P. 317, l. 709, Li sire de Nichole.—Oliver Sutton, Bishop of Lincoln, who died in the November of 1299. —— l. 714, L’elyt de Everwyke.—Henry de Newark, who succeeded to the Archbishopric in 1297, and died in 1299. P. 318, l. 720. These English verses are only found in the Cambridge MS. P. 320, l. 19, Pur treys souz, &c.—Robert of Brunne translates this— Thei profere a man to bete, for tuo schilynges or thre, With piked staves grete beten salle he be. We learn from this writer that it was the King who gave them the name of Trailebastons. P. 321, l. 43, Sire Jon de Meneteft.—He is said to have been incited by his personal hatred of Wallace to seek out and deliver the Scottish Chieftain to his enemies. Robert de Brunne adds something to his original in this place:— Sir Jon of Menetest sewed William so nehi, He tok him whan he wend lest, on nyght his leman bi. That was thorght treson of Jak Schort his man, He was the encheson that Sir Jon so him nam. Jak brother had he slayn, the Waleis that is said, The more Jak was fayn to do William that braid. Selcouthly he endis the man that is fals, If he trest on his frendes, thei begile him als Begiled is William, taken is and bondon. To Inglond with him thei cam, and led him unto London. We may take this occasion of pointing out the impropriety of quoting Robert de Brunne as Peter Langtoft. Mr. Tytler quotes this story of Jack Short upon Langtoft’s authority, which involves two serious errors, first, making Langtoft say what he did not say, and, secondly, giving the story on better authority than that on which it really rests, for, in this respect, Robert de Brunne is certainly inferior to Langtoft. P. 323, l. 67, And tus, etc.—Robert of Brunne has six lines of this fragment more than in the French MSS. It is not to drede, Traytour salle spede, als he is worthi, His lif salle he tyne, And die thorgh pyne, withouten merci. Thus may men here, A ladde for to lere to biggen in pays. It fallis in his i?e, That hewes over hie, with the Walays. P. 326, l. 66, nu.—In the MS. it is written nou. Perhaps the o was added by somebody who thought the orthography should be nou. P. 327, l. 78, serven the chapele.—This last word, which answers to capella in the similar passage in the Song at the end of these notes (p. 401, l. 21), means here, perhaps, a wardrobe. P. 329, l. 126, amis.—This word is added in the MS. by a later hand than that which wrote the other part. P. 336, l. 285, turmentours that comen from clerkes plei.—Men who have performed the part of devils, or tormentors, in the miracle plays, which were performed by the clerks. P. 338, l. 330, Theih pleien wid the hinges silver, and breden wod for wele.—They use the king’s silver for their own pleasures, and produce wood, or tallies, instead of contributing to the prosperity of the people. P. 341, l. 392, a derthe.—l. 403, eft wele i-nouh.—P. 342, l. 409, another sorwe.—l. 416, another derthe of corn.—Our poem was probably composed in 1321. During the preceding years, the kingdom had been visited repeatedly by dearth and famine. Holinshed remarks in 1316, a great dearth and famine, insomuch that a quarter of wheat sold for forty shillings, and at the same time a murrain among the cattle; in 1317, a “pitiful famine” with a “sore mortalitie of people;” the year 1318 seems to have been free from these visitations, and may have been that in which, according to the poem, there was “eft wele i-nouh;” in 1319, again, a great murrain of cattle; and in the latter end of the following year and in 1321, broke out the “great variaunce betwixt the lords and the Spensers,” which was the cause of so much bloodshed, and which seems to be the “strif” (l. 423) under which the poet represents the people as then labouring. P. 342, l. 418, afingred.—For other instances of the use of this form, see a note on “The Tale of the Basyn and the Frere and the Boy.” (Pickering, 1836.) P. 344, l. 457, paunter.—The true meaning of this word seems to be a trap, or snare. An English prose treatise of counsel for hermits, probably by Hampole (MS. Trin. Coll. Cant. B. 15, 17, of the reign of Edward III.), speaking of the snares laid by the devil to deceive people, observes, “This panter leyeth owre enemy to taken us with, whan we bigynne to haten wikkednesse, and turne us to goodnesse.” P. 345.—This poem is defective at the end, by the loss of the remainder of the MS., which is imperfect. The following curious Song, which was given me by Mr. Halliwell, bears a remarkable resemblance in some parts to the English poem of the Auchinleck MS. It is taken from a MS. in the University Library, Cambridge, Ee. VI. 29, of the beginning of the fifteenth century, though most, if not all, the articles it contains are compositions of a much earlier date. Ecce dolet Anglia luctibus imbuta! Gens tremit tristitia, sordibus polluta; Necat pestilentia viros atque bruta. Cur? quia flagitia regnant resoluta. Heu! jam totus vertitur mundus in malignum. Inter gentes quÆritur ubi cor benignum. Christus non recolitur, mortuus per lignum; Ergo plebs perimitur in vindictÆ signum. Pax et patientia penitus orbantur; Amor et justitia domi non morantur; Errores et vitia gentes amplexantur; Patrum per malitia parvuli necantur. Pastorum pigritia greges disperguntur; Insontes astutia mercantum falluntur; Fraus et avaritia sorores junguntur; Divitum nequitia pauperes plectuntur. Simonia colitur, Simon Magus vivit; Æquitas opprimitur, veritas abivit; Christi grex dispergitur, lupus insanivit; Pestisque diffunditur, agnos deglutivit. Favor non scientia permovet rectores; Intrudit potentia servos ob labores, Et regum clementia quosdam per favores; Æs et amicitia juvant pervisores. Fortes Christi milites modo recesserunt; SathanÆ satellites templum subverterunt; Laceras et debiles oves prodiderunt; Cuculi degeneres nisis successerunt. Patres quondam nobiles pestes fugarunt, Et in fide stabiles languidos sanarunt; Vita venerabiles signis coruscarunt; Actus per laudabiles Christo militarunt. Tales erunt vestibus asperis vestiti; Ut moderni mollibus raro sunt potiti. Hii prÆclaris moribus erant insigniti; Juvenes a sordibus sacris eruditi. Heu! nunc mercenarii, nec veri pastores, Rectores, vicarii, mutaverunt mores; Ambitu denarii subeunt labores; Tales operarii merentur moerores: Isti pro ciliciis utuntur pellura; Farciunt deliciis ventres tota cura; Dant post[ea] spurcitiis se sine mensura; Suffulti divitiis vivunt contra jura. Dum capella tegitur nobili vestura, Sponsa Christi rapitur nudata tectura; Vinea destruitur porcorum ursura, Et vitis evellitur, carens jam cultura. Sacerdotes Domini sunt incontinentes; Actus suo nomini non sunt respondentes; Sacra dantes homini forent et docentes; Sui mores ordini non sunt congruentes. Ista super Æthera sanguine scribantur, Ut patenti littera sÆculis legantur; Ignibus cum vetera peccata purgantur, Sua ferant onera jam qui dominantur. En! amor et caritas regnis refrigescunt; Livor et severitas gentibus ardescunt; Cleri plebis veritas et fides tepescunt; Hinc regni nobilitas et fama quiescunt. FeminÆ fragilitas omni caret laude; Mercantum subtilitas versatur in fraude; Et fratrum dolositas jungit caput caudÆ. Homo, si jam veritas te gubernat, gaude! Explicit. P. 14. Song on the Times.—Giraldus Cambrensis has inserted a copy of this Song in the Speculum EcclesiÆ, MS. Cotton. Tiberius, B. XIII. fol. 126, vo, and attributes it to the famous Golias, which is commonly supposed to be only a fictitious name for Walter Mapes. This takes away all doubt as to its age, and the explanations given by Flacius Illyricus may be right. There is another copy in a Cottonian MS. of the thirteenth century, Vespas. A. XIX. fol. 59, ro, where it is entitled De veneranda justitia RomanÆ curiÆ. In Giraldus, the song commences with the 13th line, Roma mundi caput est, &c. In the other Cotton. MS. it begins as in our text. The variations afforded by these two MSS. are as follow:—P. 14, l. 1, RomanÆ reb., C.—6, profluit, C.—9, the first est is omitted in C.—10, Tegunt picem, C.—P. 15, l. 12, ramus in sap., C.—15, trahit enim, G. and C.—17, res et sing., C.—21, In hoc consistorio, G. and C.—27, petunt quando petis, G. and C.—28, eadem et metis, C.—P. 16. The first 16 lines in this page are omitted in Giraldus.—l. 5, nummus, C.—6, rot. placet, totum pl., C.—7, ita pl. ... Romanos, C.—10, obiceret, C.—11, Et sanc., C.—12, transeunt, C.—13, venit parca, C.—15, pro munere, C.—P. 17, l. 1, et ... sit, G. and C. animanti, C.—2, Respondet hÆc tibia, G. and C.—6, li mort, C.—7, G. and C. have Porta at the beginning of this line, and Papa in the next. G. omits the words chartula quÆrit: it ought to be observed that in this MS. the song is written as prose, so that such omissions are easily explained.—8, G. and C. omit the words cursor quÆrit.—9, omnis quÆrit, G. si des si quid uni, G. and C.—10, Totum mare salsum est, tota, G. and C. except that the former has salseum for salsum est: see another example of this expression in the present volume, p. 228, l. 19.—11, Des ... des ... addas, G.—l. 12, the extract in Giraldus ends here.—P. 18, l. 4, totum impl., C.—6, habet Pluto, C.—9, dant divitibus, C. P. 44, l. 3 of Song against the Bishops, read fungar vice cotis, “I will perform the part of a whetstone.” P. 282, l. 5 of translation, for Edward, read Edmund. |