FOOTNOTES

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[1] See, for instance, The English Poor Law System, by Paul Felix Aschrott, translated by H. Preston Thomas, 1888 and 1902; La Loi des pauvres et la sociÉtÉ anglaise, par E. Chevalier, 1895; The Better Administration of the Poor Law, by Sir William Chance, Bart., 1895; The Public Relief of the Poor, by T. Mackay, 1901; L'Assistance lÉgale et la lutte contre le pauperisme en Angleterre, par G. E. de Froment, 1905.

[2] The Poor Law, by the Rev. T. W. Fowle, 1881; The English Poor Laws, by Miss Sophia Lonsdale, 1897 and 1902; Our Treatment of the Poor, by Sir Wm. Chance, Bart, 1899; The Public Relief of the Poor, by T. Mackay, 1901.

[3] History of the English Poor Law, vol. iii., from 1834 to the present time, by T. Mackay, 1899.

[4] The Minority Report has been separately published in book form, in two volumes, The Break Up of The Poor Law, and The Public Organization of the Labour Market, each edited, with an introduction, by S. and B. Webb (Longmans. 1909).

[5] This analysis is confined to relief in all its various forms, excluding all questions of charge ability (or the recovery from other persons of the amount expended on relief), settlement, removal, assessment, rating, and mere administrative procedure.

[6] p. 228 of the Report of 1834. The references are to the latest reprint (1905).

[7] pp. 279-280 of the Report of 1834.

[8] p. 294 of the Report of 1834.

[9] p. 297 of the Report of 1834.

[10] p. 47 of the Report of 1834.

[11] pp. 263-264 of the Report of 1834.

[12] p. 228 of the Report of 1834.

[13] p. 263 of Report of 1834.

[14] p. 297 of Report of 1834.

[15] p. 298 of Report of 1834.

[16] p. 262 of Report of 1834, made by way of comment as to the temporary policy.

[17] p. 264 of Report of 1834.

[18] p. 262 of Report of 1834.

[19] Ibid.

[20] pp. 306-307 of Report of 1834.

[21] p. 324 of Report of 1834.

[22] p. 340 of Report of 1834.

[23] p. 306 of Report of 1834.

[24] p. 350 of Report of 1834.

[25] p. 307 of Report of 1834.

[26] p. 262 of Report of 1834.

[27] p. 338 of Report of 1834.

[28] p. 43 of Report of 1834.

[29] pp. 306-307 of Report of 1834.

[30] p. 262 of Report of 1834.

[31] p. 307 of Report of 1834.

[32] pp. 42-43 of Report of 1834.

[33] p. 307 of Report of 1834.

[34] p. 306 of Report of 1834.

[35] p. 307 of Report of 1834.

[36] See pp. 305, 306, 307, 313-314 of Report of 1834.

[37] p. 314 of Report of 1834.

[38] p. 298 of Report of 1834.

[39] p. 357 of Report of 1834.

[40] p. 337 of Report of 1834.

[41] 4 & 5 Will. IV. c. 76, quoted as the Act of 1834; 5 & 6 Vic. c. 57, quoted as the Act of 1842; 7 & 8 Vic. c. 101, quoted as the Act of 1844; 10 and 11 Vic. c. 109, quoted as the Act of 1847.

[42] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 42.

[43] Ibid. sec. 52.

[44] Ibid. sec. 15.

[45] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 52.

[46] Ibid. sec. 54.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Ibid. sec. 52.

[49] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 54.

[50] 5 & 6 Vic. c. 57, sec. 5.

[51] 7 & 8 Vic. c. 101, secs. 41 to 56.

[52] Ibid. sec. 53.

[53] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 52.

[54] Ibid. sec. 15.

[55] 7 & 8 Vic. c. 101, sec. 25.

[56] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 56.

[57] Ibid. sec. 71.

[58] 7 & 8 Vic. c. 101, sec. 26.

[59] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 15.

[60] Ibid. sec. 19.

[61] 7 & 8 Vic. c. 101, secs. 40, 42-44.

[62] Ibid. sec. 43.

[63] Ibid. sec. 40.

[64] Ibid. sec. 51.

[65] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, secs. 15 and 61.

[66] 43 Eliz. c. 2, sec. 1; 18 George III. c. 47, preamble; 56 George III. c. 139.

[67] 5 & 6 William IV. c. 19, secs. 26, 29.

[68] 5 & 6 Vict. c. 7.

[69] 7 & 8 Vict. c. 101, secs. 12, 13.

[70] There was a provision (since repealed), in sec. 15 of the Act of 1834, which we need not notice, as to making rules for the management of parish poor children under Hanway's Act (7 George III. c. 39), since repealed.

[71] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 15.

[72] Ibid. c. 54.

[73] Criminal Lunatics Act, 1838, 1 & 2 Vict. c. 14, sec. 2.

[74] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 56.

[75] Ibid. sec. 27.

[76] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, secs. 15, 42.

[77] Ibid. sec. 23.

[78] Ibid. sec. 25.

[79] Ibid. sec. 24.

[80] 7 & 8 Vict. c. 101, sec. 30.

[81] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, secs. 92, 93.

[82] Ibid. sec. 93.

[83] Ibid. sec. 94.

[84] Ibid. sec. 19.

[85] Ibid. sec. 62.

[86] 4 & 5 William IV. secs. 58, 59.

[87] Pensions Act, 1839, 2 & 3 Vict. c. 51, sec. 2.

[88] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 42.

[89] Ibid. sec. 52.

[90] Ibid. sec. 15.

[91] Ibid. secs. 16, 17.

[92] Ibid. sec. 109.

[93] Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, pp. 32-34.

[94] See for instance the Order of 31st December, 1834, issued to Sutton Courtney Parish, now included in Abingdon Union, and the Outdoor Relief Regulation Order, 14th December 1852, art. 1.

[95] See Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 92; the Order of 26th April 1839, to Aston Union; and Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order, 21st December 1844, art. 1.

[96] Official Circular, No. 1, p. 8, 8th January 1840; Ibid. No. 34, p. 79, 30th April 1844.

[97] p. 62 of Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839.

[98] See the "Suggestions as to the most eligible modes of Providing Outdoor Employment ... in cases where there is not an efficient workhouse, and preparatory to the establishment of the Workhouse System," p. 45 of Second Annual Report, 1836.

[99] Circular, 8th November 1834, p. 73 of First Annual Report, 1835.

[100] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v., art. 27, p. 92 of Second Annual Report, 1836.

[101] Poor Law Commissioners to Norwich Court of Guardians, 25th July 1835; Special Order to Norwich, 29th July 1835; MS. Minutes, Norwich Court of Guardians, July and August 1835.

[102] Special Order to Norwich, 21st October 1835; Poor Law Commissioners to Norwich Court of Guardians, 21st October 1835; MS. Minutes, Norwich Court of Guardians, October 1835.

[103] This term, Relief in Kind, has always been limited to food, though the character of the food has been varied. Medicine and "medical extras" supplied to the paupers in their homes have been included in the term Outdoor Medical Relief. The provision of clothing and bedding to the outdoor poor—classed as ordinary Outdoor Relief—though permitted, has never been encouraged by the Central Authority. (Official Circular, 10th November 1840, No. 9, p. 117; Ibid., July 1850, No. 39 N.S., p. 108; see also Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii., 1880, p. 71.) The provision of tools or implements of trade was considered not to be of the nature of relief, and therefore not legal. It was expressly prohibited by the Outdoor Relief Regulation Order of 1852 (art. 3). Payment of rent (except the provision of temporary lodging in urgent and sudden necessity, or for housing a lunatic) was from the outset strictly prohibited. (See Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order of 1844, art. 5, and Outdoor Relief Regulation Order of 1852, art. 3.) This prohibition of payment of rent seems to have been considered of importance by the Poor Law Commissioners. The impracticability of preventing ordinary outdoor relief from being applied in payment of the pauper's rent seems only gradually to have dawned upon the Poor Law Board. In 1852 it was explained that although the Order "prohibits the Guardians from paying the rent for a pauper either directly or indirectly, it does not prevent them from allowing him such relief as under all the circumstances of the case his necessities may require; it will rest with the pauper to dispose of the relief afforded to him in such manner as he may think fit." (Poor Law Board to Hemsworth Union, 19th October 1852; in House of Commons, No. 111 of 1852-3, p. 96.) A similar decision was given in 1902. (See Local Government Chronicle, 9th August 1902, p. 805.) The prohibition still remains in force, but is accordingly not now regarded as of importance.

[104] MS. Minutes, Newcastle Board of Guardians, 7th October 1836.

[105] Circular of 30th April 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 179.

[106] Minute of Commissioners respecting the means of enforcing an Outdoor Labour Test, 31st October 1842, p. 381 of Ninth Annual Report, 1843.

[107] For such Special Labour Test Orders, issued in supplement to the Out-relief Prohibitory Order, see those to Boston Union, of 3rd February 1847; Crediton Union, 21st May 1847; and Catherington Union, 2nd June 1847, which are in the most usual form; or those to Foleshill Union, 13th December 1847; Maldon Union, 7th December 1847; and Nuneaton Union, 13th December 1847, which are in a much shorter form, omitting the authority for the appointment of a superintendent of pauper labour.

[108] For such Special Labour Test Orders, issued to unions not under the Out-relief Prohibitory Order, see that to Ashton-under-Lyne Union, 29th March 1847; or that, in a shorter form, omitting the authority for the appointment of a superintendent of pauper labour, to Chertsey Union, 17th December 1847.

[109] Circular Letter, 14th December 1852, in Fifth Annual Report of Poor Law Board, 1852, p. 31.

[110] Special Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 72.

[111] Poor Law Commissioners to Plymouth Board of Guardians, 25th April 1840.

[112] p. 45 of Second Annual Report, 1836; Official Circular, No. 29, p. 151, 30th November 1843.

[113] Minute, 31st October 1842, p. 383 of Ninth Annual Report, 1843.

[114] p. 46 of Second Annual Report, 1836.

[115] See Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order, 1844, art. 1.

[116] Ibid.

[117] Minute of Commissioners, 31st October 1842, p. 381 of Ninth Annual Report, 1843.

[118] p. 379 of Ninth Annual Report, 1843.

[119] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 52.

[120] Official Circular, April and May 1848, Nos. 14 and 15, N.S., pp. 227-8.

[121] Letter, 6th September 1837, in Fourth Annual Report, 1838, p. 154.

[122] pp. 135-141 of Third Annual Report, 1837.

[123] p. 89 of Fifth Annual Report, 1839.

[124] Instructional Circular, 12th December 1838; in Fifth Annual Report, 1839, p. 87; ditto, 7th December 1839, in Sixth Annual Report, 1840, p. 103.

[125] Letter, 2nd August 1841, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 77.

[126] Circular, 7th December 1839; in Sixth Annual Report, 1840, p. 104.

[127] Official Circular, No. 12, 14th October 1841, p. 170; Letter, 15th February 1841, to Newcastle Board of Guardians; Letter, 12th September 1844, to Bradford Board of Guardians.

[128] Official Circular, No. 12, 14th October 1841, p. 170; General Order, 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 81; Letter, 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 110.

[129] Letter to Bradford Board of Guardians, 3rd October 1844.

[130] p. 19 of Eleventh Annual Report, 1845.

[131] p. 19 of Twelfth Annual Report, 1846; Official Circular, No. 5, N.S., p. 69, 1st May 1847.

[132] p. 11 of Thirteenth Annual Report, 1847.

[133] Minute of Poor Law Board on the Houseless Poor in the Metropolis, 23rd December 1863, in Sixteenth Annual Report, 1863, p. 31.

[134] General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, see arts. 97, 99 and 104.

[135] We ought to state that in one of the early Orders (intended to be temporary) the Central Authority did expressly prescribe a policy for "single women not being aged or infirm." It was evidently contemplated that they were to be dealt with quite differently from the "able-bodied male pauper," who was to be put to "parish work." The outdoor relief to be granted to them was to be at least half in kind (p. 85 of First Annual Report, 1835). No such clause appears in the General Orders subsequently issued.

[136] Amended Forms of Order prohibiting Outdoor Relief to the Able-bodied, 1839 and 1840, in Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 105, and Seventh Annual Report, 1841, pp. 99-100; Out Relief Prohibitory Order, 1844, art. 1.

[137] Instructional Letter, December 1839, p. 107 of Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839; ditto, August 1840, p. 102 of Seventh Annual Report, 1841.

[138] Report of House of Commons Committee on Poor Law Administration, 1837-8, p. 39.

[139] MS. Minutes, Bradfield Board of Guardians, 12th October 1835.

[140] MS. Minutes, Bradfield Board of Guardians, 8th, 15th and 27th February 1836; Special Order to Bradfield Union, 26th February 1836.

[141] Ibid. 4th March and 31st October 1836; February, June, July and November 1839; Poor Law Board to Bradfield Union, 17th July and 7th November 1839; Special Order to Bradfield Union, November 1839.

[142] See note 1.

[143] p. 108 of Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839.

[144] p. 102 of Seventh Annual Report, 1841.

[145] Circular, 21st September 1836, p. 48 of Second Annual Report, 1836.

[146] Minute on Outdoor Labour Test, 31st October 1842, p. 383 of Ninth Annual Report, 1843.

[147] Outdoor Labour Test Order, 30th April 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 175.

[148] p. 385 of Ninth Annual Report, 1843.

[149] Instructional Letter, 17th October 1844; in Eleventh Annual Report, 1845, p. 137.

[150] Instructional Letter, 21st December 1844; in Eleventh Annual Report, 1845, p. 59.

[151] Official Circular, 1st June 1845, No. 48, p. 90.

[152] Poor Law Commissioners to Plymouth Court of Guardians, 25th April 1840.

[153] Not being soldiers, sailors, or marines.

[154] Official Circular, 31st January 1844, No. 31, pp. 178-9.

[155] Instructional Letter, 1838, in Fifth Annual Report, 1839, p. 76.

[156] At Midsummer, 1838, the children under sixteen in the workhouses of the 478 unions then making returns numbered no fewer than 42,767, out of a total workhouse population of 97,510. (Special Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 56.) In 1840 the Poor Law Commissioners estimated the total number under 16 to be 64,570, of whom 56,835 were between 2 and 16 (Report on the Training of Pauper Children, 1841, p. iii.).

[157] "It would be said that we should be giving the pauper children a better education than that obtainable by the independent labourer's child. While I allow and lament this truth, I wholly deny its force. Because the schooling of children out of the workhouse is neglected, is this a valid reason and excuse for equally neglecting those who are within it? According to this argument, not a single ray of moral or religious knowledge should be allowed to illumine the mind of a pauper child; he should be brought up a perfect brute, since it is certain that this is the lot of innumerable independent children" (E. Carleton Tufnell, in Report on the Training of Pauper Children, 1841, p. 355).

[158] Official Circular, No. 5, 16th June 1840, p. 56.

[159] General Order, 31st December 1844, and 29th January 1845, in Eleventh Annual Report, 1845, pp. 72-96; 15th and 22nd August 1845, in Twelfth Annual Report, 1846, pp. 60-71; and Arts. 52-74 of General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847.

[160] Circular, 1st January 1845, in Eleventh Annual Report, 1845, pp. 96-7.

[161] Instructional Letter, 6th May 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 50.

[162] Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, pp. 73-81.

[163] Minute, 27th March 1840, in Sixth Annual Report, 1840, pp. 95-96.

[164] Official Circular, No. 9, 10th November 1840, pp. 113-118.

[165] Instructional Letter, 6th May 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 50-51.

[166] Minute, 27th March 1840; in Sixth Annual Report, 1840, p. 95.

[167] Official Circular, No. 34, 30th April 1844, p. 76.

[168] Ibid. p. 74.

[169] Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, pp. 73-81.

[170] pp. 129-142 of Eighth Annual Report, 1842.

[171] Official Circular, No. 5, 16th June 1840, pp. 51-53.

[172] Letter, 2nd August 1841, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 77.

[173] (1) (3) Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 89. (2) General Order, 24th July 1847, art. 101. (4) Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 111. (5) (10) General Order, 3rd December 1841, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 183. (7) Form of Order, 1839, in Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 106. (8) General Order, 30th April 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 177. (9) General Order, 5th February, 1842, in ibid. p. 80.

[174] Amended Form of Order prohibiting Outdoor Relief to the able-bodied; Instructional Letter, 1839, in Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, pp. 106-107.

[175] p. 177 of Eighth Annual Report, 1842.

[176] Official Circular, No. 5, 16th June 1840, supplement, p. 9.

[177] Letter, 2nd August 1841, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 77.

[178] General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 52.

[179] Minute, 13th June 1840, in Official Circular, No. 5, 16th June 1840, p. 56.

[180] General Order, 31st December 1844, art. 2, in Eleventh Annual Report, 1845, pp. 16, 72; General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 54.

[181] p. 92 of Second Annual Report, 1836.

[182] Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, pp. 53, 61.

[183] Official Circular, No. 5, 16th June 1840, p. 53.

[184] Special Report of Poor Law Commissioners on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 47.

[185] p. 85 of First Annual Report, 1835.

[186] p. 313 of Report of 1834 (reprint of 1905).

[187] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 23.

[188] Ibid. sec. 25.

[189] 4 & 5 William IV. c. 76, sec. 24.

[190] See ante, p. 19.

[191] pp. 306, 307, 313 of Report of 1834.

[192] Ibid. pp. 306, 307.

[193] Ibid. p. 313.

[194] Ibid. p. 314.

[195] p. 313 of Report of 1834.

[196] See the first of such "Orders and Regulations," in First Annual Report, 1835, pp. 96-110; the Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 81-89; the General Order, Workhouse Rules, 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 79-104; and the General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847.

[197] First Annual Report, 1835, p. 29.

[198] First Annual Report, 1835, p. 16.

[199] Ibid. p. 166.

[200] MS. correspondence of Sir Francis Head.

[201] Ibid.

[202] The possibility was once barely mentioned in 1837 of the one "common workhouse establishment" consisting "of a selection of the better workhouses now existing in each union," instead of concentrating "all the necessary accommodation in one workhouse situated in the centre of the union" (Third Annual Report, 1837, p. 27.) See also the reference to this possibility in the Instructional Letter sent in that year to each new Board of Guardians (ibid. p. 82). In June 1837, the Central Authority said that it had always preferred one central workhouse, but had sometimes allowed existing ones to remain. Its two years' experience had now confirmed it in its belief that one central workhouse was better (Letter to Newcastle Board of Guardians, 20th June 1837).

Two years later, in describing, with praise, "the consolidation of workhouse establishments" which had been going on in Lancashire and Yorkshire, the Central Authority observes "that very few will ultimately find it desirable to retain more than one establishment" (Fifth Annual Report, 1839, p. 29). In the Special Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, it is pointed out, as evidence that the Central Authority had not yet had time to put its policy completely into execution, that there were "still about seventy unions in which a central workhouse" had "not yet been built." (Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 7.)

[203] First Annual Report, 1835, p. 29, and end.

[204] Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 13-15, 188-190, 194-198.

[205] General Order, 5th February 1842, art. 11, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 81; amended by General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 100; still in force.

[206] Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 14, 188-190.

[207] General Order, 5th February 1842, art. 9, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 80; General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 98; still in force.

[208] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 108-109. In 1845, after the deliberate sending to the workhouse of a smallpox patient had led to an epidemic, the Central Authority goes so far as to suggest to the board of guardians concerned "that it is of the utmost consequence that provision should be made at the workhouse by separate infectious wards for the reception of cases of this description without endangering the health of all in the house" (Letter of 25th September 1845, in Official Circular, 1st January 1846, No. 55, p. 15). But even then there was no order made on the subject; no alteration of the classificatory scheme; and no general recommendation to all boards of guardians.

The explanation of the omission to provide for the sick will become apparent at a later stage. It was no part of the policy of the Central Authority that the sick should be received into the workhouse at all. It was assumed that they would normally be relieved in their own homes. The incidental scanty references to the sick wards of the workhouses had reference only to the accommodation of such of the inmates of the workhouse as happened to fall sick. Even these were, in serious cases, to be transferred to a voluntary hospital, where such an institution existed. A resolution of the Poplar Board of Guardians, in 1842, to send "all cases requiring extraordinary surgical aid" to the London Hospital was approved (Official Circular, No. 20, 30th July 1842, p. 297). "Any reasonable subscription to a hospital or similar establishment by a Board of Guardians" would be sanctioned (ibid. No. 17, 12th April 1842, p. 250.)

[209] Art. 99 of General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847; still in force.

[210] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. 5; in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 89.

[211] Art. 12 of General Order, 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 82; repeated in art. 101 of General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847.

[212] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 111.

[213] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 15, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 90; art. 10 of General Order of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 82; repeated in art. 99 of General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847.

[214] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 110.

[215] Art. 111 of General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847.

[216] Art. 10 of General Order of 5th February 1842, and Instructional Letter of the same date, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 81, 110. In 1847 "casual poor wayfarers" were to be kept in "a separate ward" (General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 99).

[217] Letter, 1st April 1839, in Special Report on the Further Amendment of the Poor Law, 1839, p. 293.

[218] Official Circular, 24th December 1840, No. 10, p. 143.

[219] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 108.

[220] General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 99.

[221] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 10; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 80. It is, we think, not incorrect to infer from the restricted terms of this rule, that the Central Authority was clinging to its former policy in the face of public pressure. Such an inference is supported by the terms in which the covering letter of 5th February 1842 refers to the new proviso, and by the broad hint therein conveyed that "the guardians can allow outdoor relief to any aged couple whom it may be inexpedient to separate" (Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 109).

[222] Letter to Norwich Court of Guardians, 3rd February 1846.

[223] 10 & 11 Vic. c. 109, sec. 23.

[224] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 15, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 90; repeated in General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 10, proviso 5, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 81; and in General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 99, proviso 7.

[225] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 10, and Instructional Letter of the same date, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 81, 109; repeated in 1847, in more guarded form, maintaining at any rate segregation by sex (General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 99).

[226] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 9, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 80; General Consolidated Order, 24th July 1847, art. 98.

[227] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v., arts. 9, 13-14, in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 89-90; General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 10, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 81; General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 99.

[228] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 109.

[229] Circular on Workhouse Dietaries, 1836; in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 64-66.

[230] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 23; in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 91.

[231] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 113.

[232] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 113. This instruction was made mandatory on the medical officer in 1847, but he was permitted to frame in advance, not four only, but as many different dietaries as he chose. The instructions of 1842 were not, however, superseded (General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 207, sec. 9; see also under art. 108).

[233] Official Circular, 30th July 1842, No. 20, p. 301.

[234] Circular on Workhouse Dietaries, 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 63.

[235] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 21; in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 91.

[236] Official Circular, 2nd July 1840, No. 6, pp. 73-74.

[237] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 112.

[238] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 18, and Instructional Letter of the same date, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 83, 113; repeated in General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 109.

[239] General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 107.

[240] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. iv. arts. 4, 5; in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 85-86.

[241] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 75; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 95.

[242] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in ibid. p. 112.

[243] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 78; in ibid. p. 97.

[244] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 17, in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 90, 99; General Order of 5th February 1842, arts. 13-16, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 82-83, 99; General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, arts. 102-106, and Form (N).

[245] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 115-116.

[246] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 24, and Instructional Letter of the same date, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 84, 116. This was repeated in the General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 117.

[247] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 17; in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 90.

[248] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 16, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 90.

[249] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 22, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 83.

[250] MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 15th January 1845.

[251] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 124.

[252] This remained so even in the General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 167.

[253] General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 10, proviso 6, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 81.

[254] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 109.

[255] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 91.

[256] Letter of 18th February 1842; in Official Circular, 13th February 1843, No. 23, p. 43. See also the interesting letter of 5th March 1842, giving the reasons for grinding by stones rather than by a steel mill (ibid. 30th July 1842, No. 20, p. 298).

[257] General Order of 8th November 1845, and Circular Letter of the same date, in Twelfth Annual Report, 1846, pp. 72-77.

[258] The last instruction of the Central Authority during this period with regard to employment is the Circular of 1st April 1846, stating that the task to be exacted in oakum-picking should be 4 lb. per day for males and 2 to 3 lb. per day for females (Official Circular, 1st April 1886, No. 58, p. 57).

[259] Form of Order, 1840, art. 5; in Seventh Annual Report, 1841, p. 115. This was repeated in the General Order of 5th February 1842, art. 38, and Instructional Letter of the same date, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 86, 121. But it was omitted from the General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847. And when a board of guardians had made all the unchaste women wear a yellow gown, this was in 1839 disallowed by the Central Authority, on the mixed grounds that the Poor Law Amendment Act had removed all penal consequences from incontinence, and that classification should be by present habits and character, not by past conduct (Minute of 5th March 1839, in Sixth Annual Report, 1840, pp. 98-100; see also Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 121). We are told that the slang term for workhouse wards for immoral women was "Canary Wards," so that the distinctive dress must have been widely known.

[260] Circular Letter of January 1841, in Seventh Annual Report, 1841, p. 121.

[261] Form of Order, 1840, art. 23; in Seventh Annual Report, 1841, p. 118.

[262] Circular Letter of January 1841, in Seventh Annual Report, 1841, p. 121.

[263] Letter of 4th February 1836, in Second Annual Report, 1836, pp. 66-67.

[264] Consolidated Order for the Administration of Relief in Town Unions, 7th March 1836, sec. v. art. 17, in Second Annual Report, 1836, p. 91.

[265] Letter of 6th November 1839; in Seventh Annual Report, 1841, pp. 230-2.

[266] Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 117.

[267] Special Orders, 1st February 1842, 20th April 1842, and 18th January 1845; in Eleventh Annual Report, 1845, pp. 30-1, 132-3.

[268] General Consolidated Order of 24th July 1847, art. 122.

[269] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 117.

[270] Letter of 20th December 1842, in Official Circular, 25th January 1843, No. 22, p. 31.

[271] Official Circular, 1st August 1845, No. 50, p. 123.

[272] Circular of 12th March 1838, in Fifth Annual Report, 1839, pp. 71-72.

[273] General Order of 5th February 1842, arts. 32, 33, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 85. Moreover, women after confinement might be "churched," and children were normally to be baptized, in the parish church (Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 117).

[274] General Order of 5th February 1842, arts. 32 and 33, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 85. This was rescinded (but apparently only for 81 unions out of 542) by Order of 7th February 1843, in Ninth Annual Report, 1843, p. 378.

[275] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842; in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 118.

[276] Official Circular, 16th November 1841, No. 13, pp. 187-8.

[277] Answer of 9th June 1842, in Official Circular, No. 23, p. 40.

[278] Answer of 10th February 1843, in Official Circular, 23rd May 1843, No. 25, p. 94.

[279] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, pp. 114-155.

[280] 5 & 6 Vic. c. 57, sec. 5, and 7 & 8 Vic. c. 101, sec. 53. See ante, p. 14.

[281] Answer of 4th January 1844, in Official Circular, 31st January 1844, No. 31, p. 187; Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 107.

[282] Instructional Letter of 5th February 1842, in Eighth Annual Report, 1842, p. 107.

[283] MS. letter, Sir Francis Head to S. L., 6th November 1835. It is perhaps a question whether Sir Francis Head really meant what he said; or whether he was not speaking merely of outdoor relief to the able-bodied.

[284] See the preamble to Sec. 52 of the Poor Law Amendment Act. [This footnote, like the italics, is in the original.]

[285] Letters addressed by the Poor Law Commissioners to the Secretary of State respecting the Transaction of the Business of the Commission, 1847, House of Commons, No. 148 of 1847, pp. 30-1.

It is therefore more correct to treat, as Mr. Mackay does, the policy of abolishing outdoor relief to all classes as a further development of the "principles of 1834," rather than as part of them. "The administrative success of the Act of 1834," he writes, "consists in the fact that the offer of the workhouse served quite as well as an absolute refusal of relief. It obliged the able-bodied to assume responsibility for the able-bodied period of life; and, as we shall presently see, it is now argued that an application of the same principle to the other responsibilities of life would produce equally advantageous results.... That the able-bodied period of life must be responsible for the period that is not able-bodied is an incontrovertible proposition. But the first step, at that date the only practicable step, in recreating the personal responsibility of the labourer, was to hold him responsible for the able-bodied period of his own life" (History of the English Poor Law, by T. Mackay, 1899, vol. iii., pp. 137 and 154).

[286] It is a noticeable fact that certain classes of paupers are never mentioned in the legislation of this period, presumably because Parliament was satisfied with the result of giving wide powers to the Central Authority, and did not wish to interfere with its discretion. Apparently there is no single clause dealing with the treatment either of the able-bodied or of the aged. Women are almost equally ignored, wives only being referred to, and they merely in connection with questions of chargeability, and in such a way as to indicate their complete dependence on their husbands. Children, on the other hand, are the subject of numerous enactments, and the sick, lunatics and vagrants also obtain recognition.

[287] Lewis to Head, 19th May 1851, in Letters of Sir G. C. Lewis, edited by Sir G. F. Lewis, 1870, p. 245.

[288] Thus, under the Poor Relief Act, 1849, the Commissioners might make rules "for the management and government of any house or establishment wherein any poor person shall be lodged, boarded or maintained, for hire or remuneration, under any contract or agreement entered into by the proprietor, manager or superintendent, ... with any guardians," unless such an institution be a county lunatic asylum, a hospital registered or house licensed for the reception of lunatics, or a "hospital, infirmary, school or other institution, supported by public subscriptions, and maintained for purposes of charity only" (12 & 13 Vic. c. 13, secs. 1, 2). By the Metropolitan Poor Act 1867 (30 & 31 Vic. c. 6), they were given power to combine Metropolitan unions and parishes into districts for the provision of sick, insane, infirm or other asylums (see sections on the sick and lunatics) and to direct the erection or adaptation of the necessary buildings; what use the Central Authority made of these powers will be seen presently. Another Metropolitan Poor Act in 1871 extended the application of the former to "any ship, vessel, hut, tent, or other temporary erection which may be used by the managers, with the approval of the Poor Law Board, for the reception of paupers, or otherwise for the purposes of the asylum" (34 Vic. c. 15, sec. 1). The Central Authority was also enabled (by the Paupers Conveyance Expenses Act 1870) to "direct in what cases (other than those expressly provided for by law) and under what regulations, the guardians ... may pay the reasonable expenses incurred ... in conveying any person chargeable ... from one place to another in England" (33 & 34 Vic. c. 48, sec. 1).

[289] The episode of the Lancashire Cotton Famine, and its relief works, in which the boards of guardians were concerned only as nuisance-abatement authorities, will be dealt with under the head of Municipal Work for the Unemployed.

[290] It should perhaps be said that the Central Authority sought to widen the category of able-bodied, so as definitely to include persons over sixty, but in no way disabled (Official Circular, April 1849, No. 24, N.S., p. 63); and also "Children competent to render service" (Poor Law Board to Evesham Union, 3rd April 1869, in Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, p. 5).

[291] Circular of 25th August 1852 in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, pp. 21-2. Note the limitation which we have italicised.

[292] Ibid. p. 22.

[293] Fifteenth Annual Report, 1862-3, p. 14.

[294] Sixteenth Annual Report, 1863-4, p. 15. The boards of guardians did not, in this emergency, always turn round as quickly as did the Central Authority. Thus, in December 1863, the Manchester Town Council, which was building its Prestwich Reservoir, and applying for a loan of £130,000 under the new Act, offered to the Manchester Board of Guardians to take on any able-bodied paupers as labourers. That body, instead of gladly accepting under proper arrangements, passed a series of abstract resolutions, to the effect "that this Board conceives that the payment by boards of guardians of wages in return for labour to poor persons chargeable or seeking to become chargeable upon the rates, or the holding themselves responsible for the providing of such labour for wages—thus impairing the self-reliance of the poor—is opposed to the whole spirit and intent of the Poor Law, and it is inexpedient both upon social and economical grounds." The town council (which duly received its share of the Government loan from the Poor Law Board) persisted in its desire to be helpful in the great crisis, and let the work to a contractor, who undertook to employ only such unemployed operatives as were recommended by the board of guardians or any other body to be named by the town council, but with full control and right of dismissal. We do not find evidence that the guardians named any one (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 3rd and 10th December 1863).

[295] "No work has been executed ... which was not desirable as a work of permanent utility and sanitary improvement, altogether independent of the circumstances which, during the existence of the cotton famine, gave rise to the special Acts of Parliament.... During the rapid growth of these towns works necessary to health, comfort and trade, such as main sewering ... had not been executed as rapidly as they were required" (Rawlinson's Report of 12th January 1866, in Eighteenth Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1865-6, pp. 44, 46).

[296] For this, the leading case in England of national relief works, see Professor Smart's Memorandum on the Poor Law Board, in Report of the Poor Law Commission, 1909, Appendix, vol. 12; Annual Reports of the Poor Law Board, 1862-3 to 1865-6 inclusive; History of the English Poor Law, by T. Mackay, 1899, vol. iii., pp. 398-424; The Facts of the Cotton Famine, by Dr. John Watts, 1866; History of the Cotton Famine, by R. A. (afterwards Sir Arthur) Arnold, 1864; Lancashire's Lesson, by W. T. M'Cullagh Torrens, 1864; Public Works in Lancashire for the Relief of Distress, 1863-6, by Sir R. Rawlinson, 1898.

[297] MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 30th October, 20th November, and 3rd December 1862.

[298] Reports and Communications on Vagrancy, 1848.

[299] Minute of Poor Law Board, 4th August 1848, in Official Circular, 1848, No. 17, N.S., p. 271.

[300] On Vagrants and Tramps, by T. Barwick L. Baker (Manchester Statistical Society, 1868-9, p. 62).

[301] MS. Minutes, Bradford Board of Guardians, 23rd November 1849. On this, the Central Authority evidently felt that it had gone too far. It informed the Bradford Guardians that the resolution must be rescinded; that "in affording relief to vagrants the guardians should be governed by the same rule that applies to relief in other cases, namely, the nature of the destitution and the amount of the necessity of the applicant. If the guardians or their officers are satisfied that there is no actual necessity, no danger to health or life, they will be justified in refusing to give more than shelter [Mr. Buller's circular had suggested refusing even shelter in weather not inclement]; but if the applicant appears to be really in want of food, it must be supplied" (Poor Law Board to Bradford Union, 29th November 1849; MS. Minutes, Bradford Board of Guardians, 30th November 1849).

[302] Official Circular, No. 17, N.S. July and August 1848, p. 270.

[303] Ibid. p. 271.

[304] Mr. Sotheron Estcourt (President of Poor Law Board), 15th July 1858, Hansard, vol. 151, p. 1500. "The nightly occupants of the vagrant ward interfere with the regular inmates, harass the officers, and at some seasons and in some workhouses render it impossible to preserve the order or to carry out the ordinary regulations of the establishment" (Circular of 30th November 1857, in Eleventh Annual Report, 1858, p. 29).

[305] Ibid. pp. 30-31.

[306] Mr. Sotheron Estcourt, 15th July 1858; Hansard, vol. 151, p. 1500.

[307] Minute of 23rd December 1863, in Sixteenth Annual Report, 1863-4, p. 31.

[308] 27 & 28 Vic. c. 116 (1864); 28 & 29 Vic. c. 34 (1865); Circular of 26th October 1864, in Seventeenth Annual Report, 1864-5, p. 77.

[309] The first expedient was to cause the sums so expended to be refunded by the Metropolitan Board of Works. In 1867 this was replaced by the Common Poor Fund.

[310] Circular of 26th October 1864, in Seventeenth Annual Report, 1864-5, p. 78. It may be added that from 1863 onward, the police acted as assistant relieving officers for vagrants in the Metropolis. The police complained of the filth and vermin brought to the police stations by applicants for relief, and they were relieved of the duty in 1872 (Report of Departmental Committee on Vagrancy, 1906, Cd. 2852, vol. i. p. 12). The police also acted for some rural boards of guardians, the police stations serving as "vagrant relief stations," e.g. at Bakewell, where they were discontinued in 1869 (MS. Minutes, Bakewell Board of Guardians, 15th March 1869).

[311] General Order of 3rd March 1866, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1867, p. 37.

[312] Reports on Vagrancy made to the President of the Poor Law Board, 1866.

[313] Sir M. Hicks Beach, 28th July 1868 (Hansard, vol. 193, p. 1910).

[314] Sir M. Hicks Beach, 28th July 1868 (Hansard, vol. 193, p. 1910).

[315] Circular of 28th November, 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 74-76. It is curious that the dietary suggested in this Circular allowed (without explanation), the guardians to give male adults eight ounces of bread and a pint of gruel, whereas the General Order to the Metropolitan Unions of the preceding year had definitely limited adult males to six ounces of bread and a pint of gruel.

[316] St. George's, Hanover Square, to Poor Law Board. The numbers of "casual and houseless poor" relieved in the Metropolis went up from 1086, on 1st July 1866, to 2085 on 1st July 1868, and 1760 on 1st July 1870 (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, p. xxiv).

[317] Ibid. pp. 394-5.

[318] On Vagrants and Tramps, by T. Barwick L. Baker (Manchester Statistical Society, 1868-9, p. 62).

[319] Mr. Goschen (President of Poor Law Board), 13th May, 1870, Hansard, vol. 201, pp. 660-2.

[320] The prohibition was made even more embracing in the Official Circular for April and May 1848 (Nos. 14 and 15, N.S., pp. 227-8), where the term "able-bodied" (though the Central Authority expressed itself as willing to consider relief by gifts of clothing in special cases) was held to include females, not sick or disabled, who were nevertheless unable to earn sixpence a day at field work; "young females" just emancipated; persons of weak constitution, or having frequent ailments, but in receipt of "full wages"; and persons not of weak constitutions, but employed at low wages from inaptitude to labour. Thus, for outdoor relief in the part of England to which this Order applied, the term "able-bodied" ceased to have any relation to any physical conditions whatsoever, but was used as a term covering a heterogeneous class of men and women, strong or weak, healthy or subject to epileptic fits, able or unable to earn complete sustenance. On the other hand, within the workhouse, as we have seen, the same term was becoming more and more definitely restricted to adult persons on normal diet, requiring no medical treatment.

[321] Besides the widows and deserted wives, and the unmarried mothers, the class of able-bodied single women unencumbered by children, in receipt of relief, was not insignificant. In 1859 there were 5173 such in receipt of outdoor relief (Twelfth Annual Report, 1859-60, p. 15; see also corresponding figures in Thirteenth Annual Report, 1860-1, p. 13).

[322] In 1861, indeed, when the guardians asked advice of the Central Authority, the recommendation to offer relief in the workhouse was distinctly limited to able-bodied males (Poor Law Board to St. James's, Westminster, 19th January 1861, in Thirteenth Annual Report, 1860-1, p. 35).

[323] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. xxviii, 9, 17-22.

[324] Eleventh Annual Report, 1858, p. 166; see the corresponding statistics in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Annual Reports.

[325] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, p. xxi.

[326] Ibid. pp. xxxii-xxxiii, 9-30.

[327] Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, pp. 32-93.

[328] The Central Authority observed in 1858 that "more than one-third of the paupers are children under sixteen." The numbers at that date were 44,989 indoors, and 263,994 out of doors, or 37·4 per cent of the whole (Eleventh Annual Report, 1858, p. 166). It is not clear to us whether this total of children on outdoor relief includes in all cases the children of men in receipt of medical relief only.

In 1869, in answer to Mr. Goschen's Minute, the Holborn Board of Guardians forced on the attention of the Central Authority the fact that they, like the other Metropolitan guardians, were allowing for each child on outdoor relief 1s. and one loaf of bread. "No one can pretend," they said, "that this amount is of itself adequate support" (Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, p. 20). The Holborn Board of Guardians practically defied the Central Authority to find any other policy. The Central Authority did not reply to this challenge.

[329] Official Circular, 31st January 1844, No. 31, pp. 178-9.

[330] Ibid. 1st September 1847, No. 9, N.S. p. 131.

[331] MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 1850-5.

[332] 18 & 19 Vic. c. 34 (Education of Poor Children Act 1855). "An enactment involving the important admission that want of education was a form of destitution, which ought to be adequately relieved" (History of the English Poor Law, by T. Mackay, 1899, vol. iii. p. 428).

[333] Circular of 9th January 1856, in Ninth Annual Report, 1857, pp. 13, 15. In 1856 it was reported that there were in Lancashire and the West Riding 48,412 children on outdoor relief, of whom about 30,000 ought to be at school. Yet down to December 1855, the boards of guardians had taken no steps to get them to school, in spite of the inspector's protests (Eighth Annual Report, 1855, p. 63).

[334] House of Commons Return, No. 437 of 1856; Ninth Annual Report, p. 8. Newcastle-on-Tyne adopted it at once (MS. Minutes, Newcastle Board of Guardians, 10th October 1855).

[335] Fifteenth Annual Report, 1862-3, p. 18; Circular of 29th September 1862.

[336] MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 9th October 1862. The Manchester Guardians, whose early school experiment we have already mentioned, largely nullified their own action (and apparently contravened the spirit, if not the letter of the law), by insisting on the attendance of the outdoor paupers exclusively at the guardians' own school, which gave "undenominational" religious instruction, and refusing to pay fees for children to go to any other schools (except for a short time in 1862-3 when their own schools were over-full). In vain did the Roman Catholics and the Manchester and Salford Education Aid Society protest, pointing out that the children were in consequence growing up untaught (ibid. 26th May, 23rd and 30th June, and 10th November 1864; 19th June 1865). The Central Authority does not appear to have intervened.

[337] That the children should be accommodated in a separate building, under a separate superintendent, and educated by "a person properly qualified to act as a schoolmaster" (page 307 of Report of 1834, reprint of 1905).

[338] The children in the Bakewell Workhouse were found, in 1855, to be in a dreadful state of health, owing to the literal application throughout the workhouse of the principles of the General Consolidated Order of 1847. The inspector protested at last, and recommended special arrangements for the children in the way of more nourishing diet and outdoor exercise. The guardians framed a new dietary, ordered "the swings, etc. recommended by the inspector," and directed the schoolmistress "to take the girls out for a walk every day when the weather is fine" (MS. Minutes, Bakewell Board of Guardians, 1st October 1855 and 29th September 1856.)

[339] From 1846 onwards the Committee of the Privy Council on Education had, as part of the nation's educational policy, actually made grants to the boards of guardians to pay the salaries of qualified workhouse schoolmasters and schoolmistresses. In 1848 it was announced to the boards of guardians that, whereas "no comprehensive effort has hitherto been made" to raise the standard of efficiency, henceforth the inspector of pauper schools will examine the schools and the qualifications of the teachers as part of the conditions for sharing in the grant (MS. Minutes, Newcastle Board of Guardians, 31st March 1848).

[340] Hansard, vol. 100, p. 1217 (8th August 1848).

[341] Third Annual Report, 1850, p. 6. Few children of independent labourers' families could at that date rise to be artisans.

[342] Poor Law (Schools) Act 1848 (11 & 12 Vic. c. 82).

[343] Second Annual Report, 1849, p. 13. The Central Authority, which had for fourteen years let the establishments alone, now used its influence against them. Mr. Drouet's was closed. Another similar contractor's establishment (Mr. Aubin's at Norwood) was presently taken over by the Committee of the Central London School District and continued as a district school, with Mr. Aubin as salaried superintendent. Three or four other small places were discontinued. Two others at Margate, used for sick and convalescent young paupers, continued with the approval of the Central Authority. An act of Parliament (12 & 13 Vic. c. 13) was passed for their regulation (Second Annual Report, 1849, pp. 16-17).

[344] The Manchester Board of Guardians had had its own boarding-school at Swinton since 1844, where, on the advice of Mr. Tufnell (assistant Poor Law inspector), the children were eighteen hours a week "at school" and eighteen hours "at labour" (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 22nd August 1844). For the next few years we see them taking great pride in this school, and receiving the highest commendation from the inspectors. But the district auditor, in 1846, complains bitterly of the "costly establishment," warning the guardians that the expense of this school has "already reached an amount that is inconsistent with the class of children for whom the schools were designed," and is "creating dissatisfaction amongst the ratepayers" (ibid. 25th June 1846). And in 1861 the Central Authority itself deprecates the payment of so large a salary as £250 a year with board and lodging to the headmaster, and urges the great importance of the industrial as distinguished from the intellectual training of the children (ibid. 10th and 16th January 1861).

[345] In 1849, at the instance of the Committee of Council on Education, it issued a Circular extending to workhouse schools the privilege of getting at a low price the school-books of which the Government had arranged the publication for elementary schools (Circular of 25th January 1849, in the Second Annual Report, 1849, p. 25).

[346] House of Commons, No. 50 of 1867, p. 158 (Letter to Guardians of the Holborn Union).

[347] Thus, in 1850, it is reported with laudation that "there are workhouses, like that of the Atcham Union, in which the children receive an education beyond all comparison better than is within the reach of labourers in any part of the county. In the girls' school of the Ludlow Union the children now receive an education in all respects superior to what the humbler ratepayers are able to purchase for their children. This high standard of workhouse education is fast ceasing to be exceptional" (Third Annual Report, 1850, p. 7).

[348] Official Circular, No. 17, N.S. July and August 1848, p. 264.

[349] MS. Minutes, Norwich Board of Guardians, 1845.

[350] Special Order of 30th January 1845.

[351] MS. Minutes, Norwich Board of Guardians, 3rd January and 7th February 1854, 1st April 1856, and 6th January 1857. We gather that the inspector's prescience was so far justified that the Norwich Guardians managed to retain their children's homes, which were in existence a generation later.

[352] 12 & 13 Vic. c. 13, sec. 1 (The Poor Law Relief Act 1849). Out of this sprang the Certified Schools Act of 1862 (25 & 26 Vic. c. 43), and the provision in the Poor Law Amendment Acts of 1866 and 1868 (29 & 30 Vic. c. 113, sec. 14, and 31 & 32 Vic. c. 122, sec. 23), enabling the Central Authority peremptorily to order the removal to a certified school of a child of non-Anglican parents, when the board of guardians refused to allow religious freedom.

[353] 20 & 21 Vic. c. 48 of 1857; 24 & 25 Vic. c. 113 of 1861; 29 & 30 Vic. c. 118 of 1866.

[354] 32 & 33 Vic. c. 63, sec. 11 (Metropolitan Poor Act of 1869); these ships were regulated by Special Orders.

[355] "The vast number of the (outdoor) pauper children in London is as melancholy as it is remarkable" (Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, p. xxii).

[356] See, for instance, as to the Swinton school of the Manchester Board of Guardians, Special Order of 6th July 1852; as to the Cowley school of the Oxford Board of Guardians, Special Order of 24th November 1854; as to the Kirkdale School of the Liverpool Select Vestry, Special Order of 7th August 1856.

[357] Even so populous a town as Newcastle-on-Tyne refused to remove its children from the workhouse. We see the Poor Law inspector arranging a special visit to inspect them, and to confer with the guardians to urge a district school (MS. Minutes, Newcastle Board of Guardians, 10th August and 21st September 1849). He then presses for a joint conference, which does nothing but adjourn (ibid. 17th January and 14th March 1850). Nothing is done. Six years after he finds the education is still in a deplorable state (ibid. 29th August and 3rd October 1856), and gets the infants into a separate building. The guardians will not appoint a resident schoolmaster (ibid. 12th December 1856; 23rd January, 29th May, 18th August, 4th September 1857). It takes three months and three urgent appeals to get them to appoint an additional infants' mistress (ibid. 19th November 1858; 21st January, 11th February, 25th February 1859).

[358] The disfavour with which, as we have noted, the Central Authority regarded apprenticeship, seems to have continued. The Special Orders of 31st December 1844, and 29th January 1845 (issued to several hundred unions), severely restricting apprenticeship, and the amending Special Orders of 15th and 22nd August 1845, which slightly mitigated these restrictions, were continued in force. Some of the provisions were relaxed in special cases (e.g. Special Order of 11th August 1855, to Leicester Union for a deaf and dumb girl). No General Order seems to have been issued on the subject between 1847 and 1871; nor do we trace any instructions or advice to boards of guardians as to the steps to be taken to place boys and girls out in advantageous callings. A few decisions on legal points tended rather to restrict apprenticeship. The Central Authority held that a child could not be apprenticed to domestic service as it was not a "trade or business"; nor bound to a married woman, nor beyond the age of twenty-one (Official Circular, No. 54, N.S., 1856, p. 38; ibid. No. 46, N.S., February 1851, p. 17; ibid. No. 34, N.S., February 1850, pp. 17-18). In 1851, Parliament passed the Poor Law (Apprentices) Act (14 & 15 Vic. c. 11), for preventing cruelty to apprentices; and the Central Authority, in transmitting this statute to the boards of guardians, carefully abstained from any indication of policy, as to how pauper children should be placed out in life (Circular Letter, 26th June 1851, in Fourth Annual Report, 1851, pp. 19-21). As a minor instance of the merging of branches of the Poor Law into the general treatment of all classes of the community, it may be noted that this Act was repealed in 1861, its provisions being practically embodied in the Offences against the Person Act (24 & 25 Vic. c. 100, sec. 26).

[359] Eighth Annual Report, 1855, p. 58.

[360] Circular of 5th September 1863; in Sixteenth Annual Report, 1863-4, pp. 19, 34.

[361] See the first set, in Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, pp. 128-58.

[362] Home Training for Pauper Children, 1866; Children of the State, by Miss F. Hill, 1869; The Advantages of the Boarding-out System, by Col. C. W. Grant, 1869; Pall Mall Gazette, 10th April 1869; debate in House of Commons, 10th May 1869.

[363] Poor Law Board to Evesham Union, 3rd April 1869; House of Commons, No. 176 of 1869; Circular of 30th October 1869; Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 25-6; House of Commons, No. 176 of 1870, pp. 123-189; Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. lii-lv and 2-8. It was explained to boards of guardians that they were at liberty to board-out children within the area of the union at their own discretion, "no orders or regulations to the contrary having been issued" (Poor Law Board to Newcastle Union, 17th March 1871).

[364] Pauperism, by H. Fawcett, 1871, pp. 79-91.

[365] The Poor Law, by Rev. T. Fowle, 1881, p. 144.

[366] History of the English Poor Law, by T. Mackay, 1899, vol. iii. p. 434.

[367] Official Circular, Nos. 14 and 15, N.S. April and May 1848, p. 228.

[368] Outdoor Relief Regulation Order of 14th December, 1852.

[369] General Order of 1st January 1869, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 28, 79-82.

[370] Circular of 27th July 1866, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1866-7, p. 39.

[371] Official Circular, No. 20, N.S. Nov. and Dec. 1848, p. 297.

[372] Fourth Annual Report, 1851, p. 15; 14 & 15 Vic. c. 105, sec. 4.

[373] Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, pp. 27-8.

[374] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. xxiv-xxvii, 38-108; Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, pp. xliv-lii, 173-188.

[375] See, for instance, The Administration of Medical Relief to the Poor—Reports by the Poor Law Committee of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, 1842; Life and Times of Thomas Wakley, by S. Squire Sprigge, 1897.

[376] Mr. Baines (President of the Poor Law Board), 12th July 1853; Hansard, vol. 129, p. 138.

[377] Sixteenth Annual Report, 1863-4, p. 108.

[378] Circular of 12th April 1865, in Eighteenth Annual Report, 1865-6, pp. 23-24.

[379] Some boards of guardians rebelled in this connection against a departure from the principle of "less eligibility" that they did not understand. When the circular of the Central Authority inviting compliance with the recommendation of the House of Commons Committee reached the Manchester Board of Guardians, it was referred to a committee. When the committee, after eighteen months' delay, recommended compliance, its report was rejected (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 20th April 1865, and 25th October 1866).

[380] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. xliv-lii.

[381] Ibid. p. x.

[382] Official Circular, Nos. 14 and 15, N.S., April and May 1848, p. 237.

[383] Circular of 1st August 1857, in Tenth Annual Report, 1857, p. 37. The Central Authority did not, prior to 1867, face the responsibility of deciding to require boards of guardians to provide hospital accommodation even for infectious diseases. In 1863, indeed, under fear of smallpox, it got so far as to transmit to Metropolitan boards of guardians an alarmist letter by Dr. Buchanan, and to permit the taking of temporary premises for "the destitute poor attacked by contagious or infectious disease" (Circular of 30th April 1863, in Fifteenth Annual Report, 1862-3, pp. 37-9). We believe that practically nothing was done upon this. In 1866, when cholera was imminent, another Circular was sent which, significantly enough, makes no mention of temporary hospitals, but points to an increase of the outdoor medical relief, disinfectants, sustenance and clothing to meet the "great increase of destitution" to be apprehended. "As far as practicable ... the admission of cholera patients into the workhouse should be prevented" (Circular of 27th July 1866, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1866-7, pp. 39-40).

[384] See for all this the Eighteenth Annual Report, 1865-6, pp. 15-16; Nineteenth Annual Report, 1866-7, pp. 15-18, 39; Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, pp. 25-28; Report of Dr. E. Smith on Metropolitan Workhouse Infirmaries and Sick Wards, in House of Commons, No. 372 of 1866; The Condition of the Sick in London Workhouse Infirmaries (Association for the Improvement of the London Workhouse Infirmaries, 1867); Opinions of the Press upon the Conditions of the Sick Poor in London Workhouses (ibid. 1867); The Management of the Infirmaries of the Strand Union, the Rotherhithe and the Paddington Workhouses (1867?).

[385] The provincial newspapers took up the work that the Lancet had begun. On 31st January 1865, a long report appeared in the Manchester Examiner revealing serious deficiencies in the Manchester Workhouse sick wards.

[386] Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, pp. 17-21. This new departure of the Central Authority was long strenuously resisted by many of the boards of guardians who prided themselves on the purity of their Poor Law policy. Thus, the published complaints of the Manchester Workhouse Infirmary led to an inquiry by the inspector, who made various suggestions for improvement. The board of guardians, on the advice of their own medical officer, held that the existing conditions were sufficiently satisfactory. Finally, after fifteen months, the Central Authority censured the master, asked for more nurses and (while avoiding any censure of the guardians for their past policy) practically invited them to adopt the new standpoint (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 1st February 1865; 22nd February and 3rd May 1866). Two years later, Manchester was still objecting. When a conference of important North Country boards of guardians in 1862 (W. Rathbone presiding) had recommended a national grant-in-aid to improve the "pauper hospitals," the Manchester Board of Guardians formally dissented (though now only by a majority of one), protesting: "That the much higher system of medical treatment and nursing and the other advantages sought to be introduced into workhouse hospitals by the proposed measures would tend to discourage the provident habits and self-reliance of the industrious poor by providing for them therein far better accommodation and treatment than they can usually secure for themselves in cases of sickness" (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 20th February 1868).

[387] Circular of 5th May 1865; Eighteenth Annual Report, 1865-6, pp. 16, 24-5, 62-8; Nurses in Workhouses and Workhouse Infirmaries, by Miss Wilson, 1890.

[388] Hansard, 8th February 1867, vol. 185, p. 163.

[389] See, for instance, the Special Orders for the Poplar and Stepney Sick Asylum District, 23rd April and 16th May 1868, and 7th March 1871; and that for the Central London Sick Asylum District of 2nd May 1868.

[390] Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 16-18; Circular of 30th October 1869; Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. xxxvii-xli.

[391] The "policy of providing workhouses for separate classes of the poor was fully recognised by the Commissioners of Inquiry into the operation of the Poor Law in 1834, who in their Report recommended 'that the Central Board should be empowered to cause any number of parishes to be incorporated for the purpose of workhouse management, and for providing new workhouses where necessary, and to assign to those workhouses separate classes of poor though composed of the poor of distinct parishes.' And in another part of the same Report they say that it appears to them 'that both the requisite classification and the requisite superintendence may be better obtained in separate buildings than under a single roof. Each class then might receive an appropriate treatment; the old might enjoy their indulgences without torment from the boisterous, the children be educated, and the able-bodied subjected to such courses of labour and of discipline as will repel the idle and vicious'" (Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 16-17).

[392] For a Special Order for such an Infirmary, see that of 27th June 1871.

[393] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, p. xi.

[394] Ibid. p. x.

[395] See the statistical inquiries summarised in the Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. xxiv-xxviii; House of Commons, No. 312 of 1865; No. 372 of 1866; No. 4 of 1867-8; No. 445 of 1868; House of Lords, No. 216 of 1866.

[396] See the Special Orders of 15th May, 18th June, and 17th July 1867; and 23rd December 1870.

[397] Twenty-second Annual Report of Poor Law Board (G. S. Goschen, president), 1869-70, p. lii. Already in 1846 and again in 1853 the Central Authority had expressed its "decided opinion ... that money judiciously expended ... in the improvement of the sanitary condition of the poorer classes, and in the prevention or removal of causes of disease, has a direct tendency to diminish or prevent future destitution and pauperism; and will thus be found to be most profitably expended, even in reference to the more direct object of the duties of the guardians" (Circular of 21st September 1853; in Sixth Annual Report, 1853, p. 36).

[398] Fifth Annual Report, 1852, pp. 7, 152.

[399] Twelfth Annual Report, 1859-60, p. 17.

[400] Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-71, p. xxiii.

[401] 25 & 26 Vic. c. 111, secs. 8, 20, 31 (Lunacy Acts Amendment Act, 1862).

[402] Sixteenth Annual Report, 1863-4, pp. 21, 38-9.

[403] Circular of 15th December 1862, in Fifteenth Annual Report, 1862-3, pp. 35-7.

[404] On 1st January 1859, the number of persons of unsound mind in the workhouses was 7963 (Twelfth Annual Report, 1859-60, p. 17). This had risen by 1870 to 11,243 (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-71, p. xxiii).

[405] Poor Law Commissioners, 24th December 1845; in MS. records, Manchester Board of Guardians.

[406] Official Circular, No. 25, N.S., May 1849, pp. 70-1.

[407] In 1868 visiting committees were recommended to see that weak-minded inmates were not entrusted with the care of young children (Circular of 6th July 1868 in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, p. 53).

[408] MS. Minutes, Plymouth Board of Guardians, 28th January 1846.

[409] Ibid. 5th November 1847. Some of the rooms were only 3-1/4 feet long and 7 feet wide, in fact, mere cupboards, which the Lunacy Commissioners said were unfit for any one. Yet nothing was done, and the "rooms" were still occupied in 1854 when the district auditor mildly commented on the fact (Letter Book, Plymouth Board of Guardians, August 1854).

[410] Circular of 27th February 1857, in Tenth Annual Report, 1857, p. 34.

[411] House of Commons, No. 50, Session 1 of 1867, p. 247.

[412] Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, p. 60.

[413] House of Commons, No. 50, Session 1 of 1867, p. 444.

[414] _Ibid._ p. 426.

[415] _Ibid._ p. 407.

[416] _Ibid._ p. 114.

[417] Circular of 21st March 1870, in Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-71, p. 3. [418] There had apparently been a doubt as to whether a husband was legally bound to contribute towards the maintenance of a wife who had been removed under legal authority to a lunatic asylum. In 1850 the Central Authority got an Act passed to require him to pay (13 and 14 Vic. c. 101, sec. 4) on the ground that "great hardship has been frequently occasioned to parishes, who have been burthened with the heavy expense of such maintenance without the means of recovering from the husband even a partial reimbursement" (Third Annual Report, 1850, p. 16).

[418] There had apparently been a doubt as to whether a husband was legally bound to contribute towards the maintenance of a wife who had been removed under legal authority to a lunatic asylum. In 1850 the Central Authority got an Act passed to require him to pay (13 and 14 Vic. c. 101, sec. 4) on the ground that "great hardship has been frequently occasioned to parishes, who have been burthened with the heavy expense of such maintenance without the means of recovering from the husband even a partial reimbursement" (Third Annual Report, 1850, p. 16).

[419] Special Orders of 18th June 1867, 6th October 1870, 23rd December 1870, 17th June 1871, etc. It may be noted that in 1862 the Guardians of St. George's, Southwark, provided a separate establishment at Mitcham for their idiotic and imbecile paupers, which was regulated by Special Order of 30th April 1862.

[420] On 1st January 1852, the number in the county or borough asylums was 9412, and in licensed houses 2584; making a total of 11,996 out of 21,158 paupers of unsound mind (Fifth Annual Report, 1852, p. 152). On 1st January 1870, the number in asylums had risen to 26,634, and that in licensed houses had fallen to 1589, making a total of 28,223 out of 46,548 paupers of unsound mind (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-71, p. xxiii).

[421] 25 & 26 Vic. c. 43, sec. 10 (Poor Law Certified Schools Act of 1862); 30 & 31 Vic. c. 106, sec. 21 (1867); 31 & 32 Vic. c. 122, sec. 42 (1868).

[422] In 1849 the expenses of conveying a blind pauper to hospital were allowed to be paid under the head of non-resident relief in case of sickness (Official Circular, No. 24, N.S., April 1849, p. 64).

[423] For instance, in 1861, the Central Authority, in reply to a request from the Guardians of St. James's, Westminster, recommended the application of the workhouse test for the able-bodied males, but as regards the aged and infirm, warmly approved the policy of the guardians, to "cheerfully supply all that their necessities and infirmities require" (Poor Law Board, 19th January 1861, in Thirteenth Annual Report, 1860-1, p. 36).

[424] Letter to Board of Guardians, Barnsley Union, 26th October 1852, in House of Commons, No. 111 of 1852-3, p. 17.

[425] General Order of 25th August 1852, art. 1 (in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, p. 17).

[426] Circular of 25th August 1852, in Fifth Annual Report 1853, p. 22.

[427] MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 18th October 1852.

[428] Ibid. Norwich Board of Guardians, 5th October 1852.

[429] Ibid. 7th December 1852.

[430] Ibid.; also Circular of 14th December 1852, in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, pp. 28-31. The Salford Union took part in a meeting of Lancashire Guardians on the subject (Salford Union to Poor Law Board, 26th October 1855, in Eighth Annual Report, 1855, p. 50).

[431] Letter to Board of Guardians, Ashton-under-Lyne Union, 8th October 1852; in House of Commons, No. 111 of 1852-3, p. 14.

[432] General Order, 14th December 1852, and Circular of same date, in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, pp. 24, 29.

[433] Circular of 14th December 1852, in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, p. 29.

[434] Out of a total of outdoor paupers on 1st January 1871 (exclusive of vagrants and the insane) of 880,709, the destitution was "caused by old age or permanent disability" in the case of 423,206, viz. 117,681 men, 265,638 women, and 39,887 children dependent on them (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, p. 378).

[435] It must be remembered that, as already mentioned, it was no part of the policy of the Central Authority to relieve in the workhouse any of the aged and infirm or of the sick who preferred to remain outside, and who were (so far as the published documents show) to continue to receive outdoor relief.

[436] Second Annual Report, 1849, p. 159.

[437] Life and Times of Thomas Wakley, by S. Squire Sprigge, 1897. See, for a contemporary indictment, The Russell Predictions on the Working Classes, the National Debt and the New Poor Law Dissected, by John Bowen, 1850.

[438] Pauperism and Poor Laws, by Robert Pashley, Q.C., 1852, pp. 364-5.

[439] On 1st January 1871 we estimate that of the 55,832 children on indoor relief, only 4979 were in district schools, and some 9000 in union boarding schools, leaving about 40,000 living in the workhouses.

[440] Regulations relating to the Classification of Workhouse Inmates, in House of Commons, No. 485 of 1854.

[441] Mr. C. P. Villiers, Hansard, 4th May 1860, vol. clviii. p. 694.

[442] Dr. E. Smith, Medical Officer to Poor Law Board, in Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, p. 43.

[443] Circular of 15th June 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 48-9; Circular of 29th September 1870, in Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, p. 9. This was the more important as Dr. Smith held that "during the night at all seasons, and during a large part of the day in cold and wet weather, the windows cannot be opened with propriety" (Report of Dr. E. Smith on Metropolitan Workhouse Infirmaries and Sick Wards, in House of Commons, No. 372 of 1866, p. 53).

[444] Circular Letter of 6th July 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, p. 55.

[445] Circular of 15th June 1868, in ibid. pp. 48-50.

[446] Ibid. p. 50.

[447] Ibid.

[448] Ibid. p. 51.

[449] Ibid. p. 49.

[450] Circular of 15th June 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, p. 51.

[451] We soon see the effect of this action by the Central Authority in the rapid growth of the capital expenditure of the boards of guardians. The annual reports of the next few years record extensive new buildings. In the thirty-one years down to 1864-5, the total sum authorised for the building, altering, and enlarging of workhouses and schools had reached £6,059,571, or an average of £195,541 a year (Seventeenth Annual Report, 1864-5, pp. 328-9). Within six years this had risen to £8,406,215 (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, pp. 446-53). Of the new capital outlay in these six years of no less than £2,346,644 or £391,108 a year, half had taken place in the Metropolis, and a quarter in Lancashire.

[452] Circular of 15th June 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 47-8.

[453] Circular of 13th June 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 44-6.

[454] Report of Dr. E. Smith on Metropolitan Workhouse Infirmaries and Sick Wards, in House of Commons, No. 372 of 1866, pp. 51-2.

[455] Circular of 20th July 1866, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1866-7, p. 39.

[456] It appears from a Minute of Lord Ebrington that, on entering the Poor Law Board, he was much struck by there being no physiological information available in the office as to the proper amount of food required or as to the physiological equivalents of different foods. The dietaries had apparently all been sanctioned without reference to such an inquiry. He called for a report, and, we believe, had an investigation made by Dr. Lyon (afterwards Lord) Playfair. The Report (signed Thomas Harries, and dated June 1st 1850) reveals the most astounding differences between the amounts of food, the proportions and amounts of nitrogenous materials, and the cost of the dietaries sanctioned for 529 unions. (Eighty-four unions had no dietary sanctioned.) In Berkshire, for instance, the Central Authority had approved of the pauper in the Cookham Union getting only 15-9/10 oz. of nitrogenous ingredients (per day?), whilst the pauper in the Wokingham Union was allowed 24-1/10 oz. In the Metropolis, the inmates of the West London Workhouse had been directed to exist on 14-7/10 oz. a day, whilst those in the Bermondsey Workhouse had been permitted to consume 27-6/10 oz. It was found, contrary to the common belief, that the dietaries of the workhouses in the Metropolis and the great towns were, on an average, lower than those of rural unions. There had, moreover, been a total lack of quantitative definition of the ingredients of soups, puddings, etc., with the result of extraordinary diversity. Sometimes able-bodied women were allowed the same quantities as men; sometimes much smaller quantities. We cannot trace whether any action was taken on this Memorandum. No General Order or Circular was issued on the subject at the time, or, indeed, for more than a dozen years; and the workhouse dietaries remained extremely diverse. But the Central Authority doubtless acted on the information in its possession. In September 1850, for instance, it demurred to approving a dietary proposed by the Bradfield Guardians, on the ground that it was "so decidedly less nutritious than those of other unions, in fact, only half what is given in some, and more than a quarter less than the general average." The Bradfield Guardians triumphantly retorted that their proposed dietary for paupers provided more nourishment than the independent labouring classes of the neighbourhood got in their own homes! (MS. Minutes, Bradfield Board of Guardians, 10th September 1850); which, considering the wages of the Berkshire farm labourers, is not unlikely to have been true.

[457] Circular of 14th September 1866, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1866-7, pp. 395-6.

[458] Circular of 7th December 1868, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, pp. 41-4. In the different Metropolitan workhouses the Central Authority sought to obtain absolute uniformity, and to this end had a model drawn up which was submitted to the guardians for their adoption. It is strange that this dietary allowed less bread and more meat than was recommended by the Board in the circular just described, only a few months later—perhaps because larger allowances of meat were made in the dietaries already in force in London unions. This dietary, prepared by Dr. Markham, contained tables for the able-bodied, the aged, and inmates engaged on extra labour, in each case of both sexes, but not for the other classes named in the above-mentioned circular. The points chiefly dwelt upon were the necessity of good cooking, of giving reasonable quantities of food, sufficient but not wasteful, and of obtaining materials of good quality, so as to attain the greatest possible economy (Circular of 23rd April 1868, in ibid. pp. 35-41). It is to be noted that the Central Authority issued no order on the subject. The result was that in most cases the guardians practically ignored the suggestions, and continued in their diversity. Camberwell, for instance, continued to allow the able-bodied pauper 107 oz. of bread per week, whereas the Poor Law Board had suggested 76 oz. only. The hated oatmeal porridge and suet pudding were minimised (Report of Mr. J. H. Bridges, 15th May 1873).

[459] The average cost of in-maintenance throughout the Kingdom (apart from buildings, repairs, rates, salaries, etc.) appears to have risen between 1863 and 1870 from £4·340 for the half-year to £4·781, or by over 10 per cent. The 125,368 indoor paupers on 1st July 1863 cost £521,292 for the half-year ended Michaelmas 1863 (Seventeenth Annual Report, 1864-5, pp. 189 and 198); whereas, the 144,470 indoor paupers on 1st July 1870 cost £690,812 for the half-year ended Michaelmas 1870 (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, pp. 349 and 367). In the Metropolitan unions the average cost for the half-year rose from 5·077 to 5·588, or by slightly over 10 per cent. We gather that the corresponding amounts for 1905 were not much above £6 for the whole country and £7 for the Metropolis, which does not seem a great further advance for a quarter of a century.

[460] Office Minute of 1873. This had been pointed out by Mr. Corbett in 1868. "In none of these workhouses is it possible to apply the workhouse as a test of destitution to single able-bodied men, nor can indoor relief be afforded to those with families in many instances in which it would be desirable" (Mr. Corbett's Report, 4th January 1868, in Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, p. 126).

[461] Mr. C. P. Villiers, President of the Poor Law Board, 4th May 1860, Hansard, vol. clviii. p. 694.

[462] 12 & 13 Vic. c. 103, sec. 20; Second Annual Report, 1849, p. 12.

[463] "Your petitioners having had practical proof of the tendency of labour to accumulate beyond the bounds of remunerative investment for capital, consider that a well-arranged system of emigration is the present most feasible mode of preserving a correct equilibrium between the supply and demand for labour" (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 12th July 1849).

[464] Second Annual Report, 1849, p. 12.

[465] Fifth Annual Report, 1852, p. 7.

[466] See the total given years later, in Ninth Annual Report, 1856, p. 119.

[467] Sixth Annual Report, 1853, p. 6.

[468] Seventh Annual Report, 1854, p. 8.

[469] Twelfth Annual Report, 1859-60, p. 19.

[470] Mr. C. P. Villiers, President of Poor Law Board, 27th April 1863, Hansard, vol. clxx. pp. 814-15.

[471] Nineteenth Annual Report, 1866-7, p. 19.

[472] Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, pp. 33, 398.

[473] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. lvi.-lvii.

[474] Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, pp. xlvi., 441.

[475] See the total in Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, p. 441.

[476] Letter of 8th April 1850, in Official Circular, July 1850, No. 39, N.S. p. 108.

[477] Outdoor Relief Regulation Order, 25th August 1852, and 14th December 1852, in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, pp. 19, 26; General Order of 1st January 1869, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, p. 81.

[478] Circular of 25th August 1852, in Fifth Annual Report, 1853, p. 23.

[479] Ibid.

[480] Letter of May 1849, in Official Circular, No. 25, N.S. 1849, p. 71.

[481] Outdoor Relief Regulation Order of 25th August and 14th December 1852, in Fifth Annual Report, 1852, pp. 19, 26; General Order of 1st January 1869, in Twenty-first Annual Report, 1868-9, p. 81.

[482] Official Circular, September 1850, No. 41, N.S. p. 131.

[483] The policy of the Central Authority seems, down to this date, to have contemplated the supplementing of outdoor relief, not only by charitable gifts in kind, but also by money. At Poplar, in 1868, a special committee draws attention to the "instruction" of the Poor Law Board that when relief is given to persons in receipt of charitable relief, the relief given must be only so much as, with the assistance of the charitable relief, will suffice for the relief of such person's actual necessities (MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 22nd September 1868).

[484] The number of relieving officers in the Metropolis had already increased from 102 in 1866 to 161 in 1870. It now rose further to 190 in February, 1873 (Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871, as reprinted for circulation in 1873). The number is now (1907) about 205.

[485] Twenty-second Annual Report, 1869-70, pp. xxxii-xxxiv, 9-30. Mr. Goschen directed an inspector to make a special inquiry into the administration of outdoor relief in the Metropolis, and this was followed by similar inquiries in the provinces (Twenty-third Annual Report, 1870-1, pp. ix-xxi, 32-173; First Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1871-2, pp. xv, 88-215; Second Annual Report, 1872-3, pp. xvi-xviii; Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. xx, 66-116, 136-209). The reports that resulted revealed many defects and some malpractices, but we do not find that there was any action by the Central Authority.

[486] It should perhaps be mentioned that in the Third Annual Report, 1873-4 (pp. xvii. and 126-35), reports by Miss Octavia Hill and Colonel Lynedoch Gardiner, on the Co-operation of Charity with the Poor Law in Marylebone, are given and commended.

[487] The Liverpool Vestry and various boards of guardians objected to the Poor Law Board being made permanent, as its very existence tended to lessen the sense of responsibility of the local Poor Law authorities (Report of Special Vestry Meeting, Liverpool, in Liverpool Mercury, 27th June 1867).

[488] The sequence in the Metropolis seems to have been, first, the exceptional distress in the East End during 1866-7; then a strict administration on deterrent principles, agreed to by conferences of East End Guardians in 1869, under the influence of Mr. Corbett, who had become inspector for the Metropolis in 1866; Mr. Goschen's Circular of 20th November 1869, and the consequent inquiries into Poor Law practice; Mr. Corbett's powerful Report of 10th August 1871; and then the Circular of 2nd December 1871, with the conferences resulting therefrom. Mr. Longley was appointed inspector for the Metropolis in March 1872 (Mr. Longley's Report, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp 196-7).

[489] Circular of 2nd December 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, pp. 63-8.

[490] The first notice that we have seen of the fact that some districts contain "a much higher proportion of the weak and old," than others, and that some have also a much higher rate of mortality among husbands than others, which vitiates any simple comparison of their pauperism, is in a Report by Mr. Culley (inspector) in 1873 (Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 66, 72-3). But the hint was not acted on in the tables of statistics used by the inspectors.

[491] Mr. Longley did definitely recommend that outdoor relief, even to the widows with families, the sick and the "disabled"—by which he meant the aged—should be discontinued, except in cases that might be found to fall outside a series of categories so defined, and so extensive, as practically to include the whole of these classes. Moreover, in his view it was to be "regarded as the next step in the advance towards improved administration that applicants for out-relief shall be called upon to show special cause why they should not receive indoor relief" (Mr. Longley's Report in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 142).

[492] E.g. MS. archives, Newcastle Board of Guardians (lithographed letter of Mr. Hedley, inspector, drawing attention to the comparative outdoor pauperism of his unions, and urging reduction).

[493] History of the English Poor Law, by T. Mackay, 1899, vol. iii. p. 154.

[494] Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, pp. xix-xx.

[495] Mr. Dodson (President of the Local Government Board) to deputation from Newington and St. Saviour's, Southwark, November 1881, in Local Government Chronicle, 26th November 1881, p. 951.

[496] Fifth Annual Report, 1875-6, pp. xvii-xix.

[497] Letter, signed by Sir John Lambert, to Mr. Albert Pell, M.P., Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, pp. 51-7.

[498] It is to be noted that Mr. Longley, in 1873, drew attention to the uncertainty of practice caused by the lack of definition of "able-bodied," and the different senses in which it was used in the official documents. He pointed out that the absence of definition seriously impaired administration, and urged that authoritative instructions should be issued (Mr. Longley's Report in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 174). We do not find that any action was taken.

[499] Circular of 2nd December 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 67. With regard to the 85,386 persons who received outdoor relief on 1st January 1873, as "able-bodied male paupers" (including, it must be remembered, 18,037 wives and 45,285 children of such men, 15,133 men relieved on account of their own sickness, 5572 on account of the sickness of wife or child, and only 1339 merely for want of work), the Central Authority observed without discrimination, that: "There would be, in our opinion, no material difficulty in enforcing, throughout all the unions, the salutary provision which forbids the allowance of relief to this class of persons except in a workhouse" (Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. xiv). But no such "provision" existed, in any Statute or Order, or even in any official Circular, so far as we can discover. Mr. Corbett had once suggested that he should "encourage boards of guardians to abstain far more than at present, from giving out-relief to able-bodied men on account of their own sickness or accident." But even he did not propose its refusal in all cases (Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871). We cannot find that the Central Authority had ever before formally seemed to give its approval, if it really intended to do so by this obiter dictum, to the suggestion that sick persons ought not to receive outdoor relief.

[500] Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. xvii. It also received "applications from a few other unions for assent to temporary out-relief in the case of boatmen or other persons thrown out of work by the frost." Sanction was not actually refused, but it was pointed out that the guardians should have offered the workhouse (ibid.).

[501] Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. xviii.

[502] Letter of Local Government Board to Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 56.

[503] Local Government Board to Bristol Union, 16th January 1879, Local Government Chronicle, 25th January 1879, p. 69.

[504] Local Government Board to Bedminister Union, January 1881; in Local Government Chronicle, 8th January 1881, p. 35.

[505] Letter, Local Government Board to Warrington Union, March 1878; in Local Government Chronicle, 30th March 1878, p. 253.

[506] Circular of 2nd December 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 67; see Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871.

[507] Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871.

[508] Instructional letter to inspectors (?) December 1878; cited by Mr. Culley (inspector), to Newcastle Board of Guardians, see MS. archives, 28th December 1878.

[509] Local Government Board letter to Holborn Union, 9th February 1886, in House of Commons, No. 69 of 1886, p. 40.

[510] Ibid. pp. 40-1.

[511] Special Order to Whitechapel Union, 18th April 1887. This new departure was not mentioned in the Annual Report, and the Order has not, as far as we know, been generally published.

[512] Mr. Corbett's Report of 14th January 1868, in Twentieth Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1867-8, p. 126; repeated in his Report of 10th August 1871.

[513] Office Minute by Mr. Longley, 1873. Much the same words occur in his Annual Report. The "lax discipline of the workhouse" in London is described as tending "to deprive it of its function as a test" (Mr. Longley's Report in Third Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1873-4, p. 166).

[514] Mr. Longley's Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis; in Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. 49.

[515] Ibid. p. 42.

[516] Mr. Longley's Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. 43.

[517] Ibid. p. 47. We have not verified the statement that the intention of the Metropolitan Poor Act of 1867 included the allocation of separate workhouses exclusively for the able-bodied. We see that in January 1868 Mr. Corbett was suggesting it as if it were an idea of his own. "I am more than ever convinced," he says, "that one of the great wants of the Metropolis is the establishment of new, or the appropriation of existing workhouses for the able-bodied classes of groups of unions, in each of which one sex only should be received; a far more complete system of classification maintained than has hitherto been attempted, at least in Metropolitan workhouses; and strict discipline enforced under proper regulations and superintendence" (Mr. Corbett's Report of 4th January 1868, in Twentieth Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1867-8, p. 126). Whether or not this was exactly in the mind of the legislature or of the Central Authority in 1867, it seems true, as Mr. Longley pointed out, that the provisions of the Metropolitan Poor Act were extensive enough to cover, "whether directly or indirectly," not merely an improvement in workhouse sick wards, but "the reception in distinct buildings of separate classes of paupers or ... classification, not in a workhouse, but by workhouses" (Mr. Longley's Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Fourth Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1874-5, p. 42).

[518] Special Order to Poplar and Stepney, 19th October 1871; Special Order to Poplar, 6th March 1872 (extending the use of the Poplar Workhouse to the able-bodied of any Metropolitan union); Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871.

[519] First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. xxiv; Second Annual Report, 1872-3, pp. xxvi-xxvii.

[520] Second Annual Report, 1872-3, p. xxvii.

[521] Letters, Poplar Guardians to Local Government Board, 4th November 1878; Local Government Board to Poplar Guardians, 19th December 1887. Even this very strict Board of Guardians had, in 1871, used, as a labour test for women, "a task of work in a needle-room ... provided by the guardians," and this had been recommended even by Mr. Corbett (Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871). But oakum-picking had apparently been substituted for needlework, and the Central Authority, in 1878, did not see its way to any alternative. "With regard to the objection ... to oakum-picking as an employment for women ... very great difficulty was experienced in finding labour which shall not interfere with the market for the work of the independent poor, and ... even oakum-picking is not altogether free from this objection.... Work of this description is in use in workhouses in various parts of the country, not as punishment ... but as one of the most available means of employing the able-bodied indoor paupers.... General experience has shown that it is not physically injurious, and in this particular workhouse it is found that many of the female paupers can pick the prescribed quantity with ease.... It is erroneous to suppose that a particular description of work is necessarily degrading because it happens to be exacted in gaols, since there are but few kinds of menial work in all large institutions to which the same objection may not also be applied; and it should be added that, unless this kind of employment is resorted to, it would not be practicable to find sufficient occupation for the female inmates of the workhouses, and that enforced idleness is more demoralising than even disagreeable work" (Local Government Board to Poplar Union, 19th December 1878, in Local Government Chronicle, 4th January 1879, pp. 8-9). Twenty years later the official view, as we shall see, completely changed.

[522] Special Order to Poplar Union, 4th February 1881; Local Government Board to Poplar Guardians, 9th February 1881; MS. Minutes, Poplar Guardians, 18th February 1881.

[523] Special Orders of 13th October 1880, 24th August 1881, and 11th February 1887.

[524] MS. Minutes, Manchester Guardians, July and August 1887. The Manchester Guardians did not act on this, but ten years later united with the Chorlton Guardians in setting aside (under the Poor Law Act 1879) one workhouse for the double purpose of a casual ward and "a test house for able-bodied paupers" (See Special Orders to Manchester and Chorlton, dated 20th March 1897, and 9th April 1898; Twenty-Seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, pp. 127-8). This still continues. The whole experience of these Able-bodied Test Workhouses is reviewed in the Minority Report, 1909.

[525] Mr. Lockwood's Report, in Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. 446. Already in 1898, however, the Central Authority had told its inspectors to urge that oakum-picking, which had been the staple of the test workhouse, should be given up, as an occupation for workhouse inmates, especially for women; and did not suggest any possible alternative (Twenty-eighth Annual Report, 1898-9, p. lxxxiv). "Oakum-picking by the inmates of the workhouses should be discontinued," said Mr. Chaplin (Hansard, 23rd May 1898, vol. 58, p. 326). This was a complete reversal of policy. As recently as 1890 the Central Authority had actually invited the Poplar Board of Guardians to undertake some oakum-picking for the Government, and the board had undertaken to pick 30 tons at £3 per ton (Local Government Board to Poplar Board of Guardians, 9th July 1890). By 1904, not only oakum-picking, but also corn-grinding with a piecework task, was given up. "As regards the proposed task of corn-grinding, the board states that in cases where their consent is necessary they do not sanction a task of corn-grinding by quantity, and they consider that a time limit should be fixed for such work. As to oakum-picking, they are of opinion that, on account of its associations, it is open to objection as a task for workhouse inmates, and as far as practicable, it should be discontinued for all inmates of workhouses" (Local Government Board to Islington Union, September 1904; Local Government Chronicle, 8th October 1904, p. 1049).

[526] 34 & 35 Vic. c. 108, sec. 4; Circular of 18th November 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 54.

[527] Mr. Chamberlain to Metropolitan Board of Works, 19th February 1886, in House of Commons, No. 69 of 1886, p. 44.

[528] The Circular incidentally criticised the character of the labour test usually imposed on the able-bodied applicant for poor relief, as being unfit for skilled artisans. Spade labour was suggested as "less objectionable"; and "the board will be glad to assist the guardians by authorising the hiring of land for the purpose" of setting a task of work to able-bodied paupers on outdoor relief (Circular of 15th March 1886, in Sixteenth Annual Report, 1886-7, p. 6). This has now been done at Leicester, where the board of guardians hires land on which to set the able-bodied to dig (Thirty-third Annual Report, 1903-4, p. 205).

[529] Circular of 15th March 1886, in Sixteenth Annual Report, 1886-7, pp. 5-7.

[530] Mr. Ritchie to deputation as to children in workhouses, see Local Government Chronicle, 17th December 1887, p. 1058.

[531] Circular of 16th January 1891, in Twentieth Annual Report, 1890-91, p. 206; Local Government Board to Poplar Board of Guardians, 21st January 1891 (see for the action thereon of Boards of Guardians, MS. archives, Poplar Board of Guardians, January 1891).

[532] Circular of 14th November 1892, in Twenty-second Annual Report, 1892-3, p. 38.

[533] Circulars of 27th March and 30th September 1893, Twenty-third Annual Report, 1893-4, pp. lxiv-lxv; Board of Trade Report on Agencies and Methods for dealing with the Unemployed, 1893 (C. 7182), pp. 187-206.

[534] Twenty-fourth Annual Report, 1894-5, pp. lxxi-lxxiii. The local authorities were taking action before the Circular was sent; see, for instance, MS. Minutes, Bradford Board of Guardians, 4th February 1895, showing that they had decided on a deputation to the town council on 23rd January; and that the town council, on 25th January, had agreed to find work in clearing away snow.

[535] Ibid. p. lxxiii; First, Second, and Third Reports of the Select Committee on Distress from Want of Employment, 1895.

[536] Twenty-fourth Annual Report, 1894-5, p. lxxiv.

[537] Third Report of Select Committee on Distress from Want of Employment, 1895, p. 560.

[538] The Lord Mayor of Manchester, in reply to deputation from the Chorlton Board of Guardians, 1895; see Second Report of Committee on Distress from Want of Employment, 1895, p. 54.

[539] Third Report of Committee on Distress from Want of Employment, 1895, p. v. The Committee also recommended the abolition of the penalty of disfranchisement, on persons in receipt of poor relief, so far as "the deserving man forced to become dependent on public aid" was concerned (Ibid.).

[540] Ibid. p. iv. See Mr. Shaw Lefevre's answer in House of Commons 18th February 1895 (Hansard, vol. 30, p. 969). The Central Authority persisted in its attitude with regard to these powers, and the rules, without which they cannot be used, have not in fact been issued; see Mr. Gerald Balfour's answer in House of Commons, 19th July 1905 (Hansard, vol. 149, pp. 1179-80). Similar powers were, however, granted to distress committees of local municipal authorities by the Unemployed Workmen Act 1905, under which the necessary rules have been issued.

[541] 5 Edw. VII. c. 18 (Unemployed Workmen Act 1905); Local Government Board to Metropolitan Mayors, 20th October 1904, and Circulars of 24th and 31st October 1904, 20th September, 10th October, 8th and 22nd December 1905, 13th January 1906; Orders of 20th September, 10th October, 6th December 1905, 13th January 1906. Thirty-fourth Annual Report, 1904-5, pp. cxxii-iii, 150-6; Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, pp. clxxx-cxcii, 349-438.

[542] In answer to an inquiry in 1887, as to what action had been taken on the Circular of 1886, the Poplar Board of Guardians replied that no exceptional measures had been taken, and that they had found it unnecessary even to open a labour yard (Local Government Board to Poplar, 11th January 1887; Poplar to Local Government Board, 12th January 1887).

[543] Local Government Board to Poplar Board of Guardians, 15th January, 6th June, 17th August, and 4th October 1895; MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 1895-1900.

[544] No Order appears to have been issued, sanctioning or regulating this new experiment, the Local Government Board's approval being apparently conveyed, partly by a brief letter, partly by verbal communications through the inspector MS. archives, Poplar Board of Guardians, 8th and 22nd July, 16th and 30th September, 21st October, 25th November 1903; 13th April 1904; Local Government Board to Poplar Union, 16th and 28th July 1903, and 11th April 1904. The Central Authority refused to modify the General Dietaries and Accounts Order 1900, which had prescribed model dietaries for inmates of workhouses, but had not included any for men engaged all day out-of-doors at agricultural labour, but it sanctioned the extra expenditure illegally incurred for a more appropriate dietary (Local Government Board to Poplar, 10th January 1905; MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 11th January 1905).

[545] Special Order to Poplar of 4th February 1905 (modified workhouse test). It is not clear whether: (i.) the men at the farm colony; or (ii.) their families, were in 1904 included in the statistics of indoor, or in those of outdoor, pauperism; nor whether any change in the actual statistical classification was made on receipt of the Order of February 1905.

[546] MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 30th March, 18th May, 15th June 1904; Local Government Board to Poplar Board of Guardians, 25th March and 2nd June 1904.

[547] Local Government Board to Bradford Board of Guardians, 14th January 1905. The Bradford Board had asked the Central Authority in vain, two years before, to get powers to enable Boards of Guardians to combine to form labour colonies of their own, especially for vagrants (MS. archives, Bradford Board of Guardians, February 1903).

[548] Local Government Board to Poplar Board of Guardians, 1st December 1903.

[549] 34 & 35 Vic. c. 108, secs. 5, 6, 9.

[550] Circular Letter on Vagrancy of 18th November 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 55.

[551] This Circular was issued after the passing of the Pauper Inmates Discharge and Regulation Act, and a few days before the General Order, of which the provisions will shortly be described. In the next year the Board reported a diminution in the number of vagrants, and allowed some of the less stringent of the Metropolitan casual wards to be closed, an action which caused difficulties in later years. In the unions where there were no casual wards, ordinary vagrants were referred to that of a neighbouring union, but the workhouse officials were bound to admit any applicants who, from sickness or other cause, were unable to proceed farther, and generally any case of urgent necessity (Second Annual Report, 1872-3, pp. xxii-xxiii). In 1872 also the Board advised guardians to dispense with the services of police constables as assistant relieving officers, and appoint the superintendents of the casual wards instead (Circular on Vagrancy in the Metropolis, of 30th May 1872; in ibid. p. 17). No reason is given for this change, and thirty years later the co-operation of the police in this manner is still assumed, for the board sanction a subscription by the guardians towards the cost of providing a mid-day meal for vagrants when proceeding from one workhouse to another, "where the superintendent of police is appointed assistant relieving officer for vagrants" (Local Government Chronicle, 29th November 1902, p. 1203).

[552] 45 and 46 Vic. c. 36 (Casual Poor Act 1882); General Order of 18th December 1882, in Twelfth Annual Report, 1882-3, pp. 64-71. The Metropolis was now deemed to be one town for the purpose of punishing resort to the casual ward more than once in a month.

[553] Circulars of 16th April 1885, 7th November 1887, and 18th January 1888; see Fifteenth, Seventeenth and Eighteenth Annual Reports.

[554] Circular of 13th June 1892; Order of 11th June 1892; Twenty-Second Annual Report, 1892-3, pp. 14-15.

[555] See its Report, Cd. 2852 of 1906.

[556] By the Divided Parishes and Poor Law Amendment Act 1876, the law which had for poor relief purposes put a woman whose husband was beyond seas in the same position as a widow was extended to a married woman living separate from her husband (39 & 40 Vic. c. 61 sec. 18; Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. iii. 1888, p. 186). It is also to be noted that under the Married Women's Property Act, 1882, a married woman having separate property was made liable to maintain her husband, and, concurrently with her husband, also her children and grandchildren if they became chargeable to the poor rate (45 & 46 Vic. c. 75, secs. 20, 21).

[557] Circular, 2nd December 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 67.

[558] For the "Manchester Rules" see Fifth Annual Report, 1875-6, pp. xvii-xix, 130-133. Somewhat similar rules were at the instance of the inspectorate adopted by the Cheshire Unions as late as 1891 (Twenty-first Annual Report, 1891-2, pp. 164-5).

[559] Circular of 2nd December 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 67. This suggestion we trace to Mr. Corbett, in 1869, though in the milder form of limiting the grant of outdoor relief to recently deserted wives, to two or three weeks only (Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871, as reprinted by the Central Authority for official circulation, February 1873). Ten years later the Central Authority found that this policy was not justified by the law, so far as regards deserted wives having children under seven (as is the case with most of them). In such cases it was found necessary in 1880 to advise that outdoor relief could, in case of destitution, not be refused, even if the woman was able-bodied, and irrespective of her character, the cause or duration of the husband's absence, possible collusion with him, etc. The Central Authority decided that, "assuming that the applicant in this case is a married woman, whose husband, though living, is not residing with her, she would not be liable for the support of the children, who, being within the age of nurture, cannot lawfully be separated from her; and the guardians would not be justified, under these circumstances, in withholding out-relief for the children" (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii. 1880, p. 71).

[560] Local Government Board to Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 56.

[561] Circular, 30th August 1882, in Twelfth Annual Report, 1882-3, pp. 43-4.

[562] "Widows and their dependent children [on 1st January 1873, 25,740] constitute 33 per cent of the total outdoor pauperism of London, and 57 per cent of so much of that pauperism as is caused otherwise than by age and permanent infirmity" (Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 179).

[563] Circular of 2nd December 1871, in First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. 67. The injurious results of this policy were reported by Mr. Culley, see his Report in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 74. On the other hand Mr. Longley preferred the "offer of the House" to widows, in order to make their deceased husbands provident. "The condition of a widow with a large family," said Mr. Longley, "however deplorable it undoubtedly is, is one of the ordinary contingencies of human circumstances, which may, in some degree or other, be provided against equally with sickness, or accident, or other bereavement.... A man in receipt of regular weekly wages may be fairly called upon to secure his widow if [un]able to work for her living, against dependence upon Poor Law relief" (Mr. Longley's Report, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 183, 185).

[564] Local Government Board to Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 56. Some of the inspectors altogether disapproved of the policy of taking the children into the workhouse (see, for instance, Mr. Culley's Report, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 74). One inspector, at least, realised the connection of the destitution due to widowhood with the absence of compensation for accidents and industrial diseases among workmen. "Male life, at least, is longer in the rural than in the manufacturing, mining, and seaport unions. In the latter ... male life is more frequently cut short by illness or accident arising from the nature of the employment.... The proportion of children (exclusive of orphans) to widows ... varies from 0·48 in the purely agricultural union of Bedale to 2·30 in the manufacturing and shipbuilding district of Jarrow.... I found ... on examining the returns from the different relief districts that the highest rate of mortality amongst husbands prevailed in the inland portion of the union, a state of things which the relieving officers attributed to accidents in shipbuilding yards and the unwholesome nature of the employment in chemical works. In the same manner, in Tynemouth Union, I found that the proportion of widows with young families was considerably higher in the mining district than in the town of North Shields.... In Teesdale the rate of mortality amongst the leadminers is very great, owing, I was informed, to the bad ventilation of the mines" (Mr. Culley's Report, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 72-3). We do not find that the point was followed up until the Workmen's Compensation Act of 1900.

[565] Local Government Board to Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, pp. 55-6. We find the policy of reducing "the widow's six months" suggested by Mr. Corbett in 1869. At the Conference of East End Guardians summoned by him, it was agreed "that the widows without children should, as a rule, after a period not exceeding three months from the commencement of their widowhood, be relieved only in the workhouse" (Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871; as reprinted by the Central Authority for official circulation, February 1873).

[566] Ibid.

[567] Twenty-third Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1870-1, p. 374.

[568] Third Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1873-4, p. 588; Twenty-first Annual Report, 1891-2, p. 365.

[569] It is, however, to be noted that in the model rules which the most zealous inspectors were pressing on Boards of Guardians in 1902—herein differing from the much commended Manchester rules of 1875—the widow with only one child is recognised as a fit case for outdoor relief (Mr. Preston-Thomas's Report, in Thirty-Second Annual Report, 1902-3, p. 100).

[570] Twenty-third Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1870-71, p. 378.

[571] On 1st January 1892, the 336,870 children of 1871 had fallen to 177,245, probably the lowest figure of the whole seventy years (Twenty-first Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1891-2, p. 365).

[572] 36 & 37 Vic. c. 86, sec. 3 (Elementary Education Act 1873); 39 & 40 Vic. c. 79, sec. 40 (Elementary Education Act 1876); 43 & 44 Vic. c. 23, sec. 5 (Elementary Education Act 1880). It was held in 1877 that the guardians might, if they chose, pay, besides the school fee, also for books and stationery (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. i. 1880, p. 49).

[573] 39 & 40 Vic. c. 79, sec. 10 (Elementary Education Act 1876).

[574] Circulars of 30th December 1873 and 30th December 1876, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 4-7, and Sixth Annual Report, 1876-7, pp. 23-6; MS. Minutes, Bakewell Board of Guardians, 12th January and 9th February 1874.

[575] Ibid. 30th August 1880.

[576] 31 & 32 Vic. c. 122, sec. 37 (Poor Law Amendment Act 1868).

[577] Circular of 31st December 1888, in Eighteenth Annual Report, 1888-9, p. 105.

[578] 52 & 53 Vic. c. 44, secs. 1, 12 (1889); 57 & 58 Vic. c. 41, sec. 1 (1894); Circular of 30th September 1889, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1889-90, pp. 92-5.

[579] 4 Edw. VII. c. 15, sec. 5.

[580] Mr. Davy's Report, in Twenty-Second Annual Report, 1892-3, p. 72.

[581] Ibid.

[582] Mr. Baldwyn Fleming's Report, in Twentieth Annual Report, 1890-1, p. 222.

[583] Mr. Kennedy's Report, in Twenty-eighth Annual Report, 1898-9, pp. 168-9.

[584] Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871, as reprinted by the Central Authority in 1873 for official circulation.

[585] Bradford Union to Local Government Board, 26th January 1901 (MS. archives, Bradford Board of Guardians).

[586] Circular of 27th April 1905, in Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, pp. 317-20.

[587] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. cxxxi.

[588] Twenty-third Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1870-71, p. 374.

[589] There are few statutory provisions of this period which affect the institutional treatment of children, and these few deal simply with financial questions. It is worth noting, however, that they tend to improve accommodation, as they facilitate increased expenditure, by allowing a larger sum to be raised for building, fitting up, and furnishing Metropolitan District Schools (Poor Law Loans Act 1872, 35 Vic. c. 2, sec. 1), and by allowing the expenses of maintenance in a certified school to be paid up to any limit to be fixed by the Local Government Board; and provide against overcrowding by allowing no repayment from the common poor fund in respect of children in a school in excess of a maximum number fixed for the school by the board. The special provisions for the education of defective children will be considered under the heading "Defectives."

[590] In his Report for 1898, the inspector of Poor Law schools for the six northern counties describes the changes of the preceding thirty-seven years. In 1871-5 there were seventy-four unions, having considerable numbers of children, which educated them all in schools within the workhouse walls. Four had distinct schools, but on the workhouse premises; and four only had entirely separate schools. In 1898, only one union had workhouse schools for girls and two for boys; three had distinct schools, but on the workhouse premises; with half-a-dozen others with similar arrangements for part of the children, or for the children awaiting transfer only. Elsewhere the children were in entirely separate schools or cottage homes, or removed to certified schools; or in scattered homes or boarded out (Mr. Mozley's Report, in Twenty-eighth Annual Report, 1898-9, p. 183).

[591] The last in the published documents seems to be the incidental reference in the Circular of 4th August 1900 as to the aged and deserving poor (Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 18).

[592] Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871.

[593] Hansard, 1st February 1897, vol. 45, p. 904.

[594] Ibid. 2nd June 1899, vol. 72, p. 258. The process of discovery of the evils of these large schools may be interestingly traced in the annual reports of the L.G.B. Inspectors of Poor Law Schools from 1871 to 1895; the Report on the Health of Metropolitan Pauper Schools, by J. H. Bridges, 1890; and Report of the Committee on Poor Law Schools, 1896.

[595] The "cottage homes" required special orders widely differing from those for the "barrack schools"; see, for instance, that for the Marston Green Cottage Homes of the Birmingham Union of 8th November 1879.

[596] Local Government Board to Camberwell Union. The Sheffield "Scattered Homes" were described in Mr. Kennedy's Report, in the Twenty-third Annual Report, 1893-4, p. 138. They were (as "isolated homes") regulated by Special Orders of 4th November 1896, 23rd February 1898, and 7th February 1906.

[597] Mr. Hervey's Report, in Thirty-first Annual Report, 1901-2, p. 80.

[598] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. cxxxi. The policy of placing children out in private venture homes run for profit (the old "farming" system) was not wholly given up. In 1874 the Central Authority decided to "withdraw from the almost nominal supervision" which it had exercised over the private venture seaside homes for children; and to leave these, as certified schools, entirely to the supervision of such boards of guardians as chose to make use of them, the payments being classed as non-resident relief (Circular of May 1874, in Local Government Chronicle, 23rd May 1874, p. 334). Yet a Special Order of 17th September 1879 regulated the admission of pauper children to the Metropolitan Infirmary for Children, Margate (John Weekly, proprietor). Others of 29th November 1880 and 30th June 1886, did the same for the Downlands Seaside Infirmary for Children, Rottingdean (J. F. Landguist, proprietor). In 1889, the North Surrey School District established a Convalescent Home of its own at Broadstairs (Special Orders of 8th February 1889 and 17th October 1891).

[599] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. cxxx. This includes a comparatively small number of sick children in Poor Law infirmaries.

[600] General Order of 22nd July 1889 (as to Metropolis); and of 10th February 1899 (to all unions). In 1878, indeed, the North Surrey District School had refused to receive children under four, and the Central Authority had declined to interfere (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. i. 1880, p. 178).

[601] Memorandum, "Duties of Visiting Committees," June 1895, in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 122.

[602] Ibid.

[603] Circular Letter, 29th January 1895, in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 110.

[604] June 1897, in Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, p. 24.

[605] Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii. 1883, p. 258.

[606] Ibid. vol. iii. 1888, p. 55; Hansard, 13th March 1883, vol. 277, p. 365.

[607] Circular, "Supply of Books, Newspapers, etc.," 23rd January 1891, in Report of Royal Commission on the Aged Poor, 1895, vol. iii. No. C. 7684, ii. p. 967; Twentieth Annual Report, 1890-1, p. xc.

[608] Circular Letter of 29th January 1895, on "Workhouse Administration," in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 110.

[609] Local Government Chronicle, 18th August 1900, p. 841.

[610] Ibid. 14th June 1902, p. 614.

[611] Mr. Jenner Fust's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 147.

[612] Local Government Chronicle, 22nd June 1878, p. 489.

[613] Hansard, 6th September 1886, vol. 308, p. 1316.

[614] Local Government Chronicle, 2nd July 1904, p. 707.

[615] Ibid. 8th November 1902, p. 1126.

[616] Hansard, 21st June 1888, vol. 327, pp. 809-10; Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol ii. 1883, p. 139.

[617] We ought perhaps to add that the Central Authority is found putting pressure on boards of guardians who refuse to make any adequate provision for their children. In 1898 it is reported that, because the Darlington Board of Guardians refused to make such provision, the Central Authority had refused to sanction any alteration of the workhouse whatsoever until such provision had been made (Local Government Chronicle, 19th February 1898, p. 175).

The 21,526 workhouse children appear to be made up of: (a) infants under three; (b) children between three and fourteen, scattered in groups of a dozen to as many as seventy in the workhouses of the unions having no separate schools of their own (in the York Workhouse there are usually about seventy children); and (c) children temporarily in the workhouse on their way to separate schools, boarding-out, being apprenticed, etc. In another classification they are: (a) the newly-born infants of the women in the lying-in ward; (b) children between three and fourteen, who are orphans or deserted; (c) children of indoor paupers, who are either (i.) permanent residents; or (ii.) "ins-and-outs." We cannot find any expression of policy of the Central Authority with regard to any of these classes. In the Metropolis, it should be said, provision has been made for the relegation to special institutions of the Metropolitan Asylums Board, not only of children suffering from ophthalmia, etc., but also of children temporarily remitted to the care of the guardians by the police ("remand children"), who had heretofore been sent to the workhouses (Circulars of 19th January and 5th April 1897, and General Order of 2nd April 1897, Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, pp. 8-9). We do not gather that any corresponding provision has been made for such children outside the Metropolis.

[618] Mr. Baldwyn Fleming's Report in the Thirty-first Annual Report, 1901-2, p. 91.

[619] There was not much pretence of technical instruction in the earlier Orders. What was aimed at was putting the children to work, chosen for its utility, not for its instructiveness (i.e. digging rather than gardening, mending the shoes of the establishment rather than learning the art of shoemaking). In the Special Order to the Walsall and West Bromwich School District of 1st July 1871, it was laid down that the children might be employed (under certain circumstances, wholly employed) "upon works of industry." In an amending Special Order of 20th July 1893, the age was raised, but the phrase was retained.

[620] Order of 30th January 1897 in Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, pp. 5-8; see for its effect Thirty-third Annual Report, 1903-4, p. 256.

[621] General Order "prescribing attendance" as regards workhouse schools, 30th October 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 204.

[622] Circular Letter, 1st February 1897, in Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, p. 5.

[623] Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. i. 1880, p. 224; Local Government Chronicle, 30th January 1904, p. 113.

[624] By a General Order of 20th May 1881, corporal punishment is absolutely forbidden in Poor Law Schools as regards "any female child" of any age. This rule has not yet been made by the Board of Education for the schools attended by non-paupers nor by most local education authorities.

[625] Thirty-third Annual Report, 1903-4, p. 256.

[626] Circular Letter of 4th August 1900, on Aged Deserving Poor, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1901, p. 18.

[627] Hansard, 8th May 1894, vol. 24, p. 598.

[628] 10th September 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, pp. 193-200.

[629] Macmorran and Lushington's Poor Law Orders, second edition, 1905, p. 1331.

[630] Local Government Chronicle, 16th August 1902, p. 825.

[631] Ibid. 27th April 1889, p. 338; Hansard, 2nd July 1897, vol. 50, p. 966; Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii. 1883, p. 94. On the other hand, a contrary decision seems to have been given in 1885 (ibid. vol. iii. 1888, p. 187).

[632] Boarding out without the Union Order, 1889, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1889-90, p. 49. The "within the Union Order" contains some modifications for the case where there is no committee.

[633] Circular Letter, 9th December 1905, in Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. 328.

[634] Memorandum of the Local Government Board, June 1900. See Local Government Law and Legislation, by W. H. Dumsday, 1900, p. 126.

[635] Local Government Chronicle, 31st October 1903, p. 1070.

[636] Memorandum of the Local Government Board, June 1900, Local Government Law and Legislation, by W. H. Dumsday, 1900, p. 126.

[637] Local Government Chronicle, 12th March 1904, p. 290.

[638] The rate of 1s. and one loaf for the support per week of each child on outdoor relief was deliberately sanctioned, in 1869, by a Conference of Metropolitan Guardians, presided over by Mr. Corbett (Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871, as reprinted for official circulation in 1873 by the Central Authority). The dividing line between children merely on this outdoor relief, and those "boarded out" at 4s. or 5s. per week, it must be remembered, is not kinship, but whether or not the person with whom the child lives is legally liable for its maintenance. Thus, the policy of the Central Authority has been that children living with a stepfather and stepmother, with a widower stepfather, with a widowed stepmother, or even with a brother, a sister, an uncle, or an aunt (none of whom is legally liable for their maintenance) require all this elaborate supervision and protection; whereas if the children live with their own mother and father, with their widowed mother, with their widower father, with any or all of their grandparents, or exposed to the tender mercies of a father and stepmother, no such supervision and protection is insisted on. But although this is the rule, we are informed that the Central Authority, in practice, now makes no difficulty, if applied to, in sanctioning the transfer of children living with grandparents, uncles and aunts, or brothers and sisters, from the category of ordinary outdoor relief to the more regulated and more richly endowed category of boarding-out. It still objects in the case of parents (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. iii. 1888, p. 187; Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1903-4, by W. A. Casson, 1905, p. 78).

[639] Hansard, 8th August 1898, vol. 54, p. 576.

[640] Circular Letter, 29th May 1889, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1889-90, pp. 36-41.

[641] Mr. Ritchie, President of the Local Government Board, Hansard, 4th July 1887, vol. 316, pp. 1598-9.

[642] Circular Letter, 29th May 1884, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1889-90, p. 44.

[643] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. cxxxii.

[644] Circular on "Outfits for Children sent to Service," 14th July 1897, in Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, p. 26.

[645] Local Government Chronicle, 18th October 1902, p. 1051.

[646] Ibid. 31st October 1903, p. 1070.

[647] Local Government Chronicle, 31st January 1903, p. 102.

[648] Ibid. 15th October 1904, p. 1072; Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1903-4, by W. A. Casson, 1905, p. 118.

[649] Circular Letter of 31st May 1873, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 3-4.

[650] See ante, p. 17.

[651] Circular of 2nd March 1895, in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 118.

[652] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, pp. cxxx, cxxxi.

[653] Omitting children receiving medical relief only; and the casuals and insane (ibid. p. cxxxi).

[654] Hansard, 28th May 1887, vol. 315, p. 857. The policy of the Central Authority was apparently against allowing the guardians to assume parental responsibilities. In 1889 Mr. Ritchie had prepared a Bill "to provide that, on application to the justices, an Order might be made detaining a child already under the care of the guardians or boarded out" (Local Government Chronicle, 23rd March 1889, p. 238), but not extending the duties or responsibilities of the guardians.

[655] Poor Law Act 1889, 52 & 58 Vic. c. 56. sec. 1.

[656] Circular of 28th September 1899, in Twenty-ninth Annual Report 1889-1900, p. 48.

[657] Custody of Children Act, 54 Vic. c. 3, secs. 3, 4.

[658] Poor Law Act, 1899, 62 & 63 Vic. c. 37, secs. 1-3.

[659] Thirty-second Annual Report, 1902-3, pp. lxii-lxiii.

[660] Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1903-4, by W. A. Casson, 1905 p. 45.

[661] Twenty-second Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1869-70, p. lii.

[662] Mr. Longley, indeed, in his Report on the Administration of Outdoor Relief in the Metropolis, seems to allude to the official dictum of the Poor Law Board under Mr. Goschen, in favour of "free medicine to the poorer classes generally." He sternly condemns "any gradual drifting into a system of medical State charity," and deprecates the fact that this tendency "has received higher sanction than that of the prevalent belief of the poor, or even of the practice of Boards of Guardians" (Third Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1873-4, p. 161).

[663] "The dispensary system should be regarded, in common with every improved form of out-relief, not as a final object of Poor Law administration, but merely as a means of administering with greater efficiency that legal relief which, as I have attempted to show elsewhere, is most safely and effectually given in the form of indoor relief. It would, of course, be idle, and worse than idle, to stifle all attempts to reform the administration of out-relief, on the ground that it is desirable, and may, at some remote period, be possible to abolish, or at least greatly to curtail it; and no reform of the practice of relief was probably more urgently needed, or has proved more effectual, than that now under consideration. It must not, however, be forgotten that side by side with Poor Law dispensaries, has grown up, also under the sanction of the Metropolitan Poor Act, a system ... which by encouraging and affording special facilities for the grant of indoor relief to sick paupers, must, if the policy of the Act be unflinchingly carried out, eventually tend ... to the gradual abolition of out-relief to the sick, other than those incapable of removal from their homes. If this be so, Poor Law dispensaries ... must ultimately be found to have had for the most part a merely temporary place in the system of relief in London.... The character of permanence should not be hastily affixed to the system which they represent" (Mr. Longley's Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, pp. 41-42). In spite of this criticism, the Central Authority continued to sanction Poor Law dispensaries. Elaborate institutions on the London plan were established in other unions under the general powers of the Act of 1834; see, for instance, the Special Order of 9th June 1873, to Portsea Island Union; those of 4th March and 28th August 1880, to Birmingham; those of 30th November 1885, and 9th January 1895, to Plymouth.

[664] Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. xxi.

[665] See the statistics in Twenty-second Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1869-70, p. xxiv.

[666] Circular of 2nd December 1871; in First Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1871-2, p. 67.

[667] Mr. Salt, as Secretary of the Local Government Board, on Disqualification by Medical Relief Bill, Hansard, 11th December 1878, vol. 243, p. 630. In 1876 the disqualification had been explicitly re-enacted in the Divided Parishes and Poor Law Amendment Act (39 & 40 Vic. c. 61, sec. 14), promoted by the Central Authority itself, whose Parliamentary representatives continued for years to resist all proposals for its abolition or attenuation. In 1883 it was incidentally undermined by maintenance and treatment in the infectious diseases hospitals of the Metropolitan Asylums Board being declared not to be parochial relief (Diseases Prevention Act 1883, 46 & 47 Vic. c. 35). Not until 1885 did the Central Authority consent to its abolition, as regards persons in receipt of medical relief only, in the Medical Relief Disqualification Act 1885 (48 & 49 Vic. c. 46). Even then the "stigma of pauperism" was preserved, by omitting to repeal sec. 14 of the 1876 Act above cited, so that persons in receipt of medical relief only are still nominally disqualified from voting at an election of a Poor Law guardian, "or in the election to an office under the provisions of any statute."

[668] Local Government Board to Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877; in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 55.

[669] Ibid. p. 54.

[670] Local Government Board decision, in Local Government Chronicle, 11th June 1904, p. 635.

[671] Circular of 23rd May 1879, in Ninth Annual Report, 1879-80, p. 92.

[672] Hansard, 13th June 1876, vol. 229, p. 1780 (in Committee on Poor Law Amendment Bill).

[673] Local Government Board to Dr. Mortimer Glanville (Lancet Memorial on Poor Law Medical Relief Reform), 12th November 1878; in Eighth Annual Report, 1878-9, pp. 91-2. In spite of this official answer, we may infer a certain internal conflict of policy with regard to these salaried outdoor Poor Law nurses. Though the Central Authority expressed itself as "desirous of encouraging" the experiment, we cannot find that it issued the Order, without which no board of guardians could create a new salaried office, for nearly fourteen years. The District Nurses Order, which was merely permissive, and which, therefore, could not have been delayed merely because there were, in 1878, not enough trained nurses to supply every union in the Kingdom, was not issued until 27th January 1892 (Twenty-second Annual Report, 1892-3, pp. 12-13). We cannot find that any "paid nurses in the treatment of the poor at their own homes" were sanctioned before that date. Moreover, even then, it is difficult to feel sure that the Central Authority was still, to use its words of 1878, "desirous of encouraging this arrangement as much as possible." In sending the Order to boards of guardians, it accompanied it by a circular, which can scarcely be deemed encouraging. It was of opinion that "it can only be under exceptional circumstances that a sick pauper, whose illness is of such a character as to require that the services of a nurse should be provided by the guardians, can, with propriety, be relieved at home. At the same time it appears ... that where circumstances render it desirable the nurses employed in such attendance should be duly appointed officers of the guardians, having recognised qualifications for the position, and being subject in the performance of their duties to the control of the guardians, and the Board have consequently decided to empower boards of guardians to appoint such officers" (Circular of 1st February 1892; in Twenty-second Annual Report, 1892-3, p. 9). Fifteen more years have elapsed; but we do not gather that the experiment, which the Central Authority in 1878 was desirous of encouraging, has been very strenuously pressed by the inspectors, or the power made publicly known. The result is that we cannot find that it has yet taken shape even to the extent of as many as a dozen salaried Poor Law nurses for the outdoor sick from one end of the Kingdom to the other.

[674] "The sick" were held to include not only acute cases, but also cases of "chronic disease requiring regular medical treatment and trained nursing" (and also venereal and skin diseases, including the itch). (Local Government Board to Poplar Union, October 1871; MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 6th October 1871).

[675] Local Government Board to Dr. Mortimer Glanville (Lancet Memorial on Poor Law Medical Relief Reform), 12th November 1878; in Eighth Annual Report, 1878-9, p. 91.

[676] The more old-fashioned guardians failed to keep pace with the Central Authority in its ignoring of the principle of "less eligibility" with regard to the sick; see, for instance, The New Pauper Infirmaries and Casual Wards, by a Lambeth Guardian, 1875, in which the elaborate hospital requirements are objected to as being far too good for paupers. Where the guardians persisted in refusing to provide the elaborate and expensive new infirmary accommodation considered necessary, the Central Authority at last issued a peremptory Order requiring them to submit plans within a month, under penalty of having plans "prepared at the expense of the union" and of being deprived of "the benefit of participation in the Common Poor Fund" (Local Government Board to St. Olave's Union, June 1873; see Local Government Chronicle, 5th July 1873, p. 379).

[677] For unions out of London we have to note an extraordinary provision of 1879, proposed by the Central Authority itself. Boards of guardians in rural districts were empowered to transfer any of their buildings (into which only destitute persons could legally be received) from themselves as Poor Law authorities to themselves as public health authorities (in which case the buildings became available, without the stigma of pauperism, for all classes of the population) (Poor Law Act 1879 (42 & 43 Vic. c. 54, sec. 14)). We cannot discover in which cases, if any, this provision was acted upon, and the necessary confirmatory Order issued by the Central Authority; or what difference it made to the buildings.

[678] This was, in effect, to hold that inability to secure isolation, when isolation was required, amounted to destitution, so far as this kind of medical relief was concerned, just as a man requiring an expensive surgical operation was legally within the definition of destitute for the purpose of the operation if he could not pay the market price of it, even if he had ample food, clothing, and shelter. We cannot discover, however, that this explanation was actually given in an official document. Under it, not merely "a considerable portion of the population," but practically five-sixths of it would, in cases of infectious disease, have to be deemed destitute.

[679] Order of 10th February 1875, art. 4.

[680] Circular of 8th July 1887, in Seventeenth Annual Report, 1887-8, p. 9.

[681] Circular of 2nd January 1877, in Sixth Annual Report, 1876-7, p. 33.

[682] Poor Law Act 1879 (42 & 43 Vic. c. 54, sec. 15).

[683] 46 & 47 Vic. c. 35.

[684] The Central Authority was apparently loth to accept the situation. The statute was deliberately made only a temporary one, expiring in a year. But it was annually renewed, and in 1891 the provision was made permanent in the Public Health (London) Act of that year. Meanwhile the Poor Law Act 1889 (52 & 53 Vic. c. 56, sec. 3), had expressly authorised the admission of non-paupers, entitling the guardians to recover the cost from the patients if the guardians chose; but making their expenses, in default of such recoupment, chargeable (as were the expenses of the pauper patients) on the Common Poor Fund. We cannot discover that any attempt was made to recover the cost from the patients; and in 1891 the very idea was abandoned.

[685] Annual Reports of the Metropolitan Asylums Board, 1889-1906. In 1888, in anticipation of the necessary amendment of the law, the Central Authority authorised the admission of diphtheria cases (Local Government Board to Metropolitan Asylums Board, October 1888; Local Government Chronicle, 27th October 1888, p. 986; Poor Law Act 1889 (52 & 53 Vic. c. 56, sec. 3); Order of 21st October 1889, in Nineteenth Annual Report, 1889-90, p. 96). The boards of guardians outside the Metropolis failed, we believe everywhere, to respond to the invitations of the Central Authority to provide similar accommodation for infectious diseases. In 1876 the inspector was doing his utmost, by special Order of the Central Authority, to induce the Manchester, Salford, Chorlton, and Prestwich Boards of Guardians to unite in establishing out of the poor rates a hospital for infectious diseases, which should admit non-paupers on payment (MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 17th February 1876).

[686] In 1889, for instance, the Central Authority provided that, in cases of sudden or urgent necessity, the medical superintendent or his assistant should admit patients on his own responsibility, without order from the relieving officer (Special Order to Mile End Old Town, 10th October 1889).

[687] Under the Metropolitan Poor Amendment Act 1870, the cost of the maintenance of adult paupers in workhouses and sick asylums, to the extent of 5d. per head per day, was thrown on the Metropolitan Common Poor Fund. To two-thirds of the Metropolitan unions, including all the poorer ones, this operated as a bribe in favour of indoor (or infirmary) treatment as against domiciliary or dispensary treatment. Mr. Longley wished to go much further. In order practically to compel all the Metropolitan boards of guardians to provide these elaborate and expensive hospitals, he recommended that the whole cost of indoor maintenance of the sick, when in infirmaries separated in position and administration from the ordinary workhouses, should be made a charge on the Metropolitan Common Poor Fund (Mr. Longley's Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. 54).

[688] Memorandum on Nursing in Workhouse Sick Wards, April 1892; in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 114.

[689] Decision of Local Government Board in Local Government Chronicle, 18th October 1902, p. 1051.

[690] Hansard, 8th February 1867, vol. 185, p. 163; see ante, pp. 120-21.

[691] Metropolitan Poor Act 1867 (30 & 31 Vic. c. 6); Special Order to Central London Sick Asylum District, 13th May 1873.

[692] Special Order to Lambeth, 25th August 1873.

[693] MS. Minutes, Manchester Board of Guardians, 14th August 1879. Some of the inspectors seem to have shared this objection. As late as 1901 we find one reporting that "the admission into our workhouse infirmaries of persons above the pauper class, and not destitute, is, I fear, increasing" (Mr. J. W. Preston's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 97).

[694] Mr. Preston-Thomas's Report, in Twenty-eighth Annual Report, 1898-9, p. 135.

[695] "The curtailment of the stage of convalescence," urged the medical inspector in 1875, on a hesitating board of guardians, "alone rapidly covers any additional outlay that may have been incurred in structural arrangements, whilst the increased chances of recovery to the sick and afflicted are not to be measured by any mere money standard" (Dr. Mouat, medical inspector of Local Government Board, in Report on Infirmary of Newcastle Union; MS. archives, Newcastle Board Of Guardians, 26th November 1875). Already by 1891 the Central Authority is able to inform Parliament that the number of "sick beds" provided in Poor Law institutions throughout the country—irrespective of the mere infirm aged—is no less than 68,420 (House Of Commons, No. 365 of 1891; Twenty-first Annual Report, 1891-2, p. lxxxvi). In 1896 there were 58,551 persons occupying the workhouse wards for the sick, of whom 19,287 were merely aged and infirm, whilst there were in attendance 1961 trained nurses, 1384 paid but untrained nurses (probationers), and 3443 pauper helpers, of whom 1374 were convalescents (Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 1896-7, p. lxvi; House Of Commons, No. 371 of 1896).

[696] Special Orders to West Derby, Liverpool and Toxteth Park, 5th April 1900 and 25th January 1901. In 1888 two other Boards of Guardians were even urged and authorised to combine in the taking over and maintenance of a specialised hospital for a particular class of diseases, and to conduct it as a Poor Law institution with the aid of a small annual subsidy from national funds, on the understanding that all local cases were taken. There was to be no sort of "deterrent" influence. Patients, suffering from these diseases, were to be admitted on the authority of the medical superintendent of the hospital, without there being necessarily any order from the relieving officer; and without any express restriction to the destitute. The well-understood object of this Poor Law institution was, in fact, positively to encourage all persons suffering from the diseases in question to come in and be cured. There was to be no obvious sign that it was a Poor Law institution. It was especially ordered that it should be styled "The Aldershot Lock Hospital" (Special Orders to Farnham and Hartley Wintney Unions, 19th September 1888 and 16th November 1894). This went on for seventeen years, and was given up in 1905 (ibid. 30th December 1905).

[697] Special Order to Croydon, Kingston, and Richmond, of 27th December 1904. We gather that this institution has not been established. A similar one exists at Manchester.

[698] By some Revising Barristers under the Medical Relief Disqualification Removal Act 1885 (48 & 49 Vic. c. 46).

[699] Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, p. 7. The Poor Law Act 1879 had, in fact, expressly authorised boards of guardians to subscribe to charitable institutions to which paupers might have access. It was held, for instance, that boards of guardians may, if they choose, send their sane adult epileptics to an epileptic colony, and pay the cost of their maintenance there (Local Government Chronicle, 29th October 1904, p. 1123). In 1901, the Central Authority sanctioned the payment of £70 by the Bramley Board of Guardians for a cot in the sanatorium of the Leeds Association for the Cure of Tuberculosis (Local Government Board to Bramley Union, February 1901, in Local Government Chronicle, 23rd February 1901, p. 184).

[700] In 1903 it sanctioned the expenditure involved in the setting up of RÖntgen Ray apparatus in a Poor Law infirmary (Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, p. 10).

[701] Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1903-4, by W. A. Casson, 1905, p. 39.

[702] Hansard, 24th July 1879, vol. 248, p. 1173.

[703] Local Government Board decision, in Local Government Chronicle, 1st November 1902, p. 1102.

[704] General Order of 8th March 1894, in Twenty-fourth Annual Report, 1894-5, pp. xcix, 4-5.

[705] Circular of 29th January 1895, in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. iii.

[706] Mr. Long in House of Commons (23rd June 1904; Hansard, vol. 136, p. 971).

[707] Circular of 23rd January 1891; Twentieth Annual Report, 1890-1, p. xc; Report of Royal Commission on Aged Poor, 1895, vol. iii. p. 967, (Cd. 7684 II).

[708] See the references to nursing in Circulars of 29th January 1895 and 7th August 1897; and the General Order (Nursing of the Sick in Workhouses) 6th August 1897; Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, pp. 109-110; Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 1897-8, pp. 27-31.

[709] Mr. Hervey's Report, in Thirty-second Annual Report, 1902-3, p. 69. The total cost of Poor Law medical relief in 1904-5 was £518,994 indoor (to which might be added £640,833 for what are now called the "public health purposes" of the greatest of all Poor Law authorities, the Metropolitan Asylums Board); and £268,537 outdoor (Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, pp. 251, 589, 590). This aggregate total of £787,531 (excluding the fever hospitals of the Metropolitan Asylums Board) omits the maintenance of the sick themselves, but includes, however, some items not previously included. For comparative purposes we must take the figure for 1903-4 (£423,554), which includes only doctors' salaries and drugs. This may be compared with the corresponding figure for 1881 of £310,456; for 1871, of £290,249; and for 1840 of £151,781 (Twenty-second Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1869-70, p. 227; Eleventh Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1881-2, p. 237).

[710] Sec. 131 of Public Health Act 1875 (38 & 39 Vic. c. 55).

[711] Sec. 133 of ibid. This had been already included in the Sanitary Act of 1868 (31 & 32 Vic. c. 115, sec. 10).

[712] Circular of 17th August and 12th November 1872, in Second Annual Report, 1872-3, pp. 19-20, 41-52.

[713] See, e.g. the letters of Mr. Hedley, in September 1872, in MS. archives of Newcastle Board of Guardians.

[714] Mr. Bagenal's Report, in Thirty-first Annual Report, 1901-2, p. 139.

[715] Mr. Preston-Thomas's Report, in Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, pp. 471-2.

[716] It seems to have been entirely as an exception that the Rochdale Guardians fitted up what was practically a lunatic asylum in their workhouse, adequately equipped, staffed, and isolated; and took in a number of Lancashire chronic lunatics (Special Order of 13th April 1893; Twenty-third Annual Report, 1893-4, p. xcii).

[717] Lunacy Act, 1890, 53 Vic. c. 5, sec. 26.

[718] Ibid. sec. 25; cf. Lunacy Act 1889, 52 & 53 Vic. c. 41, sec. 22.

[719] Lunacy Act 1890, secs. 20, 21; cf. Lunacy Act 1885, 48 & 49 Vic. c. 52, secs. 2 and 3.

[720] Ibid. sec. 24.

[721] Lunacy Act 1889, sec. 40.

[722] Ibid. sec. 42.

[723] Eighth Annual Report, 1878-9, p. xli.

[724] First Annual Report, 1871-2, p. xxix.

[725] Circular Letter, "Metropolitan Asylums for Imbeciles," 12th February 1875, in Fifth Annual Report, 1875-6, p. 3.

[726] Circular Letter, "Age of Children sent to Imbecile Asylums," 24th July 1882, in Twelfth Annual Report, 1882-3, p. 17.

[727] Local Government Board to West Ham, January 1885; Local Government Chronicle, 24th January 1885, p. 77.

[728] Special Order of 21st March 1900 (apparently not published); referred to in Thirtieth Annual Report 1900-1, p. ci.

[729] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. clxxi.

[730] Ibid. p. clxx.

[731] Mr. Preston-Thomas's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. 122-3.

[732] Circular of 4th August 1900, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 18.

[733] Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. i 1880, p. 53; vol. ii. 1883, p. 281; vol. iii. 1888, p. 102.

[734] Ibid. vol. iii. 1888, p. 101.

[735] Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf Children) Act 1893 (56 and 57 Vic. c. 42).

[736] Elementary Education (Defective and Epileptic Children) Act 1899 (62 and 63 Vic. c. 32).

[737] Special Order of 4th March 1903; Thirty-third Annual Report, 1903-4, p. ci.

[738] Mr. Courtenay Boyle's Report, in Eighth Annual Report, 1878-9, p. 120.

[739] Local Government Chronicle, 29th November 1902, p. 1203.

[740] Ibid. 6th December 1902, p. 1225.

[741] Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, p. 14.

[742] Report on the Administration of Outdoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 136-209.

[743] "One of the chief defects," he said, "in the present administration of the law in respect of the disabled class, and especially of that large section of it which consists of the aged and infirm ... is its failure to relieve the rates from the burden of the maintenance of paupers whose relatives, whether legally liable or not, are able to contribute to their support. It is, I believe, within the experience of many boards of guardians, that while there are persons who, even when in prosperous circumstances, readily permit their aged relatives to receive out-relief, an offer of indoor relief is frequently found to put pressure upon them to rescue themselves, if not their relatives, from the discredit incident to the residence of the latter in a workhouse" (Ibid. p. 188). Another inspector expressly reported that he urged guardians with regard to the aged "to apply the workhouse test in order to put a pressure on relatives who are not legally liable" (Mr. Culley's Report in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 76). So again, in 1875, Mr. Longley argued that the "deterrent discipline" of the workhouse was "the keystone of an efficient system of indoor relief," not merely for the able-bodied, but also for the aged ("directly on the able-bodied, and more remotely upon the disabled class of paupers," the term he always used for the aged) (Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. 47). It may, however, be noted that Mr. Longley never pretended that this was the policy of the Report of 1834, or of the Act of 1834. To him it was "a further and special development ... of the principles of the Poor Law Amendment Act" (Ibid. p. 41).

[744] Mr. Longley's Report in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 144.

[745] Ibid.

[746] We ought, perhaps, to mention that, already in January 1895, under Sir Henry Fowler's presidency, we find the Central Authority writing to a board of guardians, to bespeak greater consideration for the aged and infirm, who needed outdoor relief. The Bradford Guardians had been in the habit of requiring their outdoor paupers to come every week to the workhouse to receive their doles. The Central Authority, far from deprecating this outdoor relief, spontaneously pointed out that the system involved very long walks for many infirm people, and suggested that the guardians should institute four local pay stations (Local Government Board to Bradford Union, 8th January 1895; in MS. archives, Bradford Board of Guardians).

[747] Circular of 11th July 1896; in Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 1896-7, pp. 8-9. No mention is made of this Circular in the Annual Report itself.

[748] Ibid. p. 9. In September 1896, under Mr. Chaplin's presidency, the Central Authority "saw no objection" to a proposal of the Poplar Guardians to "board out" an aged married couple in a country cottage at 12s. a week, and added that its sanction was not required, if the case fell within "exception 2 to art. 4" of the Outdoor Relief Regulation Order. It was simply "non-resident relief." But the Central Authority declared that it was impossible for such relief to be made chargeable on the Metropolitan Common Poor Fund, as "boarding-out" was outdoor relief (Local Government Board to Poplar Union, 25th September 1896; MS. archives, Poplar Board of Guardians). The expenses of "boarded-out" children had been placed upon the fund by statute, the Metropolitan Poor Amendment Act 1869.

[749] Some of them hardly concealed their dismay. "In some instances," says Mr. Davy, "where Guardians have been for years endeavouring with patient care to administer the Poor Law strictly ... the opinion of the [Local Government] Board with reference to outdoor relief to certain classes of paupers, has been the cause of some change, if not of opinion, at all events of practice, with the result that the amount paid weekly as outdoor relief has increased largely.... This has been notably the case in the Faversham Union.... During the last six months the expenditure has increased about 25 per cent.... In some other Unions ... the effect of the Circular has been still more marked, for the recommendation that adequate relief should be given has been made the occasion for increased grants of outdoor relief all round, the word "adequate" being taken to refer to the amount of money given only.... It cannot be too strongly insisted that adequate relief means not only that the relief should be sufficient for the wants of the pauper, but that it should be the most suitable form of relief for each particular case." Mr. Davy went on to intimate pretty plainly that, in his view, normally and typically, "the only adequate form of relief is an offer for the workhouse" (Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. 87-9).

[750] To Boards of Guardians "outside the Metropolis" only.

[751] It seems, at any rate, not to have affected their practice of compiling statistical tables in which the Unions were contrasted one with another, according to the percentage of the paupers on outdoor relief—irrespective, as we have already observed, of the relative proportions of the aged, among their several populations; and (as must now be added) of the policy of the Royal Commission on the Aged Poor, which the Central Authority had promulgated.

[752] Circular of 4th August 1900; in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. 18-19. This momentous new departure is not referred to in the Annual Report itself. Returns published in the previous year had shown that of the 286,929 paupers over sixty-five on 1st January 1900, only 74,597 were indoor paupers, and of these, only 40,809 were in the workhouses as distinguished from infirmaries, etc. The other 212,332 had outdoor relief. Outside the Metropolis, indeed, eight out of every ten had outdoor relief; one was in the infirmary, and there was only one in the workhouse (Twenty-ninth Annual Report, 1899-1900, p. lvii).

[753] Mr. Bagenal's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 154.

[754] Mr. Wethered's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 133.

[755] Mr. Baldwyn Fleming's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. 112-113.

[756] Mr. Bagenal's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 154.

[757] Local Government Board to Bradford Union, 10th January 1901; Bradford Union to Local Government Board, 26th January 1901; in MS. archives, Bradford Board of Guardians.

[758] It was not so much that the "offer of the House" increased the aggregate population of the workhouses. Between 1871 and 1891, this only rose, outside the Metropolis, from 131,334 to 139,736. (In the Metropolis, owing to the development of the infirmaries into general hospitals, and the working of the Common Poor Fund, the rise was more considerable, viz. from 36,739 to 58,482). But the workhouse population gradually changed in character, the able-bodied being replaced by the aged. On 1st January 1900, there were found to be, in the workhouses themselves, no fewer than 40,809 persons over sixty-five, and in the workhouse infirmaries, etc., 33,788 more, making a total over sixty-five of 74,597; being more than 38 per cent of the total inmates (Twenty-ninth Annual Report, 1899-1900, p. lvii).

[759] "Able-bodied people are now scarcely at all found in them during the greater part of the year.... Those who enjoy the advantages of these institutions are almost solely such as may fittingly receive them, viz. the aged and infirm, the destitute sick and children. Workhouses are now asylums and infirmaries" (Dr. E. Smith, Medical Officer to the Poor Law Board; in Twentieth Annual Report, 1867-8, p. 43).

[760] Office Minute of 1873.

[761] "Directly on the able-bodied, and more remotely, upon the disabled class of paupers," the term he always used for the aged (Report on Indoor Relief in the Metropolis, in Fourth Annual Report, 1874-5, p. 47).

[762] See ante, pp. 54-82.

[763] Special Order of 18th April 1892; Twenty-second Annual Report, 1892-3, p. lxxix. The only item of policy as regards the aged in the workhouse, to be noted between 1871 and 1892, seems to be the insistence by Parliament in 1876 that married couples (who if both persons were over sixty could not since 1847 be made to live separately) might, if the guardians chose to allow it, live together if either person were over sixty, infirm, aged, or disabled (39 and 40 Vic. c. 61, sec. 10). This was communicated to the boards of guardians in 1885 (Circular of 3rd November 1885, in Fifteenth Annual Report, 1885-6, p. 23.) No great attempt was made to get the guardians to provide the necessary separate accommodation, or to make it decently habitable. Thus, at Poplar, there were no rooms for married couples until 1884, and then they were left for fifteen months without any means by which they could be warmed. At last the Central Authority called attention to it (Local Government Board to Poplar Union, 27th May 1886; MS. Minutes, Poplar Board of Guardians, 4th June 1886). It should be noted, too, that it was held that newspapers and periodicals might be provided (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. iii. 1888, p. 134); and the employment of old men in three workhouses in northern counties in teazing hair, which was excessively distasteful to them, and liable to be injurious to their health, was discontinued at the instance of the inspector (Twentieth Annual Report, 1890-1, pp. 245-6).

[764] It is not clear from the published documents at what date, or in what unions, the Central Authority had first allowed tobacco. In 1880, it decided that it could not legally be given to workhouse inmates (not being sick), if it had not been specially ordered by the medical officer under arts. 107 and 108 of the General Consolidated Order of 1847 (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii. pp. 3, 72). Yet, by 1885, at any rate, the allowance of tobacco or snuff to non-able-bodied paupers, or to such as were "employed upon work of a hazardous or specially disagreeable character," with permission to smoke in such room as the guardians might determine, had been exceptionally granted in particular cases; see, for instance, Special Order to Carlisle of 22nd June 1885, not published in the Annual Report.

[765] "It is the invariable practice," said Mr. Ritchie approvingly, "to provide for the aged paupers a better diet than that for the other classes" (Mr. Ritchie in House of Commons, 6th May 1892; Hansard, vol. 4, p. 277).

[766] Local Government Board to Bourne Union, August 1892 (Local Government Chronicle, 13th August 1892, p. 678); Local Government Board to Caistor Union, September 1892 (Ibid. 8th October 1892, p. 859).

[767] General Order of 3rd November 1892: Circular of 9th November 1892; Twenty-second Annual Report, 1892-3, pp. lxxxv, 35-6.

[768] General Order of 8th March 1894; Twenty-fourth Annual Report, 1894-5, pp. xcix, 4-5.

[769] Special Order to Gateshead, 15th February 1896; see also the "Specimen Order" given in Macmorran and Lushington's Poor Law Orders, second edition, 1905, p. 1061.

[770] Circular on Workhouse Administration of 29th January 1895; Memorandum on Visiting Committees of June 1895; Circular on Classification in Workhouses of 31st July 1896; Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, pp. lxxxv, 107-112, 121-3; Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 1896-7, pp. lxxxviii-lxxxix, 9-10.

[771] Memorandum on the Duties of Visiting Committees, June 1895; in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 122.

[772] Sunday morning, and one day a month, was held to be not sufficient outing. "In the case of aged inmates of respectable character," said Mr. Chaplin "leave of absence might well be allowed on weekdays more frequently than is now the case" [at Old Gravel Lane Workhouse] (Hansard, 23rd May 1898, vol. lviii, p. 326).

[773] Circular of 4th August 1900, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 19.

[774] Ibid. p. 20. Nor was this merely a formal expression. We see, in the next few years, the Central Authority cordially sanctioning the provision, at no small extra expense in capital and annual maintenance, of new old people's wards in some unions, of specialised old men's and old women's homes in others; even to the extent of permitting (as at Woolwich) the location of the most respectable and best conducted of the aged in a comfortable private mansion conducted with the minimum of rules, and without outward sign of pauperism.

[775] See, for instance, Local Government Board to Bradford Union, 10th January 1901, in MS. archives, Bradford Board of Guardians. There were then, in the Bradford workhouse, twenty aged paupers of the first class, and seventeen of the second class. Both these day wards had cushioned arm-chairs, lockers with keys for each inmate, carpets on the floor, curtains to the windows, and were made comfortable with cushions, coloured table-cloths, pictures, and ornaments. The inmates had special dormitories (Bradford Union to Local Government Board, 26th January 1901). The General Consolidated Order of 1847 was still nominally in force.

[776] Circular of 11th October 1900; Workhouse Regulations (Dietaries and Accounts) Order, 1900; in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. 65-6. But the Central Authority struck at afternoon tea! The St. George's, Hanover Square, Guardians were informed that it was "not prepared to assent to the proposal of the guardians for the infirm men, and all men over the age of sixty-five years to have half a pint of tea daily at 3.30 P.M., between the mid-day and evening meals" (Local Government Board to St. George's, Hanover Square, November 1900; see Local Government Chronicle, 17th November 1900, p. 1147).

[777] Local Government Chronicle, 27th August 1904, p. 898; Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1903-4, by W. A. Casson, 1905, p. 97.

[778] Local Government Board's Decision, Local Government Chronicle, 1st November 1902, p. 1102; Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, p. 72.

[779] Local Government Board to St. German's Union, December 1898; Local Government Chronicle, 24th December 1898, p. 1192.

[780] Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 78.

[781] Memorandum relating to the Administration of Out-relief, February 1878, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 224. "The suggestion that non-resident relief should be absolutely abolished is one in which the president is quite disposed to concur, with perhaps, some reservation regarding existing cases" (Local Government Board to Chairman of Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, 1877-8, p. 56).

[782] Bradford Union to Local Government Board, 13th September 1901, forwarding resolution: "That ... the prohibition of non-residential relief to the widow and children of a person who may have died in the union of his settlement is harsh and totally out of keeping with the spirit of the times; and that the provisions of the Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order, 1844, and the Outdoor Relief Regulation Order, 1852, call for urgent revision." This received only an acknowledgment (Local Government Board to Bradford Union, 16th September 1901).

[783] Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1903-4, by W. A. Casson, 1905, p. 26.

[784] If guardians wish to make use of the Margate Homes for Sick Paupers, they may do so (as the Central Authority expressly informed them in 1874) by granting non-resident relief (Circular of 1874; see Local Government Chronicle, 23rd May 1874, p. 334).

[785] Local Government Chronicle, 15th October 1904, p. 1072.

[786] Local Government Board to Woodbridge Union, 26th April 1898; in Local Government Chronicle, 14th May 1898, p. 474.

[787] Dr. E. Smith, in Twentieth Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1867-8, p. 43.

[788] We may gain an idea of the energy put into the provision of improved accommodation for the indoor poor since 1868, by the total capital expenditure sanctioned for workhouses, etc., by order or letter of the Central Authority. The total so sanctioned during the thirty-four years, 1835-1868, including the initial provision of workhouses after 1834, was £7,079,126 (Twenty-first Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1868-9, pp. 316-17), or no more than an average of £208,209 annually. For the thirty-seven years, 1869-1905, the corresponding sum was no less than £24,609,035 (Thirty-fifth Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1905-6, p. 608), or an average of £665,109. To this must be added the expenditure of the Metropolitan Asylums Boards for Poor Law purposes only, sick asylums, district schools, etc., which in the first period of thirty-four years was only £571,401, and in the second period of thirty-seven years was £6,810,140 (Twenty-first Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1868-9, pp. 317-18; Thirty-fifth Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1905-6, p. 609). The total capital outlay sanctioned by the Central Authority for Poor Law purposes during the last thirty-seven years has, therefore, amounted, on an average, to nearly £1,000,000 annually,—the amount for 1905 being £789,373—as compared with little over one-fifth of that sum in the first thirty-four years of the new Poor Law.

[789] Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. xxv-xxvi.

[790] Pauper Inmates Discharge and Regulation Act 1871, 34 & 35 Vic. c. 108, sec. 4.

[791] Poor Law Act, 62 & 63 Vic. c. 37, sec. 4. The guardians are not obliged to adopt these periods of detention, and if they do so, provision is made for cases of hardship by allowing them, or in the intervals between their meetings the visiting committee, to "exempt, either wholly or partially, any pauper from the operation of this section." The master of the workhouse, too, "may, if the board of guardians be not sitting or the visiting committee be not in attendance, discharge any pauper to whom this section shall apply before the expiration of any such period as aforesaid, if any circumstances shall, in his opinion, require this to be done."

If a pauper escapes from the workhouse during his detention, or while an inmate refuses or neglects to work or to observe the rules, he may be prosecuted as idle and disorderly under the Vagrancy Act of 1824 (5 Geo. IV. c. 83, sec. 3); for a repetition of the offence, or for destroying or damaging his own clothes or any property of the guardians, he becomes liable to the heavier penalty of the rogue and vagabond. The same penalties attach to the wilfully giving a false name or making a false statement for the purpose of obtaining relief, and this clause has been twice revised, so that since 1876 (Divided Parishes and Poor Law Amendment Act, 39 & 40 Vic. c. 61, sec. 44) any person who so obtained relief may be proceeded against at any time while he continues to receive it, and since 1882 (Casual Poor Act, 45 & 46 Vic. c. 36, sec. 5) the provision applies equally, whether the person attempts so to obtain relief for himself or for any one else. If a pauper escapes from a workhouse or asylum while suffering from bodily disease of an infectious or contagious nature, the justice convicting him of the offence may order that he be taken back to the workhouse or asylum and kept there till cured, or otherwise lawfully discharged, and that the warrant of commitment then be put in execution.

[792] Hansard, 9th May 1902, vol. 107, p. 1276.

[793] Local Government Chronicle, 21st December 1889, p. 1051. This was with the Chester Board, which refused "to allow the workhouse inmates knives and forks at dinner except on Christmas Day." The Central Authority peremptorily required them to be provided for "all the inmates."

[794] Mr. Preston-Thomas's Report, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, p. 126.

[795] Circular on Workhouse Dietaries, 11th October 1900, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. 63-4.

[796] Local Government Board to Hackney Union, January 1877, in Local Government Chronicle, 13th January 1877, p. 31.

[797] Special Order to Wirrall Union, 11th June 1886; Special Order to Drayton Union, 2nd September 1892. On the other hand, in 1901 the Keighley Guardians, for harvest work, were only allowed to give extra "food and drink other than fermented liquor" (Special Order to Keighley Union, 1st August 1901).

[798] Local Government Chronicle, 7th November 1903, p. 1091.

[799] Local Government Board to Hexham Union, April 1902; Local Government Chronicle, 19th April 1902, p. 413; Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, pp. 14, 23.

[800] Local Government Chronicle, 13th June 1903, p. 577; Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, p. 162.

[801] Memorandum of June 1895, in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 121.

[802] Circular of 29th January 1895, in ibid. p. 108.

[803] Memorandum of June 1895, in ibid. p. 122.

[804] Circular of 29th January 1895, in ibid. p. 111.

[805] It had been ordered already in 1886 that, as regards the bath, every person "should have the right to demand water which has not been previously used" (Minute of Instructions, Bathing of Workhouse Inmates, 2nd February 1886, in Sixteenth Annual Report, 1886-7, p. 1).

[806] Memorandum of June 1895, in Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1895-6, p. 122.

[807] Ibid. p. 121.

[808] Workhouse Regulations (Dietaries and Accounts) Order, 1900, in Thirtieth Annual Report, 1900-1, pp. cvii. 62-72.

[809] Knight's Official Advertiser, 21st October 1871, p. 196.

[810] Thirteenth Annual Report, 1883-4, p. lii.

[811] Circular of 15th December 1892, in Twenty-second Annual Report, 1892-3, p. 43.

[812] MS. archives, Chorlton Board of Guardians, 1895, etc.; Local Government Chronicle, 11th January 1896, p. 33; 8th February 1896, p. 121.

[813] This was also permitted by letter to the Grantham Board of Guardians (Local Government Board to Grantham Union, November 1901; Local Government Chronicle, 7th December 1901, p. 1209); and doubtless to others. The Central Authority had, in fact, intimated its willingness "to consider applications" for a similar concession "from the guardians of large unions" (Local Government Board to Association of Poor Law Unions, 13th March 1901; Local Government Chronicle, 23rd March 1901, p. 295).

[814] Local Government Board to Association of Poor Law Unions, 13th March 1901; Local Government Chronicle, 23rd March 1901, p. 295. We cannot find that, down to the present day, any such permission has been given.

[815] On no account are the paupers, if allowed "milk," to be put off with "skim milk" or "scald milk"; by a decision of 1903, "milk" means always new milk (Decisions of the Local Government Board, 1902-3, by W. A. Casson, 1904, p. 11.)

[816] Memorandum on Emigration at the cost of the poor rate, in Local Government Chronicle, 26th October 1889, pp. 884-5.

[817] In 1883-4 there were 296 persons emigrated; in 1885-6, 133 persons; between 1887 and 1898 the number fell from 301 to 12; it began to revive in 1903, when it was 66; in 1905 it was 317 (see Thirteenth, Fifteenth, Twenty-sixth, Thirty-third and Thirty-fifth Annual Reports).

[818] Mr. Long in House of Commons, 2nd March 1905 (Hansard, vol. 142, p. 184).

[819] Memorandum on Emigration, in Local Government Chronicle, 26th October 1889, p. 885.

[820] Memorandum of April 1883; Thirteenth Annual Report, 1883-4, pp. xlvii.-xlix. 32-3; Fifteenth Annual Report, 1885-6, pp. xxxvi.-xxxvii. 61-5; Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. cxxxv.

[821] Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, p. 587.

[822] Mr. Corbett's Report of 10th August 1871. Mr. Longley repeated the suggestion (Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 156).

[823] Letter to Chairman of the Central Poor Law Conference, 12th May 1877, in Seventh Annual Report, p. 54.

[824] Ibid.

[825] Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii. 1880, pp. 70, 110.

[826] Ibid. vol. i. 1880, p. 15; ibid. vol. iii. 1888, p. 271.

[827] Local Government Board to Bradfield Union, February 1893; Bradfield Union to Local Government Board, 21st March 1893; MS. archives, Bradfield Board of Guardians; The Better Administration of the Poor Law, by Sir. W. Chance, 1895, pp. 123-4.

[828] General Order of 26th April 1905, in Thirty-fifth Annual Report, 1905-6, pp. 321-2.

[829] Third Annual Report, 1873-4, pp. 126-30.

[830] Mr. Culley's Report, in Third Annual Report, 1873-4, p. 75.

[831] Minutes of Poor Law Commissioners, 1840; Poor Law Board to Mr. R. H. Paget, M.P., 5th January 1870, in Twenty-second Annual Report of the Poor Law Board, 1869-70, pp. 108-11.

[832] Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. iii. 1888, p. 77.

[833] Once or twice it is mentioned by the inspectors; e.g. by Mr. Baldwyn Fleming in 1889 (Eighteenth Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1888-9, p. 115), and again in 1891 (Twentieth Annual Report, 1890-1, p. 225).

[834] Thus, in 1901, sanction was obtained by the Bradford Guardians for the grant of non-resident relief in certain specific cases into which they had made careful inquiry. Among the cases thus accidentally reported for sanction, because they happened to be those of "non-resident paupers," were those of grants of 2s. to 6s. a week, in supplement of family incomes of 7s. to 26s. (Bradford Union to Local Government Board, 30th November 1901; MS. archives, Bradford Board of Guardians).

[835] 57 & 58 Vic. c 25.

[836] Local Government Board decision in Local Government Chronicle, 6th June 1903, p. 552.

[837] 4 Edw. VII. c. 32, sec. 1 (Outdoor Relief Friendly Societies Act 1904).

[838] It was expressly held that boards of guardians may, if they think fit, pay for the maintenance of paupers in private hospitals, including "caution money" if demanded (Selections from the Correspondence of the Local Government Board, vol. ii 1883, p. 165).

[839] Or migration or emigration.

[840] Either under the Outdoor Relief Regulation Order, or under a Labour Test Order.

[841] In unions under the Prohibitory Order, also able-bodied single women.

[842] It is interesting to note that the Poor Law provision of emigration was always of this nature. The guardians were authorised to emigrate poor persons, whether in receipt of relief or not.

[843] Twenty-second Annual Report of Poor Law Board, 1869-70, p. lii.

[844] The Reports of the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws and Unemployment may be had, in the official editions published by Wyman & Sons, in one volume folio for 5/6 (Cd. 4499), or in three volumes octavo for 4/- (vols. i. and ii., the Majority Report, etc., 2/3; vol. iii., the Minority Report, 1/9). A descriptive analysis of the Majority Report, by Mrs. Bernard Bosanquet, entitled "The Poor Law Report of 1909," is published by Macmillan & Co., price 2/6 cloth. The Minority Report, without footnotes or references, in large type on good paper, bound in cloth, with introductions by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, is published by Longmans, Green & Co. (vol. i., "The Break-up of the Poor Law," price 7/6; vol. ii. "The Public Organisation of the Labour Market," price 5/-). A special cheap edition of the Minority Report, alone, without introduction, footnotes, or references, is published by the National Committee to Promote the Break-up of the Poor Law, 5 & 6 Clement's Inn, London, in two volumes (price 1/-each, postage 4d.).

[845] Par. 337 of Part VI. of Majority Report.

[846] Par. 150 of Part IX. of Majority Report.

[847] Par. 609 of Part VI. of the Majority Report.

[848] Par. 420 of Part IV.; and pars. 92, 99-100 and 148a of Part IX. of Majority Report. To this principle of placing all forms of public assistance under a general Public Assistance Authority (and thus classing all the recipients as paupers) the Majority make a remarkable exception. They acquiesce, so far as England and Wales are concerned, in the proposed taking out of the Poor Law of all the various grades of the Mentally Defective—the lunatics, the idiots, the feeble-minded, and the chronically inebriate—and the treatment of this great class, amounting to 20 per cent of the present pauper host, not in respect of their destitution, but, whatever their pecuniary circumstances, in respect of their mental defect, by an authority specialising on that branch of administration.

[849] Par. 143 of Part IV. of Majority Report.

[850] "The Majority Report," by Professor Bernard Bosanquet (Sociological Review, April 1909).

[851] Ibid.

[852] The Minority Commissioners took up the discussion on this fundamental point in the Minority Report for Scotland (Cd. 4922); and we give in an appendix to the present volume (Appendix B) the detailed answer there afforded to Professor Bosanquet's argument.

[853] "It had been suggested," explained one of the signatories of the Majority Report, "that the Majority Report was a C.O.S. report from beginning to end.... The C.O.S. might be proud to feel that they had set their mark upon that report.... The idea was that, before the Public Assistance Authority undertook the cases, they should make themselves perfectly certain that charity was incapable of dealing with them, and that charity should always have the first attempt at a remedy, that charity should act as a sieve through which the cases should pass before they came to the Public Authority" (Lecture by the Rev. L. R. Phelps at Norwich, Eastern Daily Press, 30th June 1909).

[854] Majority Report, Part VII. par. 198, 236.

[855] Ibid. par. 613 of Part VI.

[856] Ibid. par. 623 of Part VI.

[857] That this interpretation is not unwarranted is shown by the explanation given by one of the signatories of the Majority Report. "Charity should be properly organised to deal with these cases.... This was the position of the Majority Report.... Their motto should not be 'Help the deserving,' but 'Help the hopeful cases,' and leave State action for that section of the community which needed the bridle, the curb, and the spurs to be disciplined" (Lecture by the Rev. L. R. Phelps at Sheffield, Sheffield Independent, 15th December 1909).

[858] "We do not recommend any alteration of the law which would ... bring within the operation of assistance from public funds classes not now legally within its operation" (Par. 4 of Part IX.).

[859] It may be objected that, in thus directing attention to the fact that it is always an individual who is attacked, not, at first, the family as a whole, we are ignoring the fact that there are, at any rate, the families to be dealt with which are now, as whole families, in a state of destitution; and that, moreover, it must be anticipated, even with uniformly good administration of the preventive services, there will be not a few families who, as "missed cases," will have slipped into family destitution, without having had their descent arrested by the preventive action above described. We suggest that each member of even such a family requires, for restoration, specialised treatment according to his or her need. The infant, the child of school age, the mentally defective, the sick, the infirm or incapacitated, the boy or girl above school age and finally the able-bodied and able-minded adult, each requires that something different should be done for him or her, if that individual is to be properly dealt with. The alternative, namely, to treat the family as a whole, means to place it in the General Mixed Workhouse, or merely to give it a dole of Outdoor Relief. This, indeed, is to-day the dominant practice; and as such, has been condemned by Majority and Minority alike. It must, we think, be admitted that the several members of the family, with their very different needs, cannot be wisely treated without calling in the Public Authorities specialising on those heads, such as the Education, Health, Lunacy, Pension, and Unemployment Authorities. This does not mean that the needs of the other members of the family will escape consideration. Assuming that the cause of the destitution in which the family is plunged is the sickness of the breadwinner, and that the other members of the family are all normal, the Health Authority will, if it thinks domiciliary treatment desirable, not only give the necessary medical attendance, and look after the whole family environment by its Health Visitor, but, if there is no income, will grant (subject to the statutory rules and the Council's own Bye-laws) the home aliment that is requisite for the family maintenance. Would any one suggest that the Health Committee, with its Medical Officer and its Health Visitor should be excluded from this case, or that it should be precluded from treating the case at home when the doctor reports that it can properly be so treated? If there is a mentally defective person in such a family, ought the Lunacy Authority to be kept out? If there are children of school age in it, is it wise to prevent the intervention of the Education Authority and its School Attendance Officer? It is the business of the officers of the County or Town Council—in particular the Registrar of Public Assistance whom the Minority Report proposes—to see (a) that these Authorities do not overlap, (b) that they are all consulted as regards such members of the family as come within their respective spheres of treatment. We see no need for any general Poor Law or "Public Assistance Committee" at all; unless, indeed, merely for registration and co-ordination.

[860] Here, it need hardly be said, lies the sphere for the "Guilds of Help" and "Councils of Social Welfare" which are springing up in so many towns of Great Britain, and which the proposals of the Majority Report would destroy. The "human element," so essential to all effective preventive action, can, in our judgment, be raised to a higher effectiveness, not only by its intimate association with the different departments of the public authority responsible for actually preventing the occurrence of destitution in the city, but also, at any rate in the large towns, by an improved voluntary organisation in each locality on a federal basis. Such an organisation might usefully include, in a federal union for mutual assistance, any local Health Societies, Children's Care or Apprenticeship Associations; Fresh Air Funds or Country Holiday Societies; the local charitable almshouses, hospitals, infirmaries, or convalescent homes; such orphanages, industrial schools, and such institutions for the physically or mentally defective as are available; the charitable agencies connected with the various Churches; any systematic visitors or workers among the poor; and, in fact, all the benevolent agencies in the locality concerned with those in need or in distress. A voluntary federal organisation, such as is here suggested, has already proved to be of great use, in one city after another, in (a) enlisting and allocating to specific services new recruits for personal work; (b) helping to organise, for each branch of the work of the Town or County Council its own necessary fringe of volunteer workers; (c) placing in touch with these workers and with the public officials and committees all the available voluntary institutions dealing with particular kinds of cases; (d) making representations to the Town or County Council on any point in the public service in which improvements can be effected; and (e) initiating the provision of whatever additional institutional accommodation is found to be required.

[861] See Appendix B (extract from the Minority Report for Scotland).

[862] There have, of course, been very numerous alterations of union boundaries, by the transfer of parishes or parts of parishes, which it has not been practicable to take into account.

[863] See the proviso to sec. 43 of the Divided Parishes, etc., Act 1876.

[864] The Report of the Royal Commission on the Poor Law, etc., relating to Scotland is issued as Cd. 4922, price 2/8. The Minority Report for Scotland is published separately by the Scottish National Committee to Promote the Break-up of the Poor Law (180 Hope Street, Glasgow), price 6d. net.

[865] "The Majority Report," by Professor Bernard Bosanquet, in Sociological Review, April 1909 (vol. ii. No. 2).

[866] Circular of 10th March, 1906, of Local Government Board for Scotland.

[867] "With regard to this class, their case is fully dealt with in the Report of the Royal Commission on the Care and Control of the Feeble-minded. If, as we hope, the recommendations of that Commission are carried into effect, a system of control over the feeble-minded will be initiated which will free the Poor Law Administration from one of its greatest difficulties. Meanwhile, we think that, as a provisional measure, the Poor Law Authorities should be given power to detain feeble-minded persons who come under their care" (Majority Report for England and Wales, Part IX. par. 151, Class II. (a)).

[868] We find merely a recommendation that powers of detention of unmarried mothers be given to the Poor Law Authority. "We think that if they can be medically certified as feeble-minded, they should be detained by a judicial warrant authorising such detention, and we approve the recommendations to that effect made by the Royal Commission on the Care and Control of the Feeble-minded" (Majority Report for Scotland, Part III. ch. xii. sec. 323). In a later section of the Report, in describing the cases in which it is recommended that the Poor Law Authority should exercise powers of "detention or continuous treatment," we read that "All feeble-minded persons, whether unmarried mothers or others, should, we think, be subject to complete control on the lines laid down by the Commission on the Care and Control of the Feeble-minded."—Ibid. Part VII. ch. v. sec. 66. We can only infer that our colleagues wish to retain these persons in Scotland under the Poor Law Authority, and to continue to include them as paupers.

[869] Unemployment, by W. H. Beveridge, 1909.

Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.


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THE PREVENTION OF DESTITUTION

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ADVERTISEMENT

In this volume the authors propound a constructive policy, worked out in considerable detail, by the adoption of which they believe that the nation could, within a very few years, progressively get rid of the great bulk of the involuntary destitution in which so large a proportion of our population is now plunged. They analyse the several causes of this destitution, and show how these can severally be arrested in their operation. The extensive ravages of preventable sickness are shown to be productive, directly and indirectly, of probably half the whole mass of destitution; and the authors give us the outlines of a national campaign against sickness. The evil effects of child neglect, from infancy to adolescence, are traced in their resulting adult destitution; and the authors describe the methods of securing, from one end of the kingdom to the other, what may be called a "National Minimum" of child nurture. The dependence of destitution on feeble-mindedness and mental deficiency leads to an examination of the bearing, upon the problem, of the doctrines of Eugenics. The effects of "Sweating" and Unemployment in producing destitution are specially dealt with; and a full exposition is given of the striking plan for actually preventing the great bulk of unemployment, and for maintaining under training those whose unemployment cannot be prevented, with which the authors' names are associated. The experiments and proposals in Insurance, whether voluntary or compulsory, against sickness or against unemployment, receive elaborate analysis and criticism; and the experience both of the Friendly Societies and of the German Government is invoked to indicate in what way Insurance may safely be made use of as part of the provision for Old Age, Invalidity, Industrial Accidents, Sickness, and Involuntary Unemployment. The proper sphere of voluntary agencies in connection with the action of the public authorities, and as a part of the national campaign against destitution, is described at length. The grave social evil of the "overlapping" and duplication of relief at present resulting from the multiplicity of unco-ordinated authorities and agencies is described at some length; and proposals are made for preventing it by a Common Register. Finally, an elaborate chapter is devoted to "the Moral Factor," and a full examination is made of the direct and indirect effects on personal character and on family life, both of the present system of dealing with those who are in need, and of the proposed campaign of prevention. "The universal maintenance of a definite standard of civilised life is the joint obligation of an indissoluble partnership between the individual and the community."

In order to keep the page free from footnotes and references these are relegated to an appendix following each chapter.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER
Preface
I. Destitution as a Disease of Society.
II. How to Prevent the Destitution that arises from Sickness.
III. Destitution and Eugenics.
IV. How to prevent the Destitution arising from Child Neglect.
V. Sweating and Unemployment as Causes of Destitution.
VI. How to prevent Unemployment and Under-employment.
VII. Insurance.
VIII. The Enlarged Sphere of Voluntary Agencies in a Preventive Campaign against Destitution.
IX. The Need for a Common Register and a Registrar of Public Assistance.
X. The Moral Factor.
index

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GRANTS IN AID:

A CRITICISM AND A PROPOSAL

BY SIDNEY WEBB

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ADVERTISEMENT

This is the first volume dealing with Grants in Aid as an instrument of government. In the United Kingdom, at the present time, a sum of about thirty millions sterling is annually paid by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the various Local Governing Authorities of the Kingdom. This large subvention has important effects on Local Government which have never before been critically examined. The author's thesis is that in the Grant in Aid we have unconsciously devised an instrument of administration of extraordinary potency; and that its gradual adoption during the past three-quarters of a century has created a hierarchy of local government far superior to that of France and Germany on the one hand (termed by the author "The Bureaucratic System"); and to that of the United States on the other (which the author describes as "The Anarchy of Local Autonomy"). But the efficiency of our English system depends on the particular conditions upon which the Grants in Aid are made; and the book concludes with a detailed proposal for the complete revision, on novel principles, of all the existing subventions, and for their extension to other services. An elaborate bibliography is appended.

The book forms No. 24 of the Studies in Economics and Political Science, issued under the Editorship of the Director of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER
Preface
I. What the Grants in Aid seem to be and what they really are.
II. Why have Grants in Aid at all?
III. How we distribute Thirty Millions a Year in Grants in aid.
IV. The Grants in Aid of the Poor Law Authorities.
V. The Grants in Aid of the Local Education Authorities.
V1. The Lines of Reform.
Index

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ENGLISH POOR LAW POLICY

Demy 8vo, pp. xiii and 379 (1910). Price 7s. 6d. net.

In this volume, the authors of Industrial Democracy and English Local Government present what is practically a history of the English Poor Law, so far as the policy of the central authority is concerned, from the Report of the Royal Commission of 1832-4 down to that of the Royal Commission of 1905-9. For this work they have analysed, not only the statutes, but also the bewildering array of General and Special Orders, Circulars, Minutes, Inspectors' exhortations, and unpublished letters, by means of which the Poor Law Commissioners, the Poor Law Board, and the Local Government Board have sought to direct the policy of the Boards of Guardians. No such history has before been attempted. For the first time the gradual development of policy can be traced, with regard to children, to the sick, to the aged and infirm, to vagrants, to the able-bodied, etc. The reader is enabled to watch the gradual and almost unconscious evolution, from out of the "principles of 1834," of what may be called the "principles of 1907"; being the lines of policy to which the experience of three-quarters of a century had brought the administrator, when the recent Royal Commission overhauled the subject. Two concluding chapters summarise and analyse the proposals of the Majority and Minority Reports.

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ENGLISH LOCAL GOVERNMENT

(THE PARISH AND THE COUNTY)

FROM THE REVOLUTION TO THE MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS ACT

This work, the result of eight years' research into the manuscript records of the Parish and the County all over England and Wales—from Northumberland to Cornwall, from Cardigan to Kent—combines history and description in a continuous narrative of extraordinary interest. Avoiding the questions of the origin of English local institutions, and even of their mediÆval development, the authors plunge at once into a vivid description of the Parish Officers and the Vestry, Quarter Sessions and the Justices of the Peace, the Lord-Lieutenant and the High Sheriff, together with all the other authorities by which the internal administration was actually carried on. An entirely new view is presented of the social and political development of Parish Vestry and Quarter Sessions, of their relations to the Squire and the Incumbent, and of their attitude towards Parliament and the problems of their age. But the book is more than a contribution to history and political science. Practically all the counties of England and Wales, and literally hundreds of parishes, find place in this unique record of life and manners, in which are embedded not a few dramatic episodes of absorbing interest. It is a new picture of English life between 1689 and 1835 as it actually was in country and town, with graphic tracings of its results on national progress and on the social and economic problems by which we are now confronted.

CONTENTS

THE PARISH

Introduction.

The Legal Framework of the Parish.

(a) The Area and Membership of the Parish; (b) The Officers of the Parish; (c) The Servants of the Parish; (d) The Incumbent; (e) The Parish Vestry; (f) The Parish as a Unit of Obligation.

Unorganised Parish Government.

(a) The Parish Oligarchy; (b) Government by Consent; (c) The Uncontrolled Parish Officers; (d) The Rule of the Boss; (e) The Turbulent Open Vestry.

An Extra-legal Democracy.

(a) The Organisation of the Public Meeting; (b) The Control over the Unpaid Officers; (c) A Salaried Staff; (d) The Parish Committee; (e) An Organised Democracy; (f) The Recalcitrant Minority.

The Strangling of the Parish.

(a) Eighteenth-Century Legislation; (b) The Sturges Bourne Acts; (c) The Sturges Bourne Select Vestries; (d) The Salaried Overseer; (e) The Referendum; (f) The Death of the Parish.

The Legality of the Close Vestry.

(a) The Close Vestry by Immemorial Custom; (b) The Close Vestry by Bishop's Faculty; (c) The Close Vestry by Church Building Act; (d) The Close Vestry by Local Act; (e) The Constitutions of Close Vestries.

Close Vestry Administration.

(a) Provincial Close Vestries; (b) Metropolitan Close Vestries; (c) Close Vestry Exclusiveness; (d) The Worst And The Best.

The Reform of the Close Vestry.

(a) The Assaults That Failed; (b) A London Movement; (c) Opening the Close Vestry.

THE COUNTY

Introduction.

The Legal Constitution of the County.

(a) The Area and Divisions of the County; (b) The Custos Rotulorum; (c) The Sheriff and his Court; (d) The High Constable; (e) The Coroner; (f) The Commission of the Peace; (g) County Service; (h) An Organ of National Government.

On some Anomalous County Jurisdictions, including the Counties Palatine.

The Rulers of the County.

(a) Number and Distribution of Justices; (b) The Justice of Mean Degree; (c) The Trading Justice; (d) The Court Justice; (e) The Sycophant Justice and Rural Tyrant; (f) The Mouth-piece of the Clerk; (g) The Clerical Justice; (h) The Leader of the Parish; (i) Leaders of the County; (j) The Lord-Lieutenant and the High Sheriff; (k) Class Exclusiveness.

County Administration by Justices out of Sessions.

(a) The "Single Justice"; (b) The "Double Justice"; (c) The Special Sessions; (d) Petty Sessions; (e) The Servants of the Justices; (f) The Sphere of Justices "Out of Sessions."

The Court of Quarter Sessions.

(a) The Time and Place of Meeting; (b) The Chairman of the Court; (c) The Procedure of the Court; (d) Administration by Judicial Process; (e) The Grand Jury; (f) The Hundred Jury; (g) Presentments by Constables; (h) Presentments by Justices.

The Development of an Extra-legal Constitution.

I. The County Executive.

(a) The High Sheriff and his Bailiffs; (b) The High Constable; (c) The Clerk of the Peace; (d) The County Treasurer; (e) The County Surveyor; (f) Executive Makeshifts; (g) Committees of Justices.

II. An Inchoate Provincial Legislature.

III. An Extra-legal County Oligarchy.

The Reaction Against the Rulers of the County.

(a) The Breakdown of the Middlesex Bench; (b) The Lack of Justices; (c) The Restriction of Public Houses; (d) The Justices' Poor Law; (e) The Growth of County Expenditure; (f) The Severity of the Game Laws; (g) The Stopping up of Footpaths; (h) The Stripping of the Oligarchy; (i) Why the Justices Survived.

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ENGLISH LOCAL GOVERNMENT

(THE MANOR AND THE BOROUGH)

FROM THE REVOLUTION TO THE MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS ACT

In this second instalment of their English Local Government the authors apply their method of combined history and analysis to the fascinating story of the towns and the manorial communities, of which several hundreds find mention, belonging to all the counties of England and Wales. An interesting new account is given, from unpublished materials, of the organisation and development in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries of the Manor and its several Courts, with picturesque glimpses of the hitherto undescribed part played by the Jury in the common-field agriculture. But the Manor is shown to be also the starting-point for a whole series of constitutional developments, passing through grade after grade of Manorial Borough, hitherto undescribed, into the complete Municipal Corporation. This, too, is analysed and described in a way never before attempted, so as to make the strangely interesting life of the towns live before us. A special chapter is devoted to the Boroughs of Wales, in which their national peculiarities are brought out. Their extensive study of the manuscript records enable the authors to set forth the inner working of the "Municipal Democracies" that existed alongside the chartered oligarchies, with their many analogies to modern American cities; and to bring vividly to notice the conditions and limitations of successive Democratic government. There is an interesting sketch of English hierarchies of town government, chief among them being the Cinque Ports, the constitutional position of which is presented in a new light. The anomalous history of the City of Westminster is explored by the light of the unpublished archives of its peculiar municipal organisation. An altogether novel view is presented of the constitutional development of the greatest municipality of all, the Corporation of the City of London, to which no fewer than 124 pages are devoted. The work concludes with a picturesque account of the "Municipal Revolution" of 1835, and the Homeric combat of Brougham and Lyndhurst which ended in the Municipal Reform Act of 1835.

CONTENTS

Introduction.

The Lord's Court

(a) The Lawyer's View of the Lord's Court. (b) The Court Baron. (c) The Court Leet.

The Court in Ruins

(a) The Hierarchy of Courts. (b) The Court of the Hundred. (c) The Court of the Manor: (i.) The Bamburgh Courts. (ii.) The Court Leet of the Savoy. (iii.) The Court Leet and Court Baron of Manchester. (d) The Prevalence and Decay of the Lord's Court.

The Manorial Borough

(a) The Village Meeting. (b) The Chartered Township. (c) The Lordless Court. (d) The Lord's Borough. (e) The Enfranchised Manorial Borough. (f) Manor and Gild. (g) Arrested Development and Decay.

The City and Borough of Westminster

(a) Burleigh's Constitution. (b) Municipal Atrophy.

The Boroughs of Wales

(a) Incipient Autonomy. (b) The Welsh Manorial Borough. (c) The Welsh Municipal Corporation.

The Municipal Corporation

(a) The Instrument of Incorporation. (b) Corporate Jurisdictions. (c) Corporate Obligations. (d) The Area of the Corporation. (e) The Membership of the Corporation. (f) The Servants of the Corporation. (g) The Chief Officers of the Corporation. (h) The Head of the Corporation. (i) The Bailiffs. (j) The High Steward and the Recorder. (k) The Chamberlain and the Town Clerk. (l) The County Officers of the Municipal Corporation. (m) The Mayor's Brethren and the Mayor's Counsellors. (n) The Courts of the Corporation. (o) Courts of Civil Jurisdiction. (p) The Court Leet. (q) The Borough Court of Quarter Sessions. (r) Courts of Specialised Jurisdiction. (s) The Administrative Courts of the Municipal Corporation. (t) The Municipal Constitutions of 1689.

Municipal Disintegration

(a) The Rise of the Corporate Magistracy. (b) The Decline of the Common Council. (c) The Establishment of New Statutory Authorities. (d) The Passing of the Freemen. (e) The Mingling of Growth and Decay.

Administration by Close Corporations

(Penzance, Leeds, Coventry, Bristol, Leicester, and Liverpool.)

Administration by Municipal Democracies

(Morpeth, Berwick-upon-tweed, Norwich, and Ipswich.)

The City of London

(a) The Legal Constitution of the City. (b) The Service of the Citizen to his Ward. (c) The Precinct. (d) The Inquest of the Ward. (e) The Common Council of the Ward. (f) The Decay of Ward Government. (g) The Court of Common Hall. (h) The Court of Common Council. (i) The Court of Aldermen. (j) The Shrievalty. (k) The Right Honourable the Lord Mayor. (l) The Officers of the Corporation. (m) A Ratepayers' Democracy.

The Municipal Revolution

(a) Towards the Revolution. (b) Instalments of Reform. (c) The Royal Commission. (d) An Alternative Judgment. (e) The Whig Bill. (f) The Municipal Corporations Act.

Index of Subjects.

Index of Authors and Other Persons.

Index of Places.

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SOME PRESS NOTICES OF

ENGLISH LOCAL GOVERNMENT

"A book of the deepest, even of fascinating interest. Here for the first time we have a real study of local life in England, in village and town and country.... Everywhere we follow the gallant fights of humane and just men whose stories are scattered through these pages, along with the sharp dealings of the astute. Familiar names meet us—a great-uncle of Cecil Rhodes making his 'Empire' in St. Pancras; the novelist Fielding cutting down the gains of the magistrate who preyed on the poor.... Noble figures stand out among the ignoble. As in the parish, the rulers of the county ... found themselves left free ... to administer as they thought fit. They used the power fully; governed, legislated, silently transformed their constitution, and showed themselves capable of the same extremes as the men of the parish, except that they never surrendered to the 'boss.' ... We have only touched here on the tale the authors give, so absorbing in interest to any Englishman.... The best tribute to the writers of this most valuable work is the difficulty of turning away for comment or criticism from the subjects they present in such a vigorous and human form.... They have opened a new chapter in English history."—Mrs. J. R. Green, in Westminster Gazette.

"Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb's monumental work on our local institutions must be a source at once of pride and of something a little like shame. Here at last we have a book which is more than worthy to be placed beside those of the great continental writers on the subject.... Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb are as learned as the Prussian, as lucid as the Frenchman, and as scholarly and careful as the Austrian.... If it is literature to present a singularly vivid picture of a past stage of society, to render it real and lifelike by a careful selection and skilful grouping of illustrative details, and to explain its meaning with clearness, sound judgment, and not infrequent touches of quiet humour, then assuredly is this volume literary as well as learned.... Packed as it is with quotations and references, it is full of transcripts from life which one reader at least has found more fascinating than many of the efforts made to revivify the past through the medium of historical romance or romantic history. The story of the rise, the decline, and the fall of the parish autonomy and the old county oligarchy is in itself a sort of epic not wanting in the elements of adventure, and even of tragedy.... Here and there a remarkable personality emerges."—Mr. Sidney Low, in Standard.

"Without exaggeration it may be said that this work will necessitate the rewriting of English history.... We are ushered into a new world, full of eager and heated interest.... The authors have contrived to make these dead bones live. Everywhere are peepholes into the lives of the people, and occasionally a connected story ... throws a flood of light on English society. There is not a chapter which is not full of facts of general interest, while the whole volume ... will be altogether indispensable to the serious student.... There is a fascinating tale of the 'boss' of Bethnal Green.... A history of the English people, richer in local colour, more comprehensive in its survey of social affairs, and more truly human in its sympathies than any treatise hitherto given to the public."—Mr. R. A. Bray, in Daily News.

"Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb continue their laborious and luminous studies of English local institutions. In the last two volumes we find the same characteristics as those already published respecting the parish and the county—a minute investigation conducted not in the spirit of the antiquary, but with an eye to realities which are of interest to the politician, the historian, and the economist; an examination of the vast mass of printed matter on the subject, much of it practically inaccessible; and exhaustive enquiry among unedited manuscript records, some of them probably never before read. A few lines in the text or in a footnote are the results of prolonged local investigation; a few unobtrusive words at the close of a sentence, or qualifying some general statement, are the fruits of a careful search among the muniments of some corporation. We cannot speak too highly of the industry and patience which these volumes attest. They possess even rarer merits. The whole subject is set in a new light. We get away from traditional formulÆ and conceptions. We see the local institutions at work, and they appear very different from what they are represented by lawyers to be."—Times.

"If it be true, as many deep thinkers maintain, that history affords the only sure key to a thorough knowledge of political institutions, then the work of which these two learned and elaborate volumes form a part is indispensable to every serious student of English Local Government, for the history of that subject has never yet been expounded with such completeness and so scientific an impartiality.... A pioneer in a new way of writing the history of institutions.... By the skill with which they present the general movement of institutional developments as the outgrowth of natural forces, and constantly illustrate it by particular points of actuality and human interest, these writers have given new life to a study too long neglected."—Scotsman.

"Closely packed tomes, crowded with detail, and exhibiting the result of a sum of research and investigation which leaves the indolent, irresponsible reviewer almost wordless with respectful admiration.... Such a collection of original material has been weighed and sifted as might move the envy of any German professor."—Evening Standard.

"For years to come they will still be sifting, amassing, arranging, but their reputation as the foremost investigators of fact now amongst us is likely to be confirmed rather than shaken. Their work is as minute in detail as it is imposing in mass. In their patience they possess their intellect, and they remind us of the scholar with a magnifying glass in a picture by Jan van Eyck."—Observer.


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THE BREAK-UP OF THE POOR LAW

BEING PART I. OF THE MINORITY REPORT OF THE

POOR LAW COMMISSION

Edited, with Introduction, by Sidney and Beatrice Webb

Demy 8vo, xx and 604 pp. 7s. 6d net. Uniform with

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Bluebooks, it has been said, are places of burial. The original edition of the Report of the Royal Commission on the Poor Law and the Agencies dealing with the Unemployed is a ponderous tome of seven pounds weight, crowded with references, footnotes, and appendices, impossible either to handle or to read. Mr. and Mrs. Webb have, therefore, rescued from this tomb the Minority Report signed by the Dean of Norwich, Messrs. Chandler and Lansbury, and Mrs. Webb herself. By omitting all the notes and references, and printing the text in clear type on a convenient octavo page, they present the reader with something which he can hold with comfort by his fireside.

This Minority Report is a new departure in such documents. More than 20,000 copies have already been disposed of, and it is still selling like the last new novel. It is readable and even exciting. It is complete in itself. It presents, in ordered sequence, page by page, a masterly survey of what is actually going on in our workhouses and in the homes of those maintained on Outdoor Relief. It describes in precise detail from carefully authenticated evidence what is happening to the infants, to the children of school age, to the sick, to the mentally defective, to the widows with children struggling on their pittances of Outdoor Relief, to the aged and infirm inside the workhouse and outside. It sets forth the overlapping of the Poor Law with the newer work of the Education and Public Health Authorities, and the consequent waste and confusion. It gives a graphic vision of the working of the whole Poor Law machinery in all parts of the United Kingdom, which is costing us nearly twenty millions sterling per annum.

The volume concludes with a Scheme of Reform, of novel and far-reaching character, which is elaborately worked out in detail, involving the abolition of the workhouse, the complete disappearance of the Poor Law, and the transfer of the care of the children, the sick, the mentally defective, and the aged to the several committees of the Town and County Councils already administering analogous services, in order that we may now, in the twentieth century, set ourselves to prevent destitution, instead of waiting until it occurs.

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THE PUBLIC ORGANIZATION OF THE LABOUR MARKET

BEING PART II. OF THE MINORITY REPORT OF THE

POOR LAW COMMISSION

Edited, with Introduction, by Sidney and Beatrice Webb

Demy 8vo, xvi and 332 pp. 5s. net. Uniform with

"English Local Government"

The Problem of the Unemployed, which the Royal Commission on the Poor Law was incidentally set to solve, is the question of the day. Part II. of the Minority Report deals with it in a manner at once comprehensive and complete. The whole of the experience of the Poor Law Authorities, and their bankruptcy as regards the destitute able-bodied, is surveyed in vivid and picturesque detail. There is a brief account of the work of Voluntary Agencies. A lucid description is then given, with much new information, of the movement started by Mr. Chamberlain in 1886, which culminated in the Unemployed Workmen Act of 1905. The story is told of the various experiments and devices that have been tried during the past twenty years, the Relief Works and the Farm Colonies, etc. This leads up to an altogether novel descriptive analysis of the Unemployed of to-day, who they actually are, and what they really need. The final chapter on Proposals for Reform gives, in elaborate detail, the Minority's plan for solving the whole problem of Unemployment—not by any vague and chimerical panacea, but by a series of administratively practicable reforms, based on the actual experience of this and other countries, which are within the compass of the Cabinet, and could, if desired, be carried in a single session of Parliament.

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

THE STATE AND THE DOCTOR

Demy 8vo, pp. viii and 276 (1910). Price 6s. net.

In this work a great deal that will be new to the ordinary citizen is brought to light. The authors show that we do a great deal of State Doctoring in England—more than is commonly realised—and that our arrangements have got into a tangle, which urgently needs straightening out. Everywhere there is a duplication of authorities, and more or less overlapping of work. We are spending out of the rates and taxes, in one way or another, directly on sickness and Public Health, a vast sum of money annually—no man knows how much, but it certainly amounts to six or seven millions sterling. Meanwhile, as is now being revealed to us, a vast amount of sickness goes altogether untreated, with the result of grave damage to our population, and unnecessary loss of productive capacity to the community as a whole.

The authors suggest that we put up with this waste, and we allow our statesmen to postpone the task of straightening out the tangle, very largely because we are not aware of the facts. There has hitherto been no popular description of our State Doctoring. Many worthy people, thinking themselves educated, do not even know of its existence. There is not even an official report setting forth exactly what is being done and left undone for sickness and the Public Health in the different parts of the kingdom.

But the authors do not content themselves with a picture of the costly and wasteful muddle that our responsible statesmen allow, session after session, to continue unreformed. The work concludes with a remarkable series of proposals for "straightening out the tangle"—proposals based on the very authoritative evidence received by the Royal Commission on the Poor Law, supported not only by the administrators, but also by a large section of the medical profession, and rapidly commending themselves to the unprejudiced enquirer.

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

THE HISTORY OF TRADE UNIONISM

Demy 8vo; Tenth Thousand; New Edition, with New Introductory

Chapter; lvii and 558 pp. (1911).

Price 7s. 6d. net.

This work describes, not only the growth and development of the Trade Union Movement in the United Kingdom from 1700 down to the end of the nineteenth century, but also the structure and working of the present Trade Union organisation in the United Kingdom. Founded almost entirely on material hitherto unpublished, it is not a mere chronicle of Trade Union organisation or record of strikes, but gives, in effect, the political history of the English working class during the last one hundred and fifty years. The opening chapter describes the handicraftsman in the toils of the industrial revolution, striving vainly to retain the mediÆval regulation of his Standard of Life. In subsequent chapters the Place Manuscripts and the archives of the Priory Council and the Home Office enable the authors to picture the struggles of the early Trade Unionists against the Combination Laws, and the remarkable Parliamentary manipulation which led to their repeal. The private records of the various Societies, together with contemporary pamphlets and working-class newspapers, furnish a graphic account of the hitherto undescribed outburst of "New Unionism" of 1830-34, with its revolutionary aims and subsequent Chartist entanglements. In the course of the narrative we see the intervention in Trade Union history of Francis Place, Joseph Hume, J. R. M'Culloch, Nassau Senior, William the Fourth, Lord Melbourne, Robert Owen, Fergus O'Connor, Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, John Bright, the Christian Socialists, the Positivists, and many living politicians. The hidden influence of Trade Unionism on English politics is traced from point to point, new light being incidentally thrown upon the defeat of Mr. Gladstone's Government in 1874. A detailed analysis is given of the economic and political causes which have, since 1880, tended to divorce the Trade Union Movement from its alliance with "official Liberalism." A new introductory chapter brings the story down to the last few years. The final chapter describes the Trade Union world of to-day in all its varied features, including a realistic sketch of actual Trade Union life by a Trade Union Secretary, and a classified census founded on the authors' investigations into a thousand separate Unions in all parts of the country. A coloured map represents the percentage which the Trade Unionists bear to the population of each county. A bibliography of Trade Union literature is appended (which, together with that given in Industrial Democracy, affords a unique index of almost every available source of information).

CONTENTS

Introduction To the New Edition.
Preface
I. The Origins of Trade Unionism.
II. The Struggle for Existence (1799-1825).
III. The Revolutionary Period (1829-1842).
IV. The New Spirit and the New Model (1843-1860).
V. The Junta and Their Allies (1860-1875).
V1. The Old Unionism and the New (1875-1889).
V1I. The Old Unionism and the New (1875-1889).
VIII. The Trade Union World.

APPENDIX

On the Assumed Connection between the Trade Unions and the Gilds in

Dublin—sliding Scales—The Summons to the First Trade Union Congress—Distribution of Trade Unionists in the United Kingdom—The Progress in Membership of particular Trade Unions—List of Publications on Trade Unions and Combinations of Workmen.

"A masterly piece of work."—Times.

"To the politician ... an invaluable guide."—Observer.

"An admirably lucid presentation of a great mass of complicated facts. Its very footnotes display a wealth of material such as would have amply sufficed to turn each note into an article of considerable length. In the learning they exhibit, and the concise and decisive way in which they settle important subsidiary questions and side-issues, they remind us of the notes in such monuments of German industry and erudition as Zeller's Griechische Philosophie.... The result is a full, clear, and condensed history such as can have few parallels.... We may fairly repeat that the book is a masterpiece of lucidity of knowledge. Every page is of value, and nearly every sentence contains a fact."—Speaker.

"Readable every word of it. There is plenty of excitement and plenty of romance in the book."—Queen.

"As fascinating reading as a well-written novel."—Cotton Factory Times.

"Infinitely painstaking, comprehensive, clear and acute, the first correct and scholarly history of Trade Unionism in England.... Marked by immense research.... The book must find a permanent place upon the shelf of every student of Economics.... Undeniably marked by the qualities of true history—fulness, accuracy, and clear connection in the presentation of facts."—Newcastle Chronicle.

"It would not be easy to overestimate the value and importance of their admirable and masterly work ... not likely to be superseded for some time to come."—Economic Review.

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

Demy 8vo; Tenth Thousand; New Edition in 1 vol., with New Introductory Chapter; lxi and 929 pp. (1907), with Two Diagrams.

Price 12s. net.

ADVERTISEMENT

In this work the authors of The History of Trade Unionism deal, not with the past, but with the present. They describe, with the systematic detail of the scientific observer, and in the same objective spirit, all the forms of Trade Unionism, Factory Legislation, and other regulation of industry to be found within the British Isles. The whole structure and function of Labour Organisations and Restrictive Legislation in every industry is analysed and criticised in a manner never before attempted. The employer in difficulties with his workmen, the Trade Unionist confronted with a new assault upon his Standard Rate, the politician troubled about a new project for Factory Legislation, the public-spirited citizen concerned as to the real issues of a labour dispute, will find elucidated in this work the very problems about which they are thinking. It is a storehouse of authenticated facts about every branch of "the Labour Question," gathered from six years' personal investigation into every industry in all parts of the Kingdom; systematically classified; and made accessible by an unusually elaborate Index. But the book is more than an Encyclopedia on the Labour Question. Scientific examination of Trade Union structure reveals, in these thousand self governing republics, a remarkable evolution in Democratic constitutions, which throws light on political problems in a larger sphere. The century-long experience of these working-class organisations affords unique evidence as to the actual working of such expedients as the Referendum, the Initiative, Government by Mass Meeting, Annual Elections, Proportional Representation, Payment of Members, and, generally, the relation between the citizen-elector, the chosen representative, and the executive officer. The intricate relations of trade with trade have an interesting bearing upon such problems as Local Government, Federation, and Home Rule. Those who regard the participation of a working-class electorate in the affairs of Government as the distinctive, if not the dangerous feature in modern politics, will here find the phenomenon isolated, and may learn how the British workman actually deals with similar issues in his own sphere. The intricate constitutions and interesting political experiments of the thousand self-governing Trade Union republics are dissected and criticised by the authors in such a way as to make the work a contribution to Political Science, as to the scope and method of which the authors, in describing their investigations, propound a new view.

The analysis of the working of Trade Unionism and Factory Legislation in the various industries of the United Kingdom has involved a reconsideration of the conclusions of Political Economy. The authors give a new and original description of the working of industrial competition in the business world of to-day; and they are led to important modifications of the views currently held upon Capital, Interest, Profits, Wages, Women's Labour, the Population Question, Foreign Competition, Free Trade, etc. The latter part of the work is, in fact, a treatise upon Economics.

A new Introductory Chapter deals at length with Compulsory Courts of Arbitration and Wages-Boards in New Zealand and Australia.

CONTENTS

Preface
Introduction To the New Edition.

PART I

TRADE UNION STRUCTURE

CHAP.
I. Primitive Democracy.
II. Representative Institutions.
III. The Unit of Government.
IV. Interunion Relations.

PART II

TRADE UNION FUNCTION

CHAP.
I. The Method of Mutual Insurance..
II. The Method of Collective Bargaining.
III. Arbitration.
IV. The Method of Legal Enactment.
V. The Standard Rate.
V1. The Normal Day.
V1I. Sanitation and Safety.
VIII. New Processes and Machinery.
IX. Continuity of Employment.
X. The Entrance to a Trade.
(a) Apprenticeship.
(b) The Limitation of Boy Labour.
(c) Progression within the Trade.
(d) The Exclusion of Women.
XI. The Right to a Trade.
XII. The Implications of Trade Unionism.
XIII. The Assumptions of Trade Unionism.

PART III

TRADE UNION THEORY

CHAP.
I. The Verdict of the Economists.
II. The Higgling of the Market.
III. The Economic Characteristics Of Trade Unionism.
(a) The Device of Restriction of Numbers.
(b) The Device of the Common Rule.
(c) The Effect of the Sectional Application of the Common Rule
on the Distribution of Industry.
(d) Parasitic Trades.
(e) The National Minimum.
(f) The Unemployable.
(g) Summary of the Economic Characteristics of the Device Of
The Common Rule.
(h) Trade Union Methods.
IV. Trade Unionism and Democracy.

APPENDICES

The Legal Position of Collective Bargaining in EnglandThe Bearing of Industrial Parasitism and the Policy of a National Minimum on the Free Trade ControversySome Statistics bearing on the Relative Movements of the Marriage and Birth-Rates, Pauperism, Wages, and the Price of WheatA Supplement to the Bibliography of Trade Unionism.


"A permanent and invaluable contribution to the sum of human knowledge.... We commend to the public a book which is a monument of research and full of candour.... Indispensable to every publicist and politician."—Times (on day of publication).

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA

WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

PROBLEMS OF MODERN INDUSTRY

Post 8vo; Fourth Thousand; New Edition, with New Introductory Chapter; xx and 286 pp. (1907).

Price 5s. net.

CONTENTS

Introduction to the New Edition.

Preface.

CHAP.

I. The Diary of an Investigator.

II. The Jews of East London.

III. Women's Wages.

IV. Women and the Factory Acts.

V. The Regulation of the Hours of Labour.

VI. How to do away with the Sweating System.

VII. The Reform of the Poor Law.

VIII. The Relationship between Co-operation and Trade Unionism.

IX. The National Dividend and its Distribution.

X. The Difficulties of Individualism.

XI. Socialism True and False.

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

THE HISTORY OF

LIQUOR LICENSING IN ENGLAND

Small 8vo; Seventh Thousand; viii and 162 pp.

Price 2s. 6d. net.

CONTENTS

CHAP.

I. The First Century of Licensing.

II. A Period of Laxness.

III. Regulation and Suppression.

IV. Free Trade in Theory and Practice.

V. Legislative Repentance.

APPENDIX—The Movement for the Reformation of Manners.

"No book could be more opportune. The sale of alcoholic liquor has been under statutory regulation by means of licences for 300 years; but the period which Mr. and Mrs. Webb have taken as their special study deserves the very careful examination they give to it, for within those 130 years we find periods of regulation and suppression, of laxness and neglect in regard to the control of the liquor traffic, equally instructive. There is during this period one brief six years wherein the magistrates, awaking to their responsibilities and compelled to a consciousness of the evil results of excessive gin-drinking, made a general effort to improve the condition of things through the one means in their power. To this remarkable episode the authors devote a valuable chapter. Strangely enough, it has hitherto not been noticed by historians, nor has it been mentioned in the voluminous literature of the temperance movement. Yet the effort of the magistrates during those six years was very far-sighted. It included—

"The deliberate and systematic adoption of such modern devices as early closing, Sunday closing, the refusal of new licences, the withdrawal of licences from badly conducted houses, the peremptory closing of a proportion of houses in a district over-supplied with licences, and, in some remarkable instances, even the establishment of a system of local option and local veto, both as regards the opening of new public-houses and the closing of those already in existence, all without the slightest idea of compensation.

"All this in the closing years of the eighteenth century! But what a contrast to this spasm of local statesmanship the earlier years of that drink-sodden century display! Then, and not really till then, were sown the seeds of drunkenness in England. Contrasted with that reign of orgy the action of the magistrates in 1787 seems all the brighter, and the disappearance of the fact from public memory the more remarkable. Mr. and Mrs. Webb bring their detailed story to an end with the Drink Bill of 1830, which led to another outbreak of the drinking habit."—Guardian.

"A valuable contribution to the history of the liquor traffic."—Political Science Quarterly.

"This little book, with its abundance of newly discovered facts, is highly opportune."—Economic Review.

"The book is of great interest, contains evidence of laborious investigation, and provides an admirably clear history of a matter of immediate practical importance."—Speaker.

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

LONDON EDUCATION

By SIDNEY WEBB

Small 8vo; viii and 219 pp. (1903).

Price 2s. 6d. net.

A Description of the Educational Organisation of London, with a Survey of some of its Administrative Problems—avoiding both politics and religion.

CONTENTS

CHAP.

I. The Evolution of an Educational System.

II. The Organisation of the University.

III. The Organisation of Commercial Education.

IV. The Organisation of the Polytechnics.

V. The Organisation of the Library Service.

VI. The Lion in the Path.

"This small but important volume.... It is a noble ideal."—Spectator.

"Patiently and laboriously he has surveyed our educational equipment ... and he presents a creditably clear and comprehensible picture of the whole field. It enables the administrator to see the various parts in their due proportion. It lays a much-needed emphasis on higher education; it suggests some administrative improvements, and forms an indispensable starting-point for the far-reaching schemes of co-ordination which it shows to be so sorely needed."—Speaker.

"In dealing with elementary education, Mr. Webb is most practical; in dealing with the nascent London University he is most stimulating."—Pilot.

"A debt of gratitude is due to Mr. Sidney Webb.... The book contains at once ideal and practical proposals for the attainment of this ideal."—Daily News.

LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

By BEATRICE POTTER (Mrs. Sidney Webb)

Crown 8vo; Second Edition (1893); Fifth Thousand; xii and 260 pp., with Coloured Map, Appendices, and Index.

Price 2s. 6d.

CONTENTS

CHAP.

I. The Co-operative Idea.

II. The Spirit of Association.

III. The Store.

IV. Federation.

V. Association of Producers.

VI. A State Within a State.

VII. The Ideal and the Fact.

VIII. Conclusion.

APPENDIX

Bibliography of the Industrial RevolutionList of Parliamentary Papers Relating To Labour Question in this CenturyClassified Tables of Associations of ProducersExtract from Letter from Mr. D. F. SchlossTable of Percentages of Co-operative Sales per Hundred of PopulationTable of the Relative Progress of the Co-operative Movement.

"Miss Beatrice Potter's luminous and suggestive volume is not a mere bald, historical outline, but a thoughtful and pregnant study of tendencies, causes, and effects."—Times.

"The whole volume is full of suggestion, both to co-operators and politicians.... It is without doubt the ablest and most philosophical analysis of the co-operative movement which has yet been produced."—Speaker.

GEORGE ALLEN AND CO., Limited

RATHBONE PLACE, LONDON


WORKS BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB

Published by George Allen and Co., Limited

SOCIALISM IN ENGLAND

By SIDNEY WEBB

Crown 8vo; Second Edition (1894), with New Introductory Chapter; xxii and 136 pp.

Price 2s. 6d.

"The best general view of the subject from the moderate Socialist side."—AthenÆum.


Published by George Allen and Co., Limited

THE LONDON PROGRAMME

By SIDNEY WEBB

Crown 8vo; Second Edition (1894), with New Introductory Chapter; viii and 214 pp.

Price 2s. 6d.

"Brimful of excellent ideas."—Anti-Jacobin.


Published by Walter Scott, Limited

THE EIGHT HOURS' DAY

By SIDNEY WEBB, LL.B., AND HAROLD COX, B.A.

Crown 8vo; 280 pp. with Bibliography

Price 1s.

"The unique value of this little book lies in its collection of facts. It is likely to hold the field as the handbook to one of the chief items in the social politics of the immediate future."—Pall Mall Gazette.


Published by Vandenhoek und Ruprecht (GÖttingen)

DER SOCIALISMUS IN ENGLAND. Geschildert

von englischen Socialisten.

Herausgegeben von SIDNEY WEBB

Transcriber's note. In order to make the index more clear, it has been displayed in a single column, rather than the double column of the original. Other than obvious printing errors which have been corrected, the spelling and punctuation are as in the original publication.
Corrections in punctuation were made on pages 2, 12, and 192.




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