MediAEval Heresy & the Inquisition

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See O. Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages (trans., with introd. by. F. W. Maitland, 1900), p. 10.

[2] F. W. Bourdillon’s translation.

[3] See Compendium of Ecclesiastical History, by G. C. E. Gieseler (English ed., Edinburgh, 1853), vol. iii, p. 388.

[4] See H. C. Lea, History of Auricular Confession (1896), vol. i, pp. 380 et seq.; History of Sacerdotal Celibacy (3rd ed., 1907), vol. ii, chapter on ‘Solicitation,’ pp. 251-96.

[5] On the subject-matter of this chapter see H. O. Taylor, The MediÆval Mind (2 vols., 1911), especially on the influence of the Latin Fathers and the transmission into the Middle Ages of patristic thought, vol. i, pp. 61-109; on the effects of Christianity on the character of mediÆval emotion, pp. 330-52; and on the scholastic philosophy, vol. ii, pp. 283 et seq.

[6] For Tanchelm see the following: P FrÉdÉricq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae (Ghent, 1889-96), vol. i, pp. 22-9, nos. 14-29; J. J. DÖllinger, BeitrÄge zur Sektensgeschichte (Munich, 1890), vol. i, pp. 105-9; H. C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York, 1887), vol. i, pp. 64-5.

[7] For Eon de l’Etoile see DÖllinger, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 98-103; C. Schmidt, Histoire et Doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois (Paris, 1848), vol. i, pp. 48-9.

[8] See T. de Cauzons, Histoire de l’Inquisition en France (Paris, 1909, 1913), vol. i, p. 259. ‘On voit donc la lutte fortement engagÉe entre l’Église et l’esprit rÉvolutionnaire.’

[9] See Gieseler, vol. iii, pp. 390-1, n.; DÖllinger, vol. ii, p. 29. ‘Quod Deus passus est ibi mortem et nunquam dedecus, et ponebant exemplum, si aliquis homo suspendebatur in aliquo arbore, semper illa arbor amicis suspensi et parentibus esset odiosa et eam vituperarent, et nunquam illam arborem videre vellent, a simili locum in quo Deus, quem diligere debemus, suspensus fuit, odio habere debeamus et nunquam deberemus ejus presenciam affectare.’

[10] See Lea, vol. i, p. 72.

[11] Pius Melia, The Origin, Persecutions and Doctrines of the Waldenses, from Documents (London, 1870), p. 1. Other origins of the term Waldenses have been suggested: (1) Vaux or valleys of Piedmont, where the sect came to flourish most, (2) Peter of Vaux, a predecessor of Waldo.

[12] Melia, quoting Venerabilis Patris Monetae Cremonensis Ordinis Praedicatorum adversus Catharos et Waldenses, Libri quinque (1244), p. 6.

[13] See DÖllinger, vol. ii, pp. 306-11, for list of eighty-nine errors alleged against the Waldenses.

[14] Bernard Gui, Practica Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis (ed. C. Douais, Paris, 1886), p. 134. ‘Item, circa sacramentum vere penitentie et clavis ecclesie perniciosius aberrantes, tenent et docent se habere potestatem a Deo, sicut sancti apostoli habuerunt, audiendi confessiones peccatorum sibi volentium confiteri, et absolvendi, et penitentias injungendi; confessiones talium audiant et injungant sibi confitentibus penitentias pro peccatis, quamvis non sunt clerici, nec sacerdotales per aliquem episcopum Romane ecclesie ordinati, nec sunt layci simpliciter; talemque potestatem nec confitentur se habere a Romana ecclesia, sed pocius diffitentur, et revera nec a Deo nec ab ejus ecclesia ipsam habent, cum sint extra ecclesiam et ab ipsa ecclesia jam precisi, extra quam non est vera penitentia neque salus.’ Cf. ibid., pp. 244 et seq.

[15] Quoted in Lea, vol. i, p. 85.

[16] Peter de Pilichdorff, quoted in Melia, p. 25.

[17] Quoted in Lea, vol. i, p. 85.

[18] See Schmidt, vol. i, pp. 7-24.

[19] The Paulicians had originally, in the seventh century, in Armenia, been anti-ManichÆan. They became definitely ManichÆan in the ninth. The French bougre-heretic means Bulgar. For Catharan doctrines and manners of life generally, see Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 235 et seq.; for its theology see DÖllinger, vol. i, pp. 34-50; vol. ii (Documents), pp. 282-96. The errors of the Cathari are summarised in Nicolas Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorum (Rome, 1585), part ii, question xiii, pp. 290-2.

[20] See Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 9, 11, 16.

[21] Ibid., pp. 21-2; also C. Douais, Documents pour servir À l’histoire de l’Inquisition dans le Languedoc (Paris, 1900), vol. ii, pp. 95-6. Examination of a Catharan, Pierre Garcia. Garcia said, ‘quod erat unus Deus benignus qui creavit incorruptibilia et permansura, et alius Deus erat malignus qui creavit corruptibilia et transitoria.’

[22] Ibid., p. 91. ‘Lex Moysi non erat nisi umbra et vanitas.’ Cf. DÖllinger, vol. i, p. 40.

[23] Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 37-68.

[24] Ibid., p. 73.

[25] Ibid., p. 36.

[26] Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 38-9.

[27] Ibid., p. 40, and Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 40; DÖllinger, vol. ii, p. 155.

[28] Schmidt, vol. ii, pp. 39-40; DÖllinger, vol. ii, p. 34.

[29] Schmidt, ibid., pp. 44-8.

[30] S. Matt., x. 37.

[31] See Schmidt, vol. ii, p. 82.

[32] DÖllinger, vol. ii, pp. 3, 83-4.

[33] Ibid., p. 4; Schmidt, vol. ii, p. 84.

[34] Schmidt, ibid.

[35] DÖllinger, vol. ii, pp. 30-4, 56. This was a survival of the Marcionite heresy. The continuity of the same fundamental types of heresy which had vexed the early Church into the Middle Ages is remarkable.

[36] DÖllinger, vol. ii, pp. 30 et seq., 56; mainly from Acta inquisitionis Carcassonensis contra Albigenses, 1308-9.

[37] Ibid., vol. ii, p. 33. See also E. Vacandard, The Inquisition, a Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Powers of the Church (trans. by B. L. Conway, 1908), pp. 90-4.

[38] DÖllinger, vol. ii, pp. 25, 44. Catholic churches were the dwellings of evil spirits. Satan’s first home on earth had been the temple of Jerusalem, ibid., p. 45. Whenever one of their children by some chance was baptized in a Catholic church, they washed off the taint with dirty water.

[39] See Vacandard, pp. 73-6. Also Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 94. ‘Audivit dictum Petrum Garcia(m) dicentem quod non erat missa celebrata in ecclesia usque ad tempus beati Sylvestri; nec ecclesia habuerat possessiones usque ad illud tempus; et quod ecclesia deficiet citra xx annos; et quod missa nostra nihil valet; et quod omnes praedicatores crucis sunt homicide; et quod crux quam illi praedicatores dant nihil aliud est nisi parum de pella super humerum; idem cordula cum qua ligantur capilli.’

[40] Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 250-1, 263, 291, where the ceremony is described in confessions before inquisitors.

[41] Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 100. ‘Dixit etiam idem Petrus quod si teneret illum Deum qui de mille hominibus ab eo factis unum salvaret et omnes alios damnaret, ipsum dirumperet et dilaceraret unguibus et dentibus tanquam perfidum et reputaret ipsum esse falsum et perfidum, et spueret in faciem ejus, addens “de gutta cadet ipse.”’ Such language, which is typical of many Catharan utterances, is simply that of a saeva indignatio, aroused by the ascription to the Deity of the cruelty and injustice which conscience reprobates in human beings.

[42] Eymeric, Directorium, part ii, question xiv, p. 196. ‘Quod melius est satisfieri libidini, quocunque actu turpi, quam carnis stimulis fatigari: sed est (ut dicunt, & ipsi faciunt) in tenebris licitum, quemlibet cum qualibet indistincte carnaliter commisceri, quandocunque & quotiescunque carnalibus desideriis stimulentur.’ Cf. Schmidt, p. 151 n., on the Cathari of Orleans in 1012.

[43] Vacandard, p. 80.

[44] Lea, vol. iii, p. 10.

[45] Paradiso, xii, 139-41.

[46] On Joachim’s writings, the problem of The Everlasting Gospel and Joachitism generally, see J. J. DÖllinger, Prophecy and the Prophetic Spirit in the Christian Era (tr. A. Plummer, 1873), ch. vii; E. Renan, Nouvelles Études d’histoire religieuse (Paris, 1884; English ed., 1886); the Essay on Joachim in Franciscan Essays (1912), by E. G. Gardner, pp. 50-70; also E. Gebhart, L’Italie mystique; la renaissance religieuse au moyen Âge (1908), esp. pp. 49-84, 183-253. The whole story of the Spiritual Franciscans, so far as it affected Italy, is told in this admirable work.

[47] J. À Royas, De Haereticis, eorum que impia intentione et credulitate, cum quinquaginta analyticis assertionibus, quibus universae fidei causae facile definiri valeant, in F. Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris (Venice, 1633), vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 211. The fact of the submission of his works in 1200 is disputed, Franciscan Essays, p. 56.

[48] See Renan, op. cit., p. 248; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 22-3 and notes; F. H. Reusch, Index der verbotenen BÜcher (Bonn, 1883). BÜcherverbote im Mittelalter, pp. 18-21; Chronicle of Salimbene in Monumenta Historica ad provincias Parmensem et Placentiam pertinentia (Parma, 1857), pp. 235-6. See Directorium, part ii, question ix, pp. 269-72, on the heresies of John of Parma. ‘It is ... the substitution of the idea of the Everlasting Gospel as a written book to supersede the Gospel of Christ, for the original one of the Everlasting Gospel as an unwritten spiritual interpretation based upon that Gospel—that separates Gherardo of Borgo San Donnino and the Joachists from the authentic creed of Joachim himself.’—Franciscan Essays, p. 63. The prophecies of Joachim himself were esteemed by the Church; it was the subsequent gloss upon them that was suspect. See DÖllinger, Prophecy and the Prophetic Spirit (London, 1873), pp. 121 et seq.

[49] Rev. xiv, 6.

[50] See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 18-19. ‘Unless the universe were a failure, and the promises of God were lies, there must be a term to human wickedness; and as the Gospel of Christ and the Rule of Francis had not accomplished the salvation of mankind, a new gospel was indispensable. Besides, Joachim had predicted that there would arise a new religious Order which would rule the world and the Church in the halcyon age of the Holy Ghost. They could not doubt that this referred to the Franciscans as represented by the Spiritual group, which was striving to uphold in all its strictness the Rule of the venerated founder.’ Salimbene was not a very spiritually-minded Franciscan. That most entertaining chronicler took a not entirely holy delight in the bright and frivolous things of life, and even the gross. But he was very much impressed by the prophecies of the Abbot Joachim. All prophecies appealed to his curious and inquisitive mind, those of Merlin as well as Joachim; but he was genuinely interested in their spiritual significance also, and for a time a professed Joachite. See his Chronicle, especially relating to the testimony of one, Brother Hugo of Montpellier, concerning Joachim, op. cit., pp. 97 et seq. There is a summary in Taylor, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 494-517. The place of poverty in the Franciscan Rule is discussed in St. Francis and Poverty—Franciscan Essays, pp. 18-30.

[51] For the persecution of the Spirituals generally see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 23-89, 129-80; also DÖllinger, BeitrÄge, vol. ii, pp. 417-526, a Chronicle of the Persecution of the Brothers Minor, also p. 606. See also Directorium, on Arnaldo da Villanova, p. 282, Fraticelli, pp. 313-22.

[52] The formula of abjuration from the heresy defined by John XXII’s bulls was: ‘I swear that I believe in my heart and profess that our Lord Jesus Christ and His Apostles while in the mortal life held in common the things which Scripture declares them to have had, and that they had the right of giving, selling and alienating them,’—Eymeric, Directorium, p. 486.

[53] For Guglielma see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 90-100.

[54] See Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 340 et seq.; also Salimbene, op. cit., pp. 112 et seq.; Directorium, pp. 286-8.

[55] For Dolcino see ibid. and Practica, pp. 340-55.

[56] Inferno, Canto xxviii.

[57] Practica, p. 340.

[58] Inquisitors found difficulty in proceeding against Dolcinists, ibid., p. 343. ‘Est autem valde difficile ipsos examinare et veritatem contra eos invenire pro eo maxime quod, quantuscumque juraverint in juditio se veritatem dicturos, nolunt tamen manifeste suam detegere falsitatem, nec suos errores publice confiteri, nec directe respondere ad interrogata, set palliate et per astucias et tergiversationes multas deviant et mendaciis se juvant, et se ipsos contegunt, et ideo multum est ars necessaria contra ipsos et industria inquirentis.’

[59] See Lea, vol. ii, pp. 351-2, 355.

[60] Lea, vol. ii, p. 320. E. Renan, AverroËs et l’AverroÏsme (Paris, 1861, 2nd ed.), p. 222.

[61] See Lea, vol. i, p. 360; vol. ii, p. 359. For views ascribed to Beghards see DÖllinger, BeitrÄge, vol. ii, pp. 378-401 (passim). ‘ ... se esse vel aliquos ex istis perfectos et sic unitos Deo, quod sint realiter et veraciter ipse Deus, quia dicunt se esse illud idem et unum esse quod est ipse Deus absque distinctione.’ See also Directorium, pt. ii, question xv, pp. 299-308.

[62] For proceedings against Beguines, modes of interrogation and sentences, etc., see Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 141-4, 277 et seq.

[63] FrÉdÉricq, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 93. ‘Verum quia in multis mundi partibus sunt plurime mulieres similiter Beghine vulge vocate, quarum alique in propriis, alique in conductis, alique in communibus sibi domibus habitantes vitam ducunt honestam’ ... proceeds to rule that these must on no account be molested.

[64] Lea, vol. ii, pp. 413-14.

[65] For example,

‘En commencant no pÉnitence
Soit la Vierge et la TrinitÉ,
Et, tout en parfaicte puissance,
Des cieulx, le hault divin secret,
? cessiez.Sire Dieu, croissiez vo venjeance,
Les fruits des ventres respitez,
Car estÉ a en grant balance,
Longtemps toute crestientÉ.
‘Or, avant, entre nous tait frÈre,
Batons nos charoinges bien fort,
En remembrant la grant misÈre
Du Dieu et sa piteuse mort,
Qui fut prins de la gent amÈre
Et vendus et trahis À tort,
Et battu sa char vierge et clÈre;
En nom de ce, batons plus fort.’

See FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. iii, No. 25, pp. 23-4.

[66] Ibid., vol. ii, p. 101. See also No. 61.

[67] Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 100-1.

[68] Ibid., vol. iii, p. 35. See also p. 31: ‘ ... yperbolice loquendo, qua locutione solet frequenter uti scriptura ad exprimendum eius magnam quantitatem seu multitudinem, congrue dici possit per omnes christianitatis provincias jam esse diffusa.’ From a sermon preached before Clement VI, descanting upon the seriousness and extent of the attraction of the Flagellant mania for the ignorant crowd.

[69] These acrobatic performances were of course of a convulsive nature and were by contemporaries ascribed to demoniac possession. But the idea of dancing and leaping as a form of religious devotion suggests the very charming story, Our Lady’s Tumbler, which has been rewritten by Anatole France and is included in Aucassin et Nicolette and other MediÆval Romances in Everyman’s Library.

[70] On the Scholastic Philosophy generally, see Taylor, The MediÆval Mind, vol. ii, book vii, passim; M. de Wulf, History of MediÆval Philosophy (tr. P. Coffey, London, 1909), pp. 240-410 (passim); B. HaurÉau, Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique (Paris, 1880).

[71] Taylor, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 358-64.

[72] P. Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant et l’AverroÏsme latin au XIII^e SiÈcle (Fribourg, 1899), pp. xxiii-xxvi; C. Douais, Essai sur l’organisation des Études dans l’ordre des FrÈres-PrÊcheurs (Paris, 1884), pp. 62 et seq.

[73] For Arabian Philosophy see the following: T. J. De Boer, History of Philosophy in Islam (tr. E. R. Jones, 1903); De Wulf, op. cit., pp. 225-39; HaurÉau, Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique, vol. ii, pp. 15-53; Carra de Vaux, Avicenne (Paris, 1900), Gazali (Paris, 1902); S. Munk, MÉlanges de la philosophie juive et arabe (Paris, 1859), pt. iii, especially pp. 352-83, 418-58.

[74] Alfarabi’s work belonged to the first half of the tenth century.

[75] Avicenna, 980-1036.

[76] Ghazali, 1059-1111.

[77] Ibn Roschd, or AverrhoËs, was born in 1126 at Cordova; was entrusted by the Caliph, Abu Jacub Jusuf, with the task of making an analysis of Aristotle; in 1182 became physician at the court; but in 1195 was deprived of his office by the succeeding Caliph, Jacub Almansur, presumably owing to a fit of orthodoxy on the Caliph’s part, and banished from Cordova. He died in Morocco in 1198.

[78] See Renan, AverroËs et l’AverroÏsme, pp. 107 et seq.

[79] See Renan, op. cit., pp. 133-53 (passim); J. Owen, Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance (1893), pp. 67-72.

[80] Renan, op. cit., pp. 209 et seq., p. 291; De Wulf, op. cit., p. 248.

[81] By the middle of the thirteenth century the University of Paris was in possession of practically all the Commentaries of AverrhoËs, ibid. See also Renan, pp. 201-2, ‘Un des phÉnomÈnes les plus singuliers de l’histoire littÉraire du moyen Âge, c’est l’activitÉ du commerce intellectuel et la rapiditÉ avec laquelle les livres se repandaient d’un bout À l’autre de l’Europe.’

[82] Mandonnet, pp. lxix et seq.

[83] ‘Nec libri Aristotelis de naturali philosophia nec commenta legantur Parisiis publice et secreto, et hoc sub pena excommunicationis inhibemus.’ This, and the subsequent prohibition of 1215 referred of course only to Paris. See Directorium on the errors of Aristotle and his Arabian commentators, pt. ii, question iv, pp. 253-5. See HaurÉau, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 83-107. On action of Gregory IX, ibid., pp. 108-19.

[84] The tract was written against AverrhoËs, not the AverrhoÏsts. When, however, it was incorporated in his Summa Theologica, Albertus Magnus made mention of the fact that AverrhoÏsm had made considerable progress and boasted a number of advocates. Mandonnet, p. lxxiii.

[85] Ibid., pp. xcvii-ix.

[86] See Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita (ed. J. S. Brewer, 1859), p. 429. There are several contemporary poems on the troubles in the University of Paris, especially on the part played by William de Saint-Amour, in Rutebeuf, [OE]uvres ComplÈtes (Paris, 1874), vol. i, pp. 178-213.

[87] See Mandonnet, p. cx.

[88] Salimbene, op. cit., p. 108. ‘Isti boni homines semper de scientia gloriantur, et dicunt quod in ordine eorum fons sapientiae invenitur.’

[89] Registrum epistolarum fratris Johannis Peckham (Rolls series, ed. C. T. Martin, London, 1882-5), vol. iii, p. 842. See also A. Little, The Grey Friars in Oxford (1892), pp. 72-5.

[90] See Alberti Magni De Quindecim Problematicis in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 13-36.

[91] See Mandonnet, p. cxxvi.

[92] In appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 69-83, 83-115 respectively.

[93] In his tract Contra praecipuos viros in philosophia Albertum et Thomam. On Siger and St. Thomas, see HaurÉau, vol. iii, pp. 131-7.

[94] See, passim, De Wulf, op. cit., pp. 379-85; Mandonnet, pp. cxxviii-ccvi.

[95] De Wulf, p. 384; Mandonnet, p. ccxxi.

[96] The tractate, De Erroribus Philosophorum, is attributed to him. It is printed in appendix to Mandonnet, pp. 2-11.

[97] Ibid., p. clxxvii.

[98] Mandonnet, p. ccvi.

[99] Ibid., p. ccxxvi.

[100] Ibid., pp. ccxxviii et seq.

[101] Ibid., pp. cclxiv et seq.

[102] Mandonnet, pp. cclxx et seq. Mandonnet sees a reference to Siger and BoËthius in the words of Peckham: ‘Nam eam (opinionem) credimus non a religiosis personis, sed saecularibus quibusdam duxisse originem, cuius duo praecipui defensores vel forsitan inventores miserabiliter dicuntur conclusisse dies suos in partibus transalpinis, cum tamen non essent de illis partibus oriundi.’—Registrum, vol. iii, p. 842.

[103] For the former view, see Baeumker, Die Impossibilia d. Siger von Brabant (MÜnster, 1898), pp. 97 et seq.; for latter, see Mandonnet, pp. ccxciii-cccxx.

[104] De Wulf, pp. 441-4.

[105] Lea, vol. iii, pp. 440-1.

[106] See De Wulf, pp. 470-3; Owen, op. cit., pp. 57-151, esp. 132-51.

[107] Renan, op. cit., pp. 255-9; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 578-89.

[108] De Wulf, pp. 403-6.

[109] Lea, vol. iii, pp. 585-6; Directorium, pp. 272-8, 331-2. The text of the bull is given in the latter pages.

[110] Renan, pp. 328 et seq.; Owen, pp. 115-21; Petrarch, Liber sine Titulo, Epist. xviii.

[111] Renan, pp. 301-5.

[112] Lea, vol. iii, p. 565.

[113] De Tribus Impostoribus (ed. Philomneste Junior, i.e. G. Brunet, Paris, 1861).

[114] Renan, pp. 295 et seq.

[115] Decameron, Day I, Novel 3.

[116] Renan traced AverrhoÏst influence in the Pantheism of the Spiritual Franciscans and the Illuminism of such German mystics as Ortlieb and Eckhart, op. cit., pp. 259 et seq.; whereas the truth is that there was never the slightest sympathy between the Franciscans and AverrhoÏsm, and German Illuminism had quite other origins.

[117] J. Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire (1903), p. 109.

[118] See H. B. Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation (1901, 1902), vol. i; The Age of Wyclif, p. 71: ‘Some seventy thousand documents in the papal archives bear witness to his world-wide labours. Few subjects escaped his notice—from the habit of the French King of talking in church, the misrule of Edward II of England, or the devices of sorcerers, to the weightier matters of theology and law.’

[119] R. L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of MediÆval Thought (1884), p. 247.

[120] Ibid., pp. 256 et seq.

[121] M. Creighton, History of the Papacy (1903), vol. i, p. 32.

[122] For Avignon, see E. Baluze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium (1693). See works cited in Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. i, Append. A., p. 291; also Pierre D’Ailly, De Necessitate Reformationis Ecclesiae, in Joannis Gersonii Opera Omnia (Antwerp. 1706), vol. ii, pp. 885-902, esp. p. 889. Poole, op. cit., p. 248, ‘The universal authority of Rome became confined within the narrow territory of Avignon: the means by which it was exerted became more and more secular, diplomatic, mercantile....’

[123] The extent of the feeling aroused by the schism in Christendom can be illustrated by the fact that contemporary miracle-plays represented Pope and anti-Pope burning in hell (see Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. ii, The Age of Hus, p. 41), and by the life-work of a simple uneducated girl, St. Catherine of Siena.

[124] Melchior Goldast, Monarchia S. Romani Imp. (Hanover and Frankfort, 1611-14), vol. iii, p. 1360.

[125] Goldast, op. cit., vol. ii, Opera Omnia de Potestate Ecclesiastica & Politica, G. Ockham, esp. Dialogus, pp. 822-30. The chief conclusions of Ockham are summarized on pp. 396-7; also in S. Riezler, Die literarischen Widersacher der PÄpste zur Zeit Ludwig des Baiers (1874), pp. 258-71. But see generally pp. 241-77.

[126] See Poole, op. cit., p. 277, note.

[127] Defensor Pacis, Lib. I, cap. xviii; in Goldast, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 86-9.

[128] Ibid., Lib. II, cap. viii, p. 212.

[129] Defensor Pacis, Lib. II, cap. ix, p. 213.

[130] Ibid., cap. x, pp. 216-19, esp. p. 217. ‘Nemo quantumcunque peccans contra disciplinas speculativas aut operativas quascunque punitur vel arcetur in hoc seculo praecise inquantum-hujusmodi, sed inquantum peccat contra praeceptum humanae legis.’

[131] Ibid., Lib. I, cap. xii, pp. 169-71.

[132] Workman, op. cit., vol. i. ‘Wyclif has been called the Morning Star of the Reformation, but the author of the Defensor Pacis might more justly claim the title.’ Cf., on modernity of Marsiglio’s thought, B. Labanca, Marsilio da Padova (Padua, 1882), pp. 219 et seq.

[133] Fitzralph’s treatise, De Pauperie Salvatoris, is printed as an appendix to Wycliffe’s De Dominio Divino (Wyclif Society, 1890), pp. 259-476.

[134] For this whole subject, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 590-4.

[135] Ibid., pp. 596-9.

[136] See supra, pp. 68, 75.

[137] De Dominio Divino (Wyclif Society, 1890), p. 33. ‘Ideo Deus non mediate per regimen vasallorum subserviencium, ut reges ceteri, dominatur, cum immediate et per se facit, sustentat, et gubernat omne quod possidet, juvatque ad perficiendum opera secundum usus alios quos requirit.’

[138] See Poole, op. cit., p. 293.

[139] See Workman, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 173-8.

[140] See Fasciculi Zizaniorum Magistri Johannis Wyclif (Rolls series, ed. W. W. Shirley, 1858), pp. 280-1.

[141] Wycliffe’s De Potestate Pape (Wyclif Society, ed. J. Loserth, 1907), p. 84.

[142] De Civili Dominio (Wyclif Society, ed. R. L. Poole, 1885), vol. i, pp. 335-42; also pp. 265-74, ch. xxxvii. See also Select English Works (ed. T. Arnold, 1869-71), vol. iii, pp. 216-17.

[143] See De Potestate Pape, pp. 84, 238 et seq., 378-9.

[144] Ibid., pp. 145-6, 154-5. This idea is either explicitly or implicitly in all Wycliffe’s later teachings.

[145] Ibid., pp. 120 et seq., 148, 212, 266 et seq. The whole book is indeed on this theme. Wycliffe does not scruple to call a bad pope ‘horribilius monstrum.’ Cf. Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

[146] De Potestate Pape, p. 272.

[147] Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

[148] Ibid., p. 279; D. Wilkins, Concilia M. Britanniae et Hiberniae (1737). vol. iii, p. 157.

[149] Works of Thomas Cranmer (ed. J. E. Cox, Parker Society), vol. ii, Misc. Writings, p. 119.

[150] See Wilkins, vol. iii, p. 350; Chronicon H. Knighton (Rolls series, ed. J. R. Lumby, 1889-95), vol. ii, p. 152.

[151] Ibid.

[152] See Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278, from Epistola Willelmi Cantuariensis super condemnatione haeresum Wycclyff in synodo. See also extract from a sermon by Wycliffe on this subject, ibid., introd., pp. lxiv-lxv.

[153] There was a tendency to Pantheism in Wycliffe. See Workman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 137 n.

[154] De Eucharistia (Wyclif Society, 1892), p. 109, cap. iv.

[155] Ibid., pp. 189-232, cap. viii.

[156] Ibid., cap. i, pp. 15-16. ‘Nichil enim horribilius quam quod quilibet sacerdos celebrans facit vel consecrat cotidie corpus Christi.’

[157] Ibid., cap. iv, p. 109.

[158] Ibid., Introd., p. liii; cap. iv, pp. 110-11.

[159] Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 278.

[160] See Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, iv and v.

[161] Workman, op. cit., vol. i, p. 229. ‘Of the scholastic Lollards it may be written that logic makes no martyrs.’ Cf. pp. 213-90.

[162] See popular ballads in J. S. Brewer, Monumenta Franciscana (1858), pp. 591-608.

[163] Knighton, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 184-7.

[164] De Haeretico Comburendo being frequently enforced from 1401.

[165] See Count LÜtzow, The Life and Times of Master John Hus (1909), pp. 17-62; J. Loserth, Wyclif and Hus (trans. M. J. Evans, 1884); A. H. Wratislaw, Native Literature of Bohemia in the Fourteenth Century (1878), esp. book ii, pp. 181-291.

[166] See LÜtzow, op. cit., pp. 47-62.

[167] Documenta Mag. Joannis Hus (ed. F. Palacky, Prague, 1869), pp. 347-9, 355-63. See LÜtzow, op. cit., pp. 106-9. Wenzel’s reasoned answer to the objections made by the Germans may have been Hus’s work. For the contest at the University, see also H. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, vol. ii, pp. 212-32.

[168] LÜtzow, op. cit., pp. 130-3, 159-60; Palacky, Documenta, pp. 464-6; The Letters of John Hus (ed. Workman and Pope, 1904), pp. 422-5.

[169] Due to the marriage of Wenzel’s sister, Anne, to Richard II.

[170] Palacky, Documenta, pp. 289, 292.

[171] Ibid., p. 293.

[172] Ibid., p. 287; Letters of Hus, p. 217. Hus does not seem to have regarded the Utraquist question as of great consequence. See Creighton, Papacy, vol. ii, p. 86.

[173] See J. B. Schwab, J. Gerson (WÜrzburg, 1858), pp. 482-9; also Creighton, vol. i, appendix 2, pp. 365-8.

[174] D’Ailly in Gerson’s Works, vol. ii, pp. 949 et seq.

[175] Gerson, ibid., p. 72.

[176] Ibid., p. 178. See also, generally, Gerson’s ‘De Unitate Ecclesiastica,’ Works, vol. ii, pp. 113-14; Niem, Theodoricus de, De Schismate (1890). For full list of tracts, see Cambridge Modern History, vol. iii, pp. 867-8.

[177] See Creighton’s Papacy, vol. i, p. 143.

[178] F. Gregorovius, Hist. of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages (trans. A. Hamilton, 1894-1902), vol. vi, p. 606; J. N. Figgis, From Gerson to Grotius (1907), p. 35.

[179] See Gerson’s exhortation to the Archbishop of Prague to extirpate the heresy in Bohemia, Palacky, Documenta, pp. 523-6.

[180] Letters of Hus, pp. 146-9, 149-51. These are letters written by Hus at the time of his setting out for Constance. One of them, he instructs, is only to be opened in the event of his death.

[181] See Gerson, Works, vol. ii, p. 572; H. v. der Hardt, Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense concilium (Frankfort, 1697-1742), vol. iv, p. 521; Palacky, Documenta, p. 284; Lea, vol. ii, pp. 467-8. ‘The explanation of the controversy over the violation of the safe-conduct is perfectly simple. Germany, and especially Bohemia, knew so little about the Inquisition and the systematic persecution of heresy that surprise and indignation were excited by the application to the case of Hus of the recognized principles of the canon law. The Council could not have done otherwise than it did without surrendering those principles.’

[182] Letters of Hus, p. 216.

[183] LÜtzow, p. 249.

[184] Palacky, Documenta, pp. 308, 310. Like Wycliffe before and Luther after him, Hus would acknowledge no other authority than Scripture. The Council wanted him to acknowledge the authority of the Church and of itself as the Church’s representative.

[185] Letters of Hus, p. 226.

[186] Ibid., p. 217.

[187] Ibid., p. 224.

[188] Letters of Hus, p. 239. See also his letter addressed to all the people of Bohemia, pp. 230-3; also pp. 275-6, and Palacky, Documenta, p. 323. See Creighton, Papacy, vol. ii, p. 51: ‘ ... It is the glory of Hus that he first deliberately asserted the right of the individual conscience against ecclesiastical authority, and sealed his assertion by his own life-blood.’

[189] See, however, J. Mackinnon, A History of Modern Liberty (1906), vol. i, p. 162: ‘The defiance of the Council was the prelude of the modern Reformation. It was a distinct intimation not merely of a solitary reformer like Wiclif or Hus, but of a body of men who claimed to speak in the name of a whole people, that they would not submit to traditional authority per se. It was a plea for fair discussion of matters of controversy, and a protest against the principle of stifling inquiry and dissent by such authority. Otherwise the reason and intelligence of the inquirer will revolt in the name of conscience, justice and religion.’

[190] J. Glanvill, A Blow at Sadducism (1688), p. 5. Cf. pp. 32-3: ‘But to reserve all the clear circumstances of Fact, which we find in well attested and confirmed Relations of this kind into the power of deceivable imagination, is to make fancy the greater Prodigy; and to suppose, that it can do stranger feats than are believed of any other kind of function. And to think that Pins and Nails, for instance, can by the power of imagination be conveyed within the skin; or that imagination should deceive so many as have been witnesses in objects of sense, in all the circumstances of discovery; this, I say, is to be infinitely more credulous than the assertors of sorcery and Demoniack Contracts. And by the same reason it may be believed that all the Battels and strange events of the world, which our selves have not seen, are but dreams and fond imaginations.’

[191] W. E. H. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe (1904), vol. i, p. 18.

[192] See W. E. H. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe (1904), vol. i, pp. 34-5.

[193] See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 422-9.

[194] See ibid., p. 434.

[195] Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum (Frankfort ed., 1582), vol. i, pp. 488-9: ‘Et eodem modo de adorantibus Daemon[=e] & sacrificantibus ei quia si hoc faciunt, credentes Divinitatem esse in Daemonibus, vel credentes quod cultus latriae sit ei exhibendus, vel quod omnino ex exhibitione talis cultus, assequantur quod requirunt a Diabolo, non obst[=a]te Dei prohibitione, seu etiam permissione, tales essent haeretici. Sed si ista faciunt non ita sentientes de Daemone; sed ut aliquo pacto cum Daemone facilius per ista exequantur ab ipso quod intendunt, tales non sunt haeretici natura rei, licet gravissime peccent.’

[196] A. Albertini, De Agnoscendis assertionibus Catholicis in Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 65-6. Cf. J. Simancas, De Catholicis Institutionibus in Zilettus, ibid., p. 144 (Tit. xxi).

[197] Lea, vol. iii, p. 454: ‘Inquisitors ... began to insert a clause renouncing sorcery in all abjurations administered to repentant heretics, so that in case they should become addicted to it they could be promptly burned for relapse.’

[198] For Peter of Abano, see supra, pp. 69, 70, and Lea, vol. iii, p. 440; for Gilles de Rais, ibid., pp. 468-89.

[199] Ordinarily inquisitorial trials were secret. Another abnormal feature in this case was the presence of a prosecutor; the third was that the court was really a joint one, being in part the bishop and inquisitors sitting together as a tribunal of the Holy Office to hear the charge of heresy, in part the bishop sitting as president of the ordinary episcopal court, the inquisitors not included, to hear the charge of unnatural lust with which the Inquisition was not competent to deal.

[200] Cf. Lea, vol. iii, p. 486: ‘The morning saw the extraordinary spectacle of the clergy, followed by the whole population of Nantes, who had been clamouring for his death, marching through the streets and singing and praying for his salvation.’

[201] Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, vol. i, pp. 47-53.

[202] See Bart. Spin. in Ponzinibium de lamiis Apologia prima in Malleorum quorundam Maleficarum tam veterum quam recentiorum authorum tomi duo (Frankfort, 1582), vol. ii, pp. 623 et seq.

[203] Ibid., vol. i, pp. 1-8 in Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum.

[204] For a critique of Sprenger’s work, see J. Michelet, La SorciÈre in [OE]uvres ComplÈtes (Paris, 1893-9), pp. 481-96.

[205] Sprenger, vol. i, p. 94; also Michelet, op. cit., p. 321.

[206] Albertini, op. cit., in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 85; also Sprenger, etc., vol. ii, pp. 262-4, and, generally, pp. 250 et seq., De modo quo localiter transferuntur de loco ad locum.

[207] FrÉdÉricq, Documents, vol. i, p. 371. ‘Et illecq leur remontra comment ils avoient estÉ en ladite vaulderie, et fait tout ce que dessus ai dit, et mesme que aulcunes d’icelles, qui estoient la presentes, avoient estÉ cognues carnellement du diable d’enfer, l’une en forme de liÈvre, l’autre en forme de renard, l’autre en forme de thor, l’aultre en forme d’homme et autant en forme de quelques bestes’—from MÉmoires de Jacques du Clercq.

[208] Sprenger, pp. 40 et seq., p. 773. See also in vol. ii. of Malleorum ... tomi duo, Tractatus utilis et necessarius per viam Dialogi, de Pythonicis mulieribus, pp. 56-7.

[209] Sprenger, etc., pp. 458-9 in Bartholomew de Spina’s De Strigibus.

[210] Ibid., pp. 459-60.

[211] Sprenger, p. 546.

[212] de Spina, pp. 544-5.

[213] Sprenger, pp. 103-25, 267 et seq.; also in vol. ii of Malleorum ... tomi duo, De Pythonicis mulieribus, pp. 42-3.

[214] Sprenger, pp. 152 et seq. and 354.

[215] Ibid., pp. 152 et seq., 341 et seq.; de Spina, in vol. ii, p. 502.

[216] Sprenger, pp. 141 et seq., 296-301, 360 et seq.; De Pythonicis mulieribus, in vol. ii, pp. 65 et seq.

[217] Sprenger, p. 310; De Pythonicis mulieribus, in vol. ii, p. 75.

[218] See Sprenger, p. 581. Cf. Lea, vol. iii, p. 508.

[219] A very effective play based upon this idea is that of H. Wiers-Jenssen, of which the English version is The Witch, by John Masefield.

[220] It was so decided by Gregory XI, when the right of the French inquisition in the matter was challenged. Papal commissions issued to inquisitors early in the fifteenth century specifically enumerate sorcery and witchcraft among offences with which they are to deal.

[221] See Sprenger, pp. 492-3. Innocent VIII gave a great impetus to persecution of witches in 1485 by his bull, Summis desiderantes, in which all the malignant powers of the witch were enumerated. It was this bull that gave authority to Jacob Sprenger, the author of Malleus Maleficarum. It was supplemented by others of a similar character issued by Julius II and Alexander VI.

[222] Sprenger, pp. 172-82.

[223] See Lecky, op. cit., vol. i, p. 3; Michelet, op. cit., p. 10.

[224] Malleorum—tomi duo, vol. ii, p. 520.

[225] Sprenger, p. 214. Inquisitoribus Maleficae non possunt nocere. ‘In oppido nempe Ravenspurg, cum a consulibus Maleficae incinerandae interrogarentur, cur nobis inquisitoribus aliqua maleficia, sicut aliis hominibus, non intulissent, Responderunt: Licet pluries hoc facere attentassent, non tamen potuerunt. Et de causa inquirentibus, respondebant se nescire, nisi quod a Daemonibus informatae fuissent.’ Nevertheless, ibid., p. 559, inquisitors should be careful not to allow themselves to be touched by wizards and witches.

[226] Sprenger, p. 549.

[227] Ibid., pp. 552-3.

[228] Ibid., p. 557. The adjuration was by the bitter tears of Christ shed on the Cross for the sins of the world, by the tears shed by the glorious Virgin Mary, by those shed by all the saints and elect of God on earth.

[229] Such enmity had to be really mortal and well authenticated; for the inquisitorial point of view was that of necessity a witch always would excite a great deal of enmity. Allegations of enmity must, therefore, always be carefully sifted. See Sprenger, pp. 542 et seq.

[230] For the whole remarkable story, see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 519-34.

[231] James, i, 3.

[232] 2 Peter, ii, 1.

[233] 2 Corinth., xi, 13.

[234] Galat., i, 8. See also ibid., iii, 1, 3.

[235] 2 Thessal., iii, 15. Cf. Galat., iii, 1, 3.

[236] Polycarp, Epist. § 7, in The Apostolic Fathers (ed. J. B. Lightfoot, 1891), pp. 171, 179.

[237] ‘Ad officium haereticos compelli, non illici dignum est. Duritia vincenda, non suadenda.’ Tertullian, Opera omnia (ed. Migne, Patrologia latina), vol. ii, col. 125.

[238] Lactantius, Divin. Instit., lib. v, cap. 20 (ed. Migne), vol. i, p. 615.

[239] Tertullian, Opera omnia, vol. i, col. 699. Liber ad Scapulam, cap. 2.

[240] See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 150.

[241] Ibid., p. 154.

[242] See Philippe À Limborch, History of the Inquisition (trans. S. Chandler, London, 1731), vol. i, p. 8; L. Tanon, Histoire des Tribunaux de l’Inquisition en France (Paris, 1893), pp. 127-33; De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 163-8; Cod. Theod., i, xvi, leges 3, 8, 12, 30, 33, 34, 35; C. Moeller in Revue d’histoire ecclÉsiastique (Louvain, 1913), vol. xiv, pp. 728-9, Les bÛchers et les autos-da-fÉ depuis le moyen Âge.

[243] The Homilies of St. John Chrysostom (Oxford ed., Pusey), Homily xlvi, on Matt. xiii, pp. 630 et seq.

[244] Letter 82 to Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (ed. P. Schaff), 2nd series, vol. vi, pp. 170 et seq. See Limborch (Chandler’s ed.), pp. 29-30. It has been averred that St. Jerome was in favour of the death penalty, on the score of Epist. 109 ad Ripar. See Lea, vol. i, pp. 214-15, and rejoinder of H. Maillet, L’Église et la rÉpression sanglante de l’hÉrÉsie (1909), p. 15.

[245] 48th Epistle to Vincentius.

[246] 50th Epistle to Boniface.

[247] Epistle 185, n. 26. Also Epistle 93, n. 10.

[248] See Lea, vol. i, p. 213; Maillet, p. 17, and De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 186-8.

[249] See Lea, vol. i, p. 215; Maillet, pp. 17 et seq.; Vacandard, pp. 27-30. ‘Nor were they [the bishops] content with merely accepting it [the aid of the secular arm]. They declared that the State had not only the right to help the Church in suppressing heresy, but that she was in duty bound to do so.’ See also De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 189 n., and P. FrÉdÉricq, Les rÉcents historiens catholiques de l’inquisition en France, in Revue historique (vol. cix, Jan.-April, 1912), p. 314.

[250] This suggestion is made by J. Havet in his L’HÉrÉsie et le Bras sÉculier au Moyen Age in [OE]uvres (Paris, 1896), vol. ii, p. 131.

[251] See ibid., p. 138.

[252] Vacandard, op. cit., p. 33.

[253] Havet, pp. 129-34.

[254] I.e. in the langue d’oÏl of France, in Flanders, Germany, Burgundy.

[255] De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 235.

[256] See Havet, p. 135.

[257] See De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 233-4.

[258] FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, pp. 6-7, No. 3, gives Wazon’s letter. See also FrÉdÉricq in Revue historique, already cited, p. 320; also Maillet, op. cit., p. 34. On the strength of this instance he declares: ‘Nous voyons assez souvent les ÉvÊques s’opposer aux exÉcutions’; whereas this episcopal protest is unique.

[259] Havet, op. cit., p. 133. See Maillet on the whole subject in op. cit., chapter ii. He argues that Theoduin had no particular punishment in view and that, therefore, one cannot say he approved the execution of heretics. But as the Bishop must have known very well the sort of punishment customarily inflicted by the State at this time, the argument is not very sound.

[260] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 260.

[261] J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio (Paris, 1901-13), vol. xxi, p. 718, and FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 31.

[262] See De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 271-2; Tanon, p. 454.

[263] FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 34; Maillet, p. 55; FrÉdÉricq, in criticism of Maillet in Revue historique, p. 321.

[264] FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 39; Mansi, vol. xxi, p. 1177; Havet, pp. 151-2.

[265] Mansi, vol. xxii, p. 231; FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 47.

[266] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 269.

[267] Stubbs, Select Charters of English Constitutional History (Oxford, 1890), pp. 145-6, § 21 of the Assize.

[268] See De Cauzons, vol. 1, p. 277.

[269] J. A. Llorente, Histoire critique de l’Inquisition d’Espagne (Fr. trans. from the Spanish, Paris, 1818), vol. i, p. 30; Eymeric, Directorium, p. 298.

[270] Ludovico À Paramo, De Origine et Progressu Officii Sanctae Inquisitionis eiusque dignitate et utilitate (Madrid, 1598), p. 90; Havet, p. 167; De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 283. This is the first secular law of the Middle Ages prescribing the penalty of the stake. But it only refers to Waldenses in a particular country, and the stake is only to be had recourse to in the event of banishment (the penalty primarily enjoined) being incomplete. The legislation of general significance is that of the Emperor Frederick II, between 1220 and 1239.

[271] For particulars of a rather interesting case see Lea, vol. i, pp. 111-12. The charge of heresy was mainly based on the obduracy of a young girl in repelling the licentious advances of a young canon of Rheims.

[272] Mansi, vol. xx, p. 476; FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 56.

[273] See Havet, p. 154.

[274] Vacandard, p. 56.

[275] This is the argument of Maillet, op. cit., p. 49.

[276] See FrÉdÉricq, Revue historique, p. 320.

[277] A. Luchaire, Innocent III; la croisade des Albigeois (Paris, 1905), pp. 58-9.

[278] Ibid., pp. 17, 27.

[279] Ibid., pp. 7-8; Tanon, p. 21.

[280] Luchaire, op. cit., p. 103.

[281] J. C. L. Sismondi, History of the Crusades against the Albigenses (Eng. trans.), p. 53.

[282] Lea, vol. i, p. 154. See, however, Lord Acton in his review of Lea’s work in The History of Freedom of Thought and other Essays (1909), p. 567. The chronicler, Caesarius Heisterbach, does not relate a fact, but tells a story, which may or may not be fact.

[283] The potestas inquirendi handed down from Christ to St. Peter has been annexed to the episcopal dignity. See Ludovico À Paramo, op. cit., book ii, p. 89.

[284] C. Douais, L’Inquisition; ses origines, sa procÉdure (Paris, 1906), pp. 45-6.

[285] Sometimes a new heresy was not at once recognized as one at all. Gregory VII was indulgent to Berengar of Tours and Alexander III congratulated Peter Waldo. See Luchaire, op. cit., p. 38.

[286] See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 333.

[287] Simancas, op. cit., Tit. xxv, p. 150, ‘De Episcopis.’

[288] See Lea, vol. i, p. 310; De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 378-80. See also A. Esmein, Histoire de la ProcÉdure Criminelle en France, et spÉcialement de la ProcÉdure inquisitoire (Paris, 1882), pp. 66-78; in English version, A History of Continental Criminal Procedure, Continental Legal History Series, vol. v (Boston, 1913), pp. 3-11, 78-94.

[289] Mansi, op. cit., vol. xxii, pp. 476-8.

[290] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 393.

[291] At first sight it may appear as though the completeness of the success of the Albigensian Crusade rendered further action unnecessary. This would appear to be the implication in Douais’ L’Inquisition, pp. 45-6. As a matter of fact it was rather a case of following up an initial advantage.

[292] Mansi, vol. xxii, p. 785.

[293] Ibid., vol. xxiii, p. 24, § xiv. ‘Ut sint in omnibus parochiis, qui de haeresi & manifestis criminibus inquirant.’

[294] Ibid. p. 194, § i.

[295] Mansi, vol. xxii, pp. 989-90.

[296] See De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 395; P. Fournier, Les OfficialitÉs au Moyen Age (Paris, 1880), pp. 266-9.

[297] Ludovico À Paramo, pp. 27, 31, 49.

[298] Luchaire, op. cit., p. 71. ‘En 1204, il enleva aux ÉvÊques, pour la donner aux lÉgats, la juridiction ordinaire en matiÈre d’hÉrÉsie, premiÈre esquisse du procÉdÉ d’oÙ sortira l’Inquisition.’ To which M. Douais rightly retorts: ‘Il n’est pas exact de dire que le Pape enleva aux ÉvÊques la juridiction ordinaire en matiÈre d’hÉrÉsie. Il ne leur enleva rien.’ L’Inquisition, p. 67. See, however, De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 414. ‘Sans enlever donc aux ÉvÊques le droit de juger les hÉrÉtiques, les rescrits romains constituaient, À cÔtÉ de leur tribunal, un pouvoir, pouvant juger lui aussi, avec des juges d’une juridiction plus Étendue que le leur, ayant le droit d’exiger des chefs des diocÈses l’obÉissance À leur autoritÉ. Il suffisait d’assurer À ce tribunal nouveau les moyens d’exÉcuter ses sentences et de le rendre permanent, pour avoir l’Inquisition.’

[299] For claim that Dominic was the first inquisitor, see Ludovico À Paramo, pp. 95-6; Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 25-6; De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 421 n. Dominic was certainly more than a missionary preacher; he examined and condemned heretics. See Acton, op. cit., p. 554.

[300] It has been said, truly, that it is neither the crime, nor the procedure, nor the penalty that makes the inquisitor in the strict sense; but his character as a permanent judge-delegate for the cause of heresy. Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 37-8.

[301] For text of commission to Conrad, see FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, p. 71, No. 72. ‘ ... diligenter et vigilanter inquiras heretica pravitate infectos in partibus memoratis, ut per illos, ad quos pertinet, zizania valeat de agro Domini extirpari.’ Douais on this comments (op. cit., p. 53 n.), ‘Si Conrad eut ÉtÉ inquisiteur, c’est À lui que ce soin eÛt d’abord incombÉ comme juge.’ The argument is invalid. The appeal to the assistance of the secular arm is normal and certainly does not prove Conrad not to have been an inquisitor. See Lea, vol. ii, p. 319, ‘This was in effect an informal commission as inquisitor-general for Germany’; and De Cauzons, vol. i, p. 449.

[302] For text of the bull, Ille humani generis, see Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 74-5; FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 83, pp. 82-3. The Friars are urged to demolish the heretics who ‘sicut cancer serperent in occulto, & velut vulpes latentes niterentur vineam Domini Sabaoth demoliri.’

[303] Lea, vol. i, p. 328. Cf. Tanon, op. cit., p. 175, who considers that Lea does not attach sufficient importance to these bulls.

[304] The first bull delegating inquisitorial powers to the Brothers Minor in collective fashion is apparently one issued by Innocent IV, Jan. 13, 1246. See FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 122.

[305] See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 446 n. ‘La transformation des inquisitions Épiscopaux en juges pontificaux, a ÉtÉ la vraie fondation de l’Inquisition; telle qu’elle est connue et louÉe par certains, abhorrÉe par d’autres. Or, cette transformation s’est faite progressivement, par tÂtonnements autour des annÉes 1230-1233, non par Édit gÉnÉral, plutÔt par rescrits spÉciaux. Les dominicains ont ÉtÉ l’occasion d’un bon nombre de ces rescrits, mais non de tous.’

[306] See Lea, vol. i, p. 330.

[307] Ibid., p. 339.

[308] Ibid.

[309] Tanon, op. cit., pp. 177-80.

[310] Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, Huillard-BrÉholles (Paris, 1852-61), vol. ii, pt. i, pp. 4-6; Monumenta Germaniae historica, G. A. Pertz (Hanover and Berlin), vol. iv, pp. 242-5; FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, pp. 70-1, No. 71.

[311] See Maillet, op. cit., ch. ii; FrÉdÉricq in Revue historique, p. 310. This edict was drawn up five days before the coronation ceremony by the Curia and sent to receive the imperial signature, so that it might be published in the Emperor’s name in St. Peter’s. For Frederick’s promise to assist the Pope against heresy, see FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, p. 70, No. 70.

[312] Huillard-BrÉholles, vol. ii, pp. 421-3; G. A. Pertz, vol. iv, p. 252. ‘Presenti edictuli constitutione nostra in tota Lombardia inviolabiliter de cetero valitura duximus sanciendum ut quicumque per civitatis antistitem vel diocesanum in qua degit post condignam examinationem fuerit de haeresi manifeste convictus et hereticus judicatus, per potestatem, consilium et catholicos viros civitatis et diocesis earumdem ad requisitionem antistitis illico capiatur, auctoritate nostra ignis judicio concremandus, ut vel ultricibus flammis pereat, aut si miserabili vite ad coercitionem aliorum degerint reservandum, eum lingue plectro deprivent, quo non est veritas contra ecclesiasticam fidem invehi et nomen Domini blasphemari.’

[313] Huillard-BrÉholles, vol. i, pp. 5-8; Pertz, vol. ii, p. 242; Mansi, vol. xxiv. pp. 586-8.

[314] Havet, op. cit., pp. 169-70.

[315] For arguments ascribing the responsibility to Frederick, see Havet (passim) and J. Ficker, Die Gesetzliche EinfÜhrung der Todesstrafe fÜr Ketzerei in Mittheilungen des Instituts fÜr oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung (1880), pp. 177-226, 430-1. See also C. Moeller in Revue d’histoire ecclÉsiastique (Louvain, vol. xiv, 1913); Les BÛchers et les Autos-da-fÉ de l’Inquisition depuis le Moyen Age (pp. 720-51), esp. pp. 725-6; Maillet, op. cit., p. 87, and De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 293-7: ‘La thÉorie qui met sur le dos de FrÉdÉric II la responsabilitÉ des mesures de rÉpression sanglante, du bÛcher en particulier, est nÉe de tendances apologÉtiques mal comprises, car vouloir concilier l’Inquisition avec nos idÉes modernes est une chimÈre.’ Also Tanon, op. cit., p. 462. These laws ‘n’en sont pas moins eu une grande importance pour le temps oÙ elles ont ÉtÉ rendues, en prÉsence des difficultÉs que l’Église rencontrait, en Italie aussi bien qu’en France, de la part des autoritÉs laÏques, pour assurer la rÉpression de l’hÉrÉsie, en donnant À cette rÉpression la sanction nouvelle de l’autoritÉ impÉriale elles devaient aider puissamment l’Église À vaincre ces rÉsistances.’

[316] See Maillet, op. cit., in ch. ii; Douais, L’Inquisition, ch. 5, esp. pp. 141-2; also De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 296-7 n., and Moeller, op. cit., pp. 727-8.

[317] Lea, vol. i, pp. 227-8. ‘We can imagine the smile of amused surprise with which Gregory IX or Gregory XI would have listened to the dialectics with which the Comte Joseph de Maistre proves that it is an error to suppose, and much more to assert, that Catholic priests can in any manner be instrumental in compassing the death of a fellow creature.’

[318] Havet, p. 174; Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 122.

[319] Havet, p. 176; Acton, op. cit., p. 555.

[320] Acton, op. cit., p. 557. ‘The five years of his abode in Rome changed the face of the Church.... Very soon after Saint Raymond appeared at the Papal court, the use of the stake became law, and the inquisitorial machinery had been devised and the management given to the priors of the order. When he departed he left behind him instructions for the treatment of heresy, which the Pope adopted and sent out whenever they were wanted.... Until he came, in spite of much violence and many laws, the popes had imagined no permanent security against religious error, and were not formally committed to death by burning. Gregory himself, excelling all the priesthood in vigour and experience, had for four years laboured, vaguely and in vain, with the transmitted implements. Of a sudden, in these successive measures, he finds his way, and builds up the institution which is to last for centuries. That this mighty change in the conditions of religious thought and life, and in the functions of the order was supported by Dominicans, is probable. And it is reasonable to suppose that it was the work of the foremost Dominican then living, who at that very moment had risen to power and predominance at Rome.’

[321] See De Cauzons, vol. i, pp. 301-3.

[322] FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, pp. 78-80, No. 80, Capitula Senatoris Annibaldi et populi Romani edicta contra Patarenos. See Gregorovius, City of Rome, vol. vi, pt. 1, pp. 156-61. Heretics were at this time numerous in the States of the Church, Viterbo, Perugia and Orvieto; also in Lombardy. Some of these, the Arnoldists at any rate, were also Ghibellines. ‘The Inquisition now became another instrument in the hands of the Pope for the subjection of the people.’

[323] Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 586 et seq.

[324] Council of Rheims, 1148, FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 31; Montpellier, 1162, ibid., No. 35; Lateran, 1179, ibid., No. 47.

[325] Verona, 1184, FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, No. 56; Montpellier, 1195, ibid., No. 58; Fourth Lateran, 1215, ibid., No. 68. See also Mansi, vol. xxii, pp. 987-8; Eymeric, Directorium, pt. ii, question 46, p. 378.

[326] In Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 569 et seq.

[327] § 1.

[328] §§ 3, 5, 12-15.

[329] §§ 24, 25, 31.

[330] § 37.

[331] Summa, 2, 2, qu. 11, arts. 3 and 4. ‘Multo enim gravius corrumpere fidem, per quam est animae vita, quam falsare pecuniam, per quam temporali vitae subvenitur. Unde si falsarii pecuniae vel alii malefactores statim per saeculares principes juste morti traduntur, multo magis haeretici statim ex quo de haeresi convincuntur, possunt non solum excommunicari, sed et juste occidi.’ Vacandard (p. 176) answers: ‘Such reasoning is not very convincing. Why should not the life-imprisonment of the heretic safeguard the faithful as well as his death? Will you answer that this penalty is too trivial to prevent the faithful from falling into heresy? If that be so, why not at once condemn all heretics to death, even when repentant? That would terrorize the wavering ones all the more. But St. Thomas evidently was not thinking of the logical consequences of his reasoning. His one aim was to defend the criminal code in vogue at the time. That is his only excuse. For we must admit that rarely has his reasoning been so faulty and so weak as in his thesis upon the coercive power of the Church and the punishment of heresy.’ St. Thomas’s logic is sounder than his apologist’s, if his humanity is less! It is not St. Thomas’s logic that is at fault, but the standpoint of mediÆval Christianity, which it is vain to seek to harmonize with modern humanitarianism.

[332] St. John, xv, 6. Vacandard, p. 177. ‘To regard our Saviour as the precursor or rather the author of the criminal code of the Inquisition evidences, one must admit, a very peculiar temper of mind.’ So judged, again by modern humanitarianism.

[333] Tanon, pp. 52-3. To be carefully distinguished from Arnaud of Citeaux, Archbishop of Narbonne, the former papal legate in Languedoc.

[334] Vaissete & Devic, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 118. ‘Clamor validus et insinuatio luctuosa fidelium subditorum, processus suos inquisitionis negotio a captionibus, quaestionibus, et excogitatis tormentis incipiens personas quas pro libito asserit haeretica labe notatas, abnegare Christum ... vi vel motu tormentorum fateri compellit.’

[335] See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 303-27, for particulars of this commission.

[336] The bull, Multorum querela, incorporated in the decrees of this Council. See FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 170.

[337] Practica, p. 188.

[338] Tanon, p. 116.

[339] See Tanon, p. 119. Also the case of the Sieur de Partenay, the most powerful noble of Poitou. Lea, vol. ii, p. 124.

[340] Lea, vol. ii, p. 130.

[341] Lea, vol. ii, pp. 130-2.

[342] Ibid., p. 140.

[343] Lea, vol. ii. p. 341.

[344] Lea, vol. ii, p. 221. For Peter Martyr, see Ludovico À Paramo, pp. 108-9.

[345] Lea, vol. ii, p. 236.

[346] Lea, vol. ii. p. 236. Notably Honorius III in 1286, who, in consideration of the fidelity of the people of Tuscany, relieved them of the penalties of heresy, save in the case of the relapsed, so that the children of heretics could enjoy the property confiscated from their parents.

[347] Ibid., p. 251.

[348] Ludovico À Paramo attributes the tranquillity of Spain to the beneficent influence of the Inquisition, op. cit., p. 290.

[349] Llorente, vol. i, pp. 66-97.

[350] Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 553-8.

[351] See eulogy of Eymeric in Ludovico À Paramo, p. 110.

[352] See Lea, vol. ii, pp. 290-315. For Bohemia, see pp. 427-505.

[353] Practica, pp. 232-3, ‘Diligens ac fervens zelo veritatis fidei et salubris animarum ad detestationem et extirpationem heretice pravitatis.... Inquisitor sit constans: persistat inter pericula et adversa usque ad mortem, pro justitia fidei agonizans, ut non temerarie praesumat per audaciam que periculose precipiat.’ Cf. Eymeric, Directorium, p. 575, ‘Inquisitor debet esse conversatione honestus, prudentia circumspectus, constantia firmus, sacra doctrina fidei eminenter eruditus et virtutibus circumfultus.’ See also FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, Nos. 215, 243.

[354] Ibid., pp. 594, 602; Ludovico À Paramo, p. 106.

[355] Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis, p. 124, cap. ix; Directorium, pp. 631-2.

[356] See Lea, vol. i, p. 379.

[357] See Vacandard, op. cit., p. 139.

[358] Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 246; De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 134.

[359] Vacandard, p. 142; Lea, vol. i, pp. 388-9.

[360] In sentences the name of the bishop preceded that of the inquisitor. Bernard Gui, Practica, p. 93.

[361] Arnaldo Albertini, Tractatus de Agnoscendis Assertionibus Catholicis et haereticis, in F. Zilettus, op. cit., vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 52 et seq.

[362] See Tanon, p. 218.

[363] Vacandard, p. 162.

[364] Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 96-7, 104, 122.

[365] Moeller, op. cit., p. 740. ‘The spirit of the inquisitors is another matter. There is room for distrust of their propensity to discover heresies everywhere. Their amour propre was engaged to discover it under the most puzzling appearances.’

[366] See J. À Royas, De Haereticis, in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 212-24 (passim); Albertini, op. cit., p. 53; Ludovico À Paramo, p. 544. See both Royas and Albertini passim on the general question of how to recognize a heretic, also Simancas in tit. xxxi.

[367] Simancas, p. 155.

[368] Eymeric, Directorium, p. 343. ‘Haeretici affirmativi dicti sunt, qui habent eorum quae sunt fidei, errorem in mente, et verbo vel facto ostendunt, se modis praedictis habere pertinaciam in voluntate.’—‘Negativi vero haeretici dicti sunt, qui coram judice fidei per testes legitimos de aliqua haeresi, vel errore, quos nolunt vel non possunt repellere, rite sive juste convicti sunt, sed non confessi, immo in negativa constanter perseverant; verbo fidem catholicam profitentur et detestantur etiam verbo haereticam pravitatem.’ Cf. p. 561.

[369] Lea, vol. i, pp. 433-4. ‘That a man against whom nothing substantial was proved should be punished merely because he was suspected of guilt may seem to modern eyes a scant measure of justice; but to the inquisitor it appeared a wrong to God and man that any one should escape against whose orthodoxy there rested a shadow of doubt. Like much else taught by the Inquisition, this found its way into general criminal laws, which it perverted for centuries.’

[370] Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 133-5. See Tanon, p. 334.

[371] See Douais, L’Inquisition, Appendix, p. 276, Raymond of PeÑaforte’s ruling.

[372] See Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 360. Council of Narbonne, 1235. ‘Quinam existimandi fautores haereticorum.’ A sin in the eyes of the Church; and, it should be added, highly improper and dangerous conduct probably in the eyes of the average man in those days.

[373] Albertini in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 82.

[374] Ludovico À Paramo, op. cit., pp. 37, 45.

[375] Cf. De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 203.

[376] See Fournier, op. cit., pp. 235-7, 262-73. See also Esmein, op. cit., pp. 66-134 (passim), English version, pp. 8-16, 78-94.

[377] Practica, p. 182.

[378] Fournier, op. cit., p. 265; Tanon, pp. 272-6.

[379] Fournier, pp. 266-7.

[380] For forms of citation, see Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 3 et seq.; Tanon, pp. 339 et seq.

[381] Fournier, p. 273. The inquisitor, or his delegate. Supra, p. 180.

[382] Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 235 et seq.; Eymeric, pp. 465 et seq. Cautelae inquisitorum contra haereticorum cavillationes et fraudes.

[383] B. HaurÉau, Bernard DÉlicieux et l’inquisition albigeoise (Paris, 1877), p. 89.

[384] Cf. Tanon, p. 357.

[385] On the ‘shock’ of accusation, see Langlois, op. cit., p. 56. On methods of interrogatories generally, see Molinier, op. cit., pp. 328 et seq.

[386] See Tanon, pp. 388-9.

[387] Ibid., pp. 390 et seq.; Limborch (Eng. tr.), vol. i, p. 179.

[388] Bernard Gui’s Practica, pp. 189-90, 243. ‘Non ... expedit quod omnes interrogationes scribantur, sed tantum ille que magis tangunt substantiam vel naturam facti.’ Cf. Ludovico À Paramo, p. 523.

[389] See Molinier, pp. 155, 327.

[390] See Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 103-8, 121-2, 202; Lea, vol. i, pp. 441-2.

[391] Eymeric, Directorium, p. 662.

[392] Ibid., p. 663, PeÑa’s comment, No. 119. ‘Familiares & domesticos non admitti in hoc crimine ad defendendum reum, & ratio non inepta haec potest, nam quemadmodum nemo unquam carnem suam odio habuit, eodem modo nemo putandus est consanguineos suos odio habere, tum etiam quia cum ex hoc crimine infamia in filios descendat, si filii ad testimonium dicendum pro parentibus admitterentur, facile ut infamiam vitarent, mentirentur.’

[393] On the question of the confessional, see De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 214-7; Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 279, in treatise ascribed to Raymond of PeÑaforte; Lea, vol. i, p. 437 and note. For decree of Council of Tarragona, see Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 555-6. See also E. MartÈne and U. Durand, Thesaurus novus Anecdotorum (Paris, 1717), vol. v, p. 1802. Doctrina de Modo Procedendi contra Haereticos, the section Qualiter sacerdos debet inquirere in confessione de facto haeresis. ‘Item, injungitur sacerdotibus quod in poenitentiis diligenter inquirant de haereticis & Insabbatis, credentibus, & fautoribus eorumdem, & si quid invenerint, fideliter conscribant, & mox cum illo vel cum illis qui hoc confessi fuerint, episcopo, vel ejus vicario, quid super hoc invenerint manifestent. Si vero confessus noluerit consentire, ut quod dictum est reveletur episcopo vel ejus vicario, Ipse nihilominus sacerdos requirat consilium non specificando personam a peritis & Deum timentibus, qualiter sit ulterius procedendum.’

[394] Directorium, p. 480.

[395] See Tanon, p. 401.

[396] Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 838.

[397] De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 188.

[398] See Ludovico À Paramo, p. 550; Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, pp. 138-40.

[399] See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 136. ‘Arnaldus Pagesii, de Mossoleux, comparuit apud Carcassonam coram domino episcopo Carcassone; et requisitus si vult se deffendere de hiis qui in inquisitione inventa sunt contra eum, respondit quod nullus pro vero potest aliquid dicere de ipso. Requisitus si velit ea de scriptis recipere, dixit quod non; et aliter non vult se deffendere. Item, requisitus si habet inimicos, dixit quod sic, Ber. Gausbert et Martinum Montanerii, sed nullam legitimam causam inimicitiarum assignavit; et alios inimicos noluit nominare.’ Cf. ibid., p. 178. See also Lea, vol. i, pp. 578-9, appendix.

[400] Tanon, p. 402.

[401] Ibid., p. 362.

[402] Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 573, § 23. ‘Teneatur praeterea Potestas, seu rector, omnes haereticos quos captos habuerit, cogere, citra membri diminutionem & mortis periculum, tanquam vere latrones & homicidas animarum, & fures sacramentorum Dei & fidei Christianae, errores suos expresse fateri, & accusare alios haereticos quos sciunt, & bona eorum, & credentes & receptatores, & defensores eorum, sicut coguntur fures & latrones bonorum temporalium accusare suos complices, & fateri maleficia quae fecerunt.’ Cf. David of Augsburg, quoted by Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 171-2 note.

[403] By the time of the Spanish Inquisition of Ferdinand and Isabella torture had come to be accepted as a most praiseworthy and Christian institution. Cf. Simancas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 204.

[404] Potthast, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum (Berlin, 1874 et seq.), No. 18057.

[405] Ibid., No. 18390.

[406] Tanon, p. 379.

[407] See supra, p. 161.

[408] Lea, vol. i, pp. 423-4, with reference to the infrequent mention of torture in inquisitorial registers. ‘Apparently it was felt that to record its use would in some way invalidate the force of the testimony.’ Cf. Tanon, p. 377. ‘Cette particularitÉ (silence) n’est pas spÉciale aux registres de l’Inquisition. La plupart des registres criminels des juridictions laÏques, pour les Époques auxquelles la “question” Était d’une application constante, la prÉsentent pareillement. La question Était un incident de procÉdure qui donnait lieu d’abord À un interlocutoire, puis À un procÈs-verbal spÉcial, dont la transcription dans les registres n’Était nullement nÉcessaire. Le greffier qui rÉdigeait la sentence, lorsqu’il relatait les aveux de l’accusÉ, Était beaucoup moins prÉoccupÉ de constater les moyens de contrainte À l’aide desquels ils avaient ÉtÉ obtenus que la rÉitÉration de ces mÊmes aveux, rÉputÉs alors volontiers, hors de la chambre de torture.’

[409] Eymeric, Directorium, p. 640; PeÑa’s comment, 110, p. 643.

[410] Ibid., comment 39, p. 520. ‘Cum reus fuit leviter et molliter tortus, repeti potest in tormentis, ita ut sufficienter torqueatur, ... et haec non tam dicitur repetitio torturae quam continuatio.’

[411] FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 318.

[412] Eymeric, PeÑa’s comment, p. 521.

[413] Ibid., p. 519.

[414] Ibid., pp. 480, 592, 614.

[415] See Tanon, p. 433. Out of 200 cases before the Carcassonne tribunal there was only one acquittal.

[416] Ludovico À Paramo, p. 269.

[417] They were also, of course, a warning. ‘The punishment of one is the fear of many,’ remarks Simancas sententiously, Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 179. But the main object is repentance and conversion. Ibid., p. 181.

[418] Bernard Gui, Practica, p. 38.

[419] Ibid., pp. 94-8.

[420] See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, p. 181.

[421] Bernard Gui, Practica, p. 95; Liber Sententiarum in Limborch, Historia Inquisitionis, pp. 218, 347. For an instance of this sort of sentence, see Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 116-17. ‘Injunctum fuit Ullixi in penitentia per inquisitores pro perjurio, quia non resumpsit cruces sicut juraverat, quod dominica post instantem dominicam in lxx^a veniat Carcassonam visitaturus omnes ecclesias Burgi Carcassonensis nudis pedibus in camesis et braceis, cum virgis in manu, eundo de una ecclesia ad aliam; et idem faciet in prima dominica mensium singulorum quousque transeat ultra mare. Et hoc fuit ei injunctum in virtute praestiti juramenti.’

[422] Lea, vol. i, p. 464; De Cauzons, vol. ii, p. 303.

[423] Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 271, § iv. Bernard Gui’s sentences are full of the infliction of this penance. Cf. Liber Sententiarum, pp. 40-5, 100-17, 185-91, 218-28.

[424] Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 693. ‘Cum peccatores sint ad poenitentiam invitandi juxta Dominicam vocem, gaudere oportet si poenitentiam impositam libenter suscipiunt et supportant. Quocirca statuimus, & in virtute sancti Spiritus inhibemus, ne poenitentibus, quibus cruces pro crimine haeresis imponuntur, irrisio ulla fiat, nec a locis propriis seu communibus commerciis excludantur, ne retardetur conversio peccatorum, & ne conversi propter scandalum abjecta poenitentia relabantur. Et si moniti desistere noluerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam compellantur.’ Cf. Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 101-2.

[425] Eymeric, Directorium, pp. 702-4; Molinier, op. cit., pp. 23, 390.

[426] Practica, pp. 165, 169.

[427] Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 213, 237.

[428] ‘Filios haereticorum, etiam natos ante crimen commissum, sub poenis, & prohibitionibus canonicis comprehendi.’ J. À Royas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 231.

[429] See Lea, vol. i, pp. 471-81.

[430] While in France the Inquisition took no official record of confiscation—it was automatically carried out by the State—in Italy the tribunal gave a formal declaratory sentence of confiscation. Zanchino, Tractatus de Haereticis, chs. xxiii, xxv, xxvi.

[431] See Lea, vol. i, pp. 520-1.

[432] Mansi, vol. xxiii, pp. 574-5.

[433] See Lea, vol. iii, p. 525. On whole question of confiscation, see also Tanon, op. cit., pp. 523-38.

[434] Lea, vol. i, p. 529. Lea was the first historian to go into the financial aspect of the Inquisition at all thoroughly. He devotes a whole chapter, book i, ch. xiii, to the subject of confiscation. ‘It was this,’ in his view, ‘which supplied the fuel which kept up the fires of zeal, and when it was lacking, the business of defending the faith languished lamentably.’

[435] Cf. Langlois, op. cit., p. 74.

[436] See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 48-53. P. 53. ‘Ce n’est pas ambition ni cupiditÉ: c’est instinct de prÉservation.’ But see Vacandard, op. cit., pp. 202-3. ‘But would the ecclesiastical and lay princes, who, in varying proportion, shared with the Holy Office in these confiscations, and who in some countries appropriated them all, have accorded to the Inquisition that continual good-will and help, which was the condition of its prosperity without what Lea calls “the stimulant of pillage”? We may well doubt it.’

[437] Directorium, pp. 709-22.

[438] See Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 6, 7, 15, 18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 30, 34; Tanon, op. cit., p. 482; Vacandard, op. cit., p. 193. Eymeric imposed this penance on the violently suspect, Directorium, pp. 530-1.

[439] See Lea, vol. i, p. 487.

[440] See supra, p. 161; Molinier, op. cit., p. 449.

[441] See Lea, vol. i, p. 492.

[442] See provisions of the decrees of the Council of Toulouse (1229), in Mansi, vol. xxiii, p. 196; and of the Council of Albi (1244), ibid., p. 840.

[443] See Tanon, op. cit., p. 544.

[444] Tanon, p. 519; Simancas, op. cit., p. 133. For form of sentence, Practica, p. 59. ‘.... Dirui ac moliri funditus ita quod de cetero in loco seu solo ejus nulla humana habitatio seu reedificatio aut clausio ibi fiat, seu locus inhabitabilis et incultus et inclausus semper existat, et sicut fuit receptaculum perfidorum, sic deinceps ex nunc perpetuo sordium locus fiat.’

[445] Ibid.

[446] Lea, vol. i, p. 483.

[447] Tanon, op. cit., pp. 404-7.

[448] Bernard Gui, Practica, pp. 129, 144; Liber Sententiarum, pp. 93, 208; Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 297, 298, 324.

[449] Directorium, pp. 514-16.

[450] Practica, pp. 124, 127. ‘Cum ecclesia ultra non habet quod faciat pro suis demeritis contra ipsum, idcirco eundem relinquimus brachio et judicio curie secularis.’

[451] Lea, vol. i, pp. 544-6.

[452] The formula ran, ‘Eundem N. tanquam haereticum relinquimus brachio et judicio curie saecularis, eandem affectuose rogantes prout canonice sanctiones, quatenus citra mortem et membrorum ejus mutilationem circa judicium et suam sententiam moderetur.’ Practica, p. 127. Cf. Directorium, pp. 554, 559.

[453] Douais, L’Inquisition, pp. 264-8; Maillet, op. cit., ch. iv.

[454] Supra, pp. 152-6.

[455] Admitted candidly by PeÑa. See Directorium, p. 131, comm. 20.

[456] See Simancas, p. 147. See Vacandard, op. cit., on the Church’s use of secular aid, pp. 27-8. ‘Nor were they content with merely accepting it. They declared that the State had not only the right to help the Church in suppressing heresy, but that she was in duty bound to do so.’

[457] ‘A legal fiction,’ is Vacandard’s way of putting it; a ‘hypocrisy,’ Lea’s. Langlois calls it ‘a miserable equivocation.’ See Vacandard, op. cit., pp. 178-9. ‘We regret to state, however, that the civil judges were not supposed to take these words literally. If they were at all inclined to do so, they would have been quickly called to a sense of their duty by being excommunicated. The clause inserted by the canonists was a mere legal fiction, which did not change matters a particle.’

[458] J. À Royas in Zilettus, vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 231.

[459] Simancas, ibid., p. 181.

[460] Ludovico À Paramo, bk. i, p. 47.

[461] For description of Sermo generalis, see Directorium, pp. 437-42, 548-59; Practica, pp. 83-6.

[462] In 897 Pope Stephen VII had dug up the body of his predecessor, Formosus, solemnly tried and condemned it, had it mutilated and thrown into the Tiber. There is a case in 1022 of the body of a ManichÆan of Orleans, who had died three years before, being exhumed.

[463] See Lea, vol. i, pp. 231-2, 553; De Cauzons, vol. ii, pp. 354-61.

[464] For sentences against the dead, see Practica, pp. 58, 122-6; Liber Sententiarum, pp. 32-4, 162-7, 333.

[465] Ibid., pp. 43, 48.

[466] Ibid., p. 54.

[467] Liber Sententiarum, pp. 50, 53.

[468] Douais, Documents, vol. ii, pp. 128-36 (passim), 151-2.

[469] There is the case also of a man, condemned to life imprisonment, being permitted to stay with his invalid father as long as the latter survived. The father may have been seriously ill and his remaining days likely to be few. The case is, however, interesting. Douais, L’Inquisition, p. 232.

[470] In the bull, Fraternitatem tuam. See FrÉdÉricq, Corpus, vol. i, No. 57.

[471] Directorium, p. 491. See De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 397.

[472] Ludovico À Paramo, op. cit., p. 124. See Tanon, op. cit., p. 437.

[473] As for example the Sire de Parthenay, see Lea, vol. i, p. 451; and the towns of Albi and Carcassonne, see Tanon, pp. 439-40. It is worth noticing that the notary, who drew up the appeal of the latter city against Nicholas d’Abbeville, was prosecuted for heresy and imprisoned.

[474] See Douais, Documents, vol. i, p. ccv., where the sentences are classified.

[475] Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 1-87.

[476] Tanon, p. 479.

[477] Taylor, op. cit., pp. 283-4 n. ‘The philosophic ideas of such seem gathered from the flotsam and jetsam of the later antique world; their stock was not of the best, and bore little interesting fruit for later times.’

[478] Mandell Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance (1895), p. 55. ‘Leo X was tolerant of the philosophic doubts of Pomponazzo concerning the immortality of the soul, because such speculations were not likely to affect the position of the Papacy; but could not allow Luther to discuss the dubious and complicated question of indulgences because it might have disastrous effects upon the system of papal finance.’

[479] See Acton, History of Freedom of Thought, pp. 569-71.

[480] E. S. P. Haynes, Religious Persecution (1904), p. 40. ‘A Liberal has recently been defined as one who would never have taken the chance of imposing silence on the deceivers of mankind. If we hold by this definition, very few Liberals have ever existed, or do exist now.’

[481] D. G. Ritchie, Natural Rights (1903), p. 160.

[482] The Catholic EncyclopÆdia (1907-14), on Heresy, vol. vii, p. 261.

[483] Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance, pp. 9-10.

[484] Ludovico À Paramo, op. cit., pp. 281-2.

[485] Ibid., pp. 288-9.

[486] Ibid., pp. 333-4.

[487] Joseph de Maistre, ConsidÉrations sur la France suivies ... des lettres À un gentilhomme russe sur l’inquisition espagnole (Brussels, 1844), pp. 281 et seq. Cf. Catholic EncyclopÆdia, vol. vii, p. 261. ‘Toleration came in when faith went out.’

[488] De Cauzons, op. cit., vol. i, p. 9.

[489] Pollock, Essays in Jurisprudence and Ethics (1882), on The Theory of Persecution, pp. 144-5. ‘However eager the clergy might be to stimulate and direct the anger of the faithful against heretics, their efforts would have been in vain if the bulk of the laity had not been predisposed to persecute heretics when duly pointed out. So far from persecution being merely the creature of priestcraft, it would be as near the truth to say that priestcraft was invented in order to organize persecution.’

[490] Haynes, op. cit., pp. 52-9.

[491] Ibid., p. 3. ‘And the heretic—often lacking in tact and a sense of proportion—is as offensive to the believer as one who should rudely tell him that his doctor was a quack and his solicitor a swindler.’ Cf. p. 55.

[492] Mill, On Liberty; Lecky’s Rationalism, esp., chs. iv and v.

[493] Op. cit., pp. 5, 113-15.

[494] Pollock, op. cit., p. 175.

[495] J. B. Bury, A History of Freedom of Thought (Home Univ. Lib.), p. 14. ‘A long time was needed to arrive at the conclusion that coercion of opinion is a mistake, and only a part of the world is yet convinced. That conclusion, so far as I can judge, is the most important ever reached by man. It was the issue of a continuous struggle between reason and authority....’

[496] Cf. Langlois, op. cit., pp. 21-47.

[497] For the trial of the Templars, see H. Finke, Papstum und Untergang des Templerordens (MÜnster, 1907); M. Lavocat, ProcÈs des FrÈres et de l’ordre du Temple (Paris, 1888); Collection de Documents inÉdits sur l’histoire de France—ProcÈs des Templiers, J. Michelet (Paris, 1841); Lea, vol. iii, pp. 238-334. Lea’s treatment of this complicated subject is masterly, and is conclusive against Philip IV and Clement V. For the trial of Jeanne d’Arc, see J. Quicherat, ProcÈs de Condamnation et de RÉhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc (Paris, 1841-9); H. S. Denifle and E. Chatelain, Le procÈs de J. d’Arc et l’UniversitÉ de Paris (Paris, 1897); A. France, Vie de Jeanne d’Arc (Paris, 1908); A. Lang, The Maid of France (1908); Lea, vol. iii, pp. 338-78, etc. For trial of Savonarola, see P. Villart, Life and Times of Savonarola (Eng. trans.), 1899; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 209-37. For papal use of the Inquisition for political purposes, see Lea, vol. iii, ch. iv, generally.

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