[1] See the Appendix, pages 369, 370.

[2] “Trojanische AlterthÜmer. Bericht Über die Ausgrabungen in Troja, von Dr. Heinrich Schliemann. Leipzig, in Commission bei F. A. Brockhaus, 1874.” It may be convenient to state here, lest the reader should be disappointed at finding no details of the excavations at Hissarlik in the first year (1870), that the work of that year was merely preliminary to the systematic researches of 1871-3. An account of that first year’s work, and of the arguments which convinced Dr. Schliemann that he must search for Troy at Hissarlik and no where else, will be found in his earlier work, “Ithaque, le PÉloponnÈse, et Troie.”

[3] Several misprints and wrong references in the original have been corrected. For the correction respecting the dÉbris at Jerusalem (note to p. 218), the Editor is indebted to his friend Mr. George Grove.

[4] The Anglicized form of the word is used as a matter of common sense and convenience. Dr. Schliemann does the same in German.

[5] See the Letter of Mr. S. Comnos in the AthenÆum of August 8th, and the Answer of Dr. Schliemann in the Academy of November 7th, 1874.

[6] See Mr. Newton’s Report, and the discussion thereupon, in the Academy of February 14th, 1874, and in the ‘Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries.'

[7] The AthenÆum, November 7th, 1874. Some of Mr. Calvert’s corrections seem of importance, but we have not felt it right to use them in the absence of the reply which Dr. Schliemann will doubtless make, as he has done to his other critics.

[8] Iliad, II. 486. See the full quotation at p. 346. Professor Max MÜller quotes the same passage in favour of the non-reality of Homer’s Troy; but surely the ????? ?????e? implies a positive tradition, and the ??d? t? ?de? confesses ignorance of details only. Are Homer’s Hellespont, and his Plain of Troy, watered by the Scamander and SimoÏs, also “to be sought rather among the Muses who dwell on Olympus than” about “the Hill of Hissarlik"?

[9] The excellent dissertation by Dr. Eckenbrecher, to which Schliemann refers at page 46, has just been republished in a revised edition, “Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, von Dr. Gustav von Eckenbrecher.” With 2 Maps and a View of Hissarlik, 1875. The Author has purposely kept his argument in favour of the site at Hissarlik, from Homer and the later classical writers, distinct from what he distinctly accepts as its confirmation by Schliemann’s discoveries.

[10] See the remarks on this point in the Appendix, p. 364. Lest the views here indicated should seem to be at variance with the frequent use of the term “pre-Hellenic” throughout this work, it may be well to explain, once for all, that “pre-Hellenic” is to be taken as signifying nothing else than “before the occupation of the site by the people of the historical Greek Ilium.”

[11] The Phrygians (of which race the Trojans were a branch) are among the nations mentioned as having held in succession the supremacy at sea (?a?ass???at?a).

[12] The evidence of the Egyptian monuments to the power of Troy, and the bearing of that evidence on the date of the remains at Hissarlik, are among the subjects which we must refrain from discussing, as both too large and as yet too imperfectly investigated. It must suffice at present to refer to the letters by M. FranÇois Lenormant in the Academy for March 21st and March 28th, 1874, and to the two articles in the Contemporary Review for June and July, 1874, which it is understood that Mr. Gladstone is about to republish under the title of ‘Homer and Egypt; a Contribution towards determining the Place of Homer in Chronology.'

[13] Those desirous of pursuing this study from its fountain-head may consult, besides the works quoted by Dr. Schliemann, Spiegel’s ‘Iranian Antiquities’ (Eranische Alterthumskunde, Vols. I. and II., Leipzig, 1871, 1873).

[14] Professor Van Benschoten’s ‘Remarks on Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries,’ in the ‘Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Session of the American Philological Association, held at Hartford, July 1874.’ We have been pleased to find this testimony, while correcting this sheet for press, in the Academy for January 9th, 1875.

[15] Had the first conclusions of Haug and Gomperz remained good, we should have had the very significant evidence that all the inscriptions were in the nature of dedications or invocations; but of course this question must now be held in suspense.

[16] See Max MÜller’s Review of Schliemann in the Academy, Jan. 10th, 1874, p. 39; Schliemann’s Reply, entitled ‘Hera BoÖpis and AthenÉ Glaukopis,’ Ibid. Nov. 21st, 1874, p. 563, and Max MÜller’s Rejoinder, Ibid. Nov. 24th, p. 585.

[17] On the whole subject of this symbolism see the recent work of Professor Conze on the ‘Figures of Heroes and Gods’ (Heroen-und GÖtter-Gestalten). He shows that the symbol preceded the image, two things which have been confounded in the discussion. A fuller illustration may be obtained from the use of animals in the armorial devices of the Greeks, which has been recently discussed by Professor Curtius in a paper contributed to the Berlin Academy of Science. He believes that the practice came originally from Assyria, so that Troy would be on the route.

[18] While writing this, we remember (though without the means of verification at hand) that Niebuhr maintains the same view in his ‘Lectures on Ancient History'; and it is confirmed by the tradition among the Æolians of the Troad, that Agamemnon was the founder of their colony (?t?st??).

[19] See the Academy, Jan. 9th, 1875.

[20] ‘Anatolica; or the Journal of a Visit to some of the ancient Ruined Cities of Caria, Phrygia, Lycia, and Pisidia. By the Rev. E. J. Davis, H.B.M.'s Consular Chaplain, Alexandria, 1874.’ Page 101.

[21] The Academy, Nov. 7th, 1874.

[22] The only exceptions to this description are the two terra-cottas, Pl. XXI. No. 309, and Pl. XLVIII. No. 484, and the one on Pl. XXIV. No. 349, which links the whorls with the round terra-cottas of the Greek strata.

[23] The descriptions of the patterns are partly from Dr. Schliemann’s work, and partly added by the Editor; but the chief part are from M. Burnouf’s descriptions appended to the original drawings by himself and his accomplished daughter, from which all, from Plate XXIV. and onwards, have been engraved. These descriptions are quoted simply for what they may be worth, as the speculations of so eminent an orientalist. We have omitted some of them as too speculative. In special cases the initial (B) is added. The material, colour, and style of work are given from M. Burnouf’s notes. Those on Plates XXI., XXII., XXIII., are engraved from the photographs in Schliemann’s Atlas.

[24] D for double, denotes a whorl decorated on both sides.

[25] In M. Burnouf’s descriptions the ? is called “le sacrifice,” or “le saint sacrifice.”

[26] Where the depth is not given, we have been unable to discover the objects in the Atlas; neither the numbers nor the depths being given on the drawings.

[27] One of numerous examples showing the workman’s free hand; he has not measured his spaces with any exactness.

[28] This is rather suggestive of a teetotum.

[29] An example of one of the rudest attempts at drawing from the latest pre-Hellenic stratum; some equally rude figures are scratched on a wall at Pompeii.

[30] This is an example of many cases, in which the pattern may be viewed quite differently, according as we start from the centre or from the circumference.

[31] Dr. Schliemann desires us to add that this ship was the “Dorothea” (Captain Simonsen), owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroog.—[Ed.]

[32] Each of these Memoirs forms a chapter of the Translation.

[33] For this remarkable vessel see Chapter XXIII. and Plate XVII.

[34] But a second was found in the stratum above (see the Illustration, No. 35, at the end of the Introduction).

[35] The word by which Dr. Schliemann usually denotes these curious objects is carrousels, as a translation of fusaioli, the term applied by the Italian antiquaries to the similar objects found in the marshes about Modena. It is difficult to choose an English word, without assuming their use on the one hand, or not being specific enough on the other. Top and teetotum are objectionable on the former grounds, and wheel is objectionable on both. On the whole, whorl seems most convenient, and Dr. Schliemann gives his approval to this term. Their various shapes are shown in the Plates at the end of the volume. Those in the form of single cones, with flat bases, seem to be what Dr. Schliemann calls volcanoes (Vulkans), the hole representing the crater.—[Ed.]

[36] See p. 280.

[37] See the Plan of Greek Ilium (Plan I.).

[38] See the Plan of Dr. Schliemann’s Researches. (Plan II.).

[39] The double form of an outer and inner gate, and the use of p??a? in the plural for a city gate, are both far too frequent to justify our founding an argument merely on the plural form of the S?a?a? p??a?.—[Ed.]

[40]

This is the declaration of Poseidon to the gods, when Æneas was in peril of his life by the sword of Achilles. (But compare p. 182).—[Ed.]

[41] To this statement there are at least some exceptions. See the Analysis by M. Damour, of Lyon, at the end of the book.—[Ed.]

[42] We omit here the Author’s further enumeration of the objects composing the “King’s Treasure,” as they are fully described on the occasion of their wonderful discovery (Chapter XXIII.). Meanwhile the Plate opposite gives a general view of the whole.—[Ed.]

[43] Engraved among the lithographic plates at the end of the volume, Pl. LI., No. 496. Since the publication of Dr. Schliemann’s work, many of these Trojan inscriptions have been more certainly determined to be real inscriptions in the Cyprian syllabic character, through the researches of Dr. Martin Haug and Professor Gomperz of Vienna. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[44] Dr. Schliemann has since pronounced these crown-shaped vessels to be covers of vases; though they may, he thinks, have been used for cups as well. One is seen placed on the splendid vase on p. 48.—{Ed}

[45] See Plan III., p. 306.

[46] Iliad, V. 640-642, where Tlepolemus boasts of his ancestor Hercules—

[47] This most important key to the archÆological evidence collected by Dr. Schliemann has been preserved in the present translation. The depths are given in meters for the reasons stated in the Preface.

[48] These objects resemble those from other strata, engraved in Chapter IV. and subsequently.

[49] Chapter XVI., p. 239; comp. Chap. XV., p. 230, XVII., p. 250, XIX., p. 272.

[50] It will be seen, however, from the analysis of M. Damour, that traces of iron (probably in the state of an ore) are found in one of the sling-bullets discovered by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.]

[51] See Plan II. at the end of the volume.

[52] Chapter X.

[53] Nimbus und Strahlenkranz.

[54] See the Sections on the Plates of Whorls.

[55] For examples of this type see Nos. 337, 340, 341, &c.

[56] See the Illustrations to Chapter II., p. 65.

[57] ‘Le Signe de la Croix,’ pp. 88-89.

[58] See the Sections of Plain Whorls, Pl. XXI., Nos. 436-440.

[59] This statement needs considerable qualification. The notes on M. Burnouf’s drawings, supplied by Dr. Schliemann for this book, frequently describe the decorated whorls as worn and rubbed, especially on the under side and at the point, in some cases “by a circular motion.” All this strongly favours the hypothesis of their use for spindles.—[Ed.]

[60] These restorations are indicated in the engravings by light shading.

[61] XIII. i., p. 122, Tauchnitz edition.

[62] Strabo, XIII. i., p. 99. See the Map of the Plain of Troy.

[63] XIII. i., p. 103.

[64] ‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, III., s. 573-608.

[65] ‘Jahresbericht Über das Gymnasium Fridericianum,’ Schwerin, 1871 und 1872.

[66] ‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, 2. Jahrg., s. 1 fg.

[67] ‘Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War.’ Edinburgh, 1822. Second Edition. ‘The Plain of Troy described,’ &c. 1863. Dr. Schliemann might have added the weighty authority of Mr. Grote, ‘History of Greece,’ vol. i., chap. xv.—[Ed.]

[68] Dr. Émile Burnouf has published a very clear and interesting account of Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries, in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes’ for Jan. 1, 1874.—[Ed.]

[69] As we call it, lamp-black, that is, tolerably pure carbon.—[Ed.]

[70] See the Cut No. 1 on p. 15.

[71] These are the vases so often mentioned as having the form of great champagne glasses (see the Cuts on see p. 85, 158, 166, 171). Dr. Schliemann also applies the name to the unique boat-shaped vessel of pure gold found in the Treasure.—[Ed.]

[72] If M. Burnouf meant this seriously at the time, it can now only stand as a curious coincidence, interesting as one example of the tentative process of this new enquiry. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[73] These indications of a fifth pre-Hellenic settlement, if confirmed by further investigation, would seem to point to the spread of the Lydians over western Asia Minor.—Ed.

[74] This date refers to Dr. Schliemann’s former opinion, that there were Byzantine remains at Hissarlik. He now places the final destruction of Ilium in the fourth century, on the evidence of the latest coins found there. See see p. 318, 319.—Ed.

[75] Voyage de la Troade (3^e Éd. Paris, 1802).

[76] See Plan I., of Greek Ilium, at the end of the volume.

[77] See the Frontispiece.

[78] See Plan II., of the Excavations, at the end of the volume.

[79] The Turkish piaster is somewhat over twopence English.

[80] Herod. VII. 43.

[81] Strabo, XIII. 1. 8; Arrian, I. 11.; Plutarch, Life of Alexander the Great, viii.

[82] See Plan II., of the Excavations.

[83] The various forms of the whorls are shown in the lithographed plates at the end of the volume.

[84] See Plate IV. View of the Northern part of the Plain of Troy.

[85] Homer, Iliad, II. 790-794:—

[86] See Plate V., View of the South-eastern part of the Plain of Troy. The word “perpetual” (ewigem) in reference to the snow on Ida is omitted at the desire of the Author, who has ascertained that the summit is clear of snow in July and August.—[Ed.]

[87] The difference of temperature in the springs seems to have been disproved afterwards. (See Chapter V., p. 92.)—[Ed.]

[88] This work has now been done. See ‘Introduction,’ p. 51.

[89] The ‘Introduction’ has already shown how Dr. Schliemann changed his opinion as to the magnitude of Troy. Compare also Chapter XXIII. It is hard to see how the vague poetic language of the passage cited furnishes any data for the computation in the text.—[Ed.]

[90] See the Map.

[91] Lycophron’s Cassandra; Virgil’s Æneid, III., 302-305; Strabo, XIII., 1.

[92] For the further and most interesting discoveries which speedily led Dr. Schliemann to recal this conjecture, and which have affected all previous theories about the ages of stone and bronze, see the beginning of Chapter IV.

[93] The stone implements here described are so similar in form to the better-made objects of the same sort, exhibited in subsequent illustrations, that it seems superfluous to engrave them here.—[Ed.]

[94] This depth of 10 meters, or 33 feet, is that which Dr. Schliemann came to regard as the lower limit of the ruins of the true heroic Troy. The depth of 7 meters, or 23 feet, presently mentioned is the upper limit of the same stratum. (See the Introduction and the later Memoirs.)—[Ed.]

[95] These, like all the objects of copper found at Troy, are coated with verdigris and malachite. (Letter-press to the Atlas.)

[96] See Plate LI., No. 496. Comp. Chapter IX., p. 138. This is one of the most important of the inscriptions determined to be such by Professor Gomperz. It has six characters. (See the Appendix.)

[97] This is given on Plate XXII., No. 326, from the Photograph, and more accurately from M. Burnouf’s drawing on Plate XLVIII., No. 482. Dr. Schliemann supposed that it bore an inscription; but he afterwards recalled the opinion. (See Chapter IX., p. 137.)—{Ed.}

[98] These cups, as already observed, are really covers of vases, the “coronet” being the upper, instead of the under part.—[Ed.]

[99] In these the Author afterwards recognized moulds for casting instruments and ornaments of copper. (See Chapter IX.)—{Ed.}

[100] This refers to the lowest of the strata, which Dr. Schliemann long took for the ruins of the Homeric Troy.—{Ed.}

[101] A few, however, were afterwards found in lower strata, at 6 and even 8 meters. (See p. 295.)—{Ed.}

[102] See the Frontispiece and Plan II.

[103] Gabriel de Mortillet, Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme.

[104] Plates XXI. to LII. at the end of the volume.

[105] Copied in the Zeitschrift fÜr Ethnologie, Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft fÜr Anthropologie und Urgeschichte, 1871, Heft III.

[107] A. W. Franks, HorÆ ferales, pl. 30, fig. 19.

[108] The cut, for which we are indebted to Mr. Fergusson, represents the foot-print of Buddha, as carved on the Amraverti Tope, near the river Kistna. Besides the suastika, repeated again and again on the heels, the cushions, and the toes, it bears the emblem of the mystic rose, likewise frequently repeated (comp. the lithographed whorls, Nos. 330, 339, &c.), and the central circles show a close resemblance to some of the Trojan whorls.—[Ed.]

[109] See an illustration to Chapter X. for similar ivories, still more interesting, from their greater depth, than those mentioned in the text, which are very imperfectly shown on the original photograph.

[110] See the Plate of Idols, p. 36.

[111] See Cut, No. 13, p. 35.

[112] Dr. Schliemann is here speaking of the “cups” which he afterwards decided to be covers, which of course represent only the head, the body being on the vase.—[Ed.]

[113] See Cut, No. 54, p. 86.

[114] Ithaque, le PÉloponnÈse et Troie. Dr. Schliemann’s subsequent change of opinion on this point is explained in subsequent chapters, and in the Introduction.

[115] The various types of whorls spoken of here and throughout the work are delineated in the lithographic Plates at the end of the volume, and are described in the List of Illustrations.

[116] These “rising suns” are the arcs with their ends resting on the circumference of the whorl, as in Nos. 321-28, and many others on the Plates. M. Burnouf describes them as “stations of the sun.”

[117] For the type of whorls with “sÔma-trees” or “trees of life” (four, or more, or fewer), see Nos. 398, 400, 401, 404, &c. In No. 410 the four trees form a cross.

[118] Plate LII., No. 498.

[119] This falcon seems to be represented by rude two-legged figures on some of the whorls:—e. g. on Plate XLV., No. 468 (comp. p. 135).

[120] Abhandlungen der K. bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1846, S. 127.

[121] A. Kuhn, ‘Herabkunft des Feuers.'

[122] Geschichte der Kunst.

[123] See the cut No. 75 and also on Plate XXX., No. 382. M. Burnouf describes the animal to the right as a hare, the symbol of the Moon, and the other two as the antelopes, which denote the prevailing of the two halves of the month (quinzaines).

[124] See Plate XXXV., No. 414. The same symbol is seen on several other examples.

[125] Iliad, XIV. 346-351. An English writer ought surely to use our old-fashioned form Jove, which is also even philologically preferable as the stem common to ?e?? and Ju-piter (??? = ?e? = Jov), rather than the somewhat pedantically sounding ?e??.—[Ed.]

[126] Essays, II. 93.

[127] Iliad, XX. 216-218:—

[128] See Plate XXII., No. 327.

[129] Essays, II. 324.

[130] Herabkunft des Feuers, p. 59.

[131] See, for example, Iliad, XI. 633-635, Odyssey, XV. 116, 446.

[132] Dr. Schliemann found afterwards that these fragments did not belong to double cups. (See Chap. XXII., p. 313, and ‘Introduction,’ p. 15.)

[133] As the device on a seal may be presumed to be significant, and as patterns strikingly similar to this occur on some of the whorls (e.g. on Plate XLIV., No. 461), we have a strong argument for the significance of the latter class of devices.—[Ed.]

[134] See Plate XXII., No. 321.

[135] That is, belonging to the lowest stratum.

[136] Chapter VII., p. 121.

[137] See No. 380, on Plate XXIX.

[138] See No. 383, on Plate XXX.

[139] Plate XXIX., No. 379. The front bears 4 ?; on the back are the emblems described, which are shown separately in detail, and of which M. Burnouf gives an elaborate description. (See List of Illustrations.)

[140] Plate XXVIII., No. 377; compare Plate XXVII., No. 367.

[141] See Plate XXII., No. 328; the depth (14 M.) deserves special notice. The wheel-shape, which is characteristic of the whorls in the lowest stratum, is seen at No. 314, Plate XXI.

[142] Chapter IV., p. 84. See Plate XXII., No. 326, from the Atlas of Photographs, and Plate XLVIII., No. 482, from M. Burnouf’s drawings.

[143] Plate XXX., No. 383.

[144] Page 83, and Plate LI., No. 496. This is one of the inscriptions examined by Professor Gomperz. (See Appendix.)

[145] See Cut, No. 81, and Plate XXVII., No. 369. The latter is an inscription, which Professor Gomperz has discussed. (See Appendix.)

[146] Iliad, VI. 168-170:—

[147] Chapter IV., see p. 83-84. Though not Phoenician, these are Cyprian letters, and they have been discussed by Professor Gomperz, who found in this very whorl his experimentum crucis. (See Appendix.)

[148] Chapter IV., p. 87.

[149] Some examples of these jars, still more interesting on account of the great depth at which they were found, are seen in Plate XI., p. 290.

[150] Chapter VIII.

[151] For a further description and discussion of this splendid relief, see the Introduction, see p. 32-34. An acute critic has suggested to us that the metopÉ is a sculpture of the best age of Greek art, before or about the time of Alexander, inserted in a Doric frieze of late debased work, as is proved by the difference of styles, and by the evident fact that the metopÉ was originally too large for the space between the triglyphs. The temple to which it belonged, in Dr. Schliemann’s final opinion, was a temple of Apollo, which he discovered later (comp. Chap. XIV., p. 223, and Chap. XVII., p. 257).—[Ed.]

[152] Iliad, VI. 302-304:—

[153] The reader should bear in mind that Dr. Schliemann finally came back to this opinion. It is not “second thoughts” (say the authors of ‘Guesses at Truth'), but first and third thoughts, that are “best.”—[Ed.]

[154] Compare the sections shown on Plate XXI.

[155] See No. 14, on page 36.

[156] At the end of the volume, see p. 359, 360.

[157] Dr. Schliemann afterwards pronounced these “wedges” to be battle-axes. See Introduction, p. 21.

[158] Here, as well as in what goes before, Dr. Schliemann writes on the supposition, which he afterwards abandoned, that the remains in the lowest stratum are those of the Trojans of the Iliad.—[Ed.]

[159] We believe that naturalists are now agreed that such appearances of toads imprisoned for long periods are deceptive. Into what depths cannot a tadpole (whether literal or metaphorical) wriggle himself down?—[Ed.]

[160] This description itself suggests an inversion of the so-called “cup,” which is, in fact, a vase-cover. For its form see No. 74, on p. 115.—[Ed.]

[161] See Plate XXIII., No. 339; Plate XLVII., No. 478.

[162] According to Dr. Schliemann’s later view these “successors to the Trojans” were, as we have seen, the Trojans themselves.—[Ed.]

[163]The drawing, Plate XLVII., No. 480, shows the sign 20 times in 5 groups of 4 each. This seems to be a similar type to the one described, but from a lesser depth.—{Ed.}

[164] The inscription, which Professor Gomperz has pointed out, is identical with that on Pl. LI., No. 496. (See see p. 83-84 and Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[165] The types here described will be found on the Lithographs.

[166] Similar jewels are depicted among the articles of the Treasure (Chapter XXIII., Plate XX.).

[167] Chapter IX., see p. 132-3.

[168] See Plate LI., No. 493. M. Burnouf’s drawings, from which our engraving is taken, seem to differ from Dr. Schliemann’s description in a few of the minuter details.—[Ed.]

[169] On Plate I., No. 491, this ball is represented from M. Burnouf’s drawings, showing six different faces.

[170] See No. 5, p. 24.—[Ed.] Perhaps they were used to polish the terra-cotta vases.

[171] See No. 13, p. 35.

[172] Compare these with Cut No. 74 on p. 115.

[173] See Plate XLVIII., No. 484.

[174] We do not feel it right to spoil the unity of the following disquisition by striking out the few repetitions of arguments urged in other parts of the work.—[Ed.]

[175] Strabo, XIII. i. p. 103; Lycophron, Cassandra, 1208. See further, on the SimoÏs, Note A, p. 358.

[176] Odyssey, XXIV. 80-81:

“We the holy army of the spear-throwing Argives, then raised round these (bones) a great and honourable tomb on the projecting shore of the broad Hellespont, so that it might be seen from the sea by the men who are now born and who shall be hereafter.”—Dr. Schliemann’s translation.

[177] Strabo, XIII. 1.

[178] Plutarch, ‘Life of Alexander the Great'; Cicero, pro Archia, 10; Ælian, V. H., 12, 7.

[179] Dio Cassius, LXXVII.

[180] Iliad, XX. 215-218.

[181] Herodotus, I. 27; Iliad, III. 189-190; Strabo, XIII. 3.

[182] But see further on this point, Chapter XI., pp. 197-8.—[Ed.]

[183] Iliad, XX. 307-308, quoted in the Introduction, p. 19.

[184] See the Plates of Whorls, Nos. 350, 351, 352, 356, 357, 359, &c.

[185] Plate XXVI., No. 362. M. Burnouf calls these “the 6 bi-monthly sacrifices.”

[186] Plate XXXIII., No. 402.

[187] Plate XXXIV., No. 403.

[188] Plate XXII., No. 320.

[189] See the Sections on Plate XXI.

[190] In the ball here depicted there is no mistaking the significance of the line of ?, the symbols of fire, as denoting the torrid zone. The three dots are, according to M. Burnouf, the symbol of royal majesty therein residing. The two rows of dots parallel to the torrid zone may possibly represent the inhabited regions of the temperate zones, according to the oriental theory followed by Plato.—[Ed.]

[191] See the qualification of this statement on p. 40.

[192] In the Atlas, Dr. Schliemann describes this and another such as Trojan lamps, but adds that they may be only vase covers.

[193] The one meant seems to be that engraved on p. 115 (No. 74).

[194] See Cut, No. 149, p. 199.

[195] See Cut, No. 1, p. 15.

[196] Iliad, XXII. 145-156:—

[197] See Iliad, II. 811-815, quoted above, p. 179.

[198] Chapter II., p. 69.

[199] See Plan II.

[200] Iliad, VII. 452-453.

[201] The Tower is marked No. 4, and is also named, on Plan II.

[202] This opinion was changed afterwards. See Chapter XXII., p. 318.—[Ed.]

[203] Iliad, VI. 386, 387:—

[204] Similar rings are shown among the articles of the Treasure (Chapter XXIII., Plate XX).

[205] Others, even more interesting, were found later (Chapter XX., see p. 279-80).

[206] This last name was afterwards recalled by Dr. Schliemann, and that of “Ilium” or “Troy” confined to the Hill of Hissarlik. See Chapter XXIII., p. 343; and Introduction, p. 18.

[207] Respecting these steps, which are marked No. 6, on Plan II., and c on Plan III., p. 306, see further in Chapter XXII., p. 318, where the idea of an upper storey is rejected.—[Ed.]

[208] The cut represents a vase of this type, with the upper part joined on by Dr. Schliemann, who remarks that it is doubtful whether the owl’s face belongs to this vase, as the Ilian goddess is in no other case represented on vases without the breasts and abdomen. (Description in the Atlas of Photographs.)

[209] See Plate XXI., No. 309.

[211] This statement is hardly accurate. The greatest depth of dÉbris discovered by the officers of the Palestine Exploration Fund at Jerusalem was not in the valleys, but on the Eastern slope of Mount Moriah. The accumulation reached from the foot of the wall down the slope to the bed of the Kedron, and beyond it some distance up the slope of the Mount of Olives. The usual depth at the wall was 60 or 70 feet, but at the north end it reached as much as 120, owing to the descent of the original ground at that spot. The masons’ marks on the lowest courses of the stones, reached by sinking shafts through these great depths, seemed to show a date nearer that of Solomon than of Titus.—[Ed.]

[212] We leave this, like other such passages, as landmarks of the rapid progress made in the discoveries opened up by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.]

[213] Iliad, VII. 83 and IV. 508.; see p. 145-6, 257.

[214] See note ([+]), p. 218.

[215] This recals to mind Homer’s frequent mention of the blasts of Boreas.—[Ed.]

[216] See Cut, No. 9, p. 27.

[217] Dr. Schliemann afterwards assigned these Corinthian pillars to the time of Constantine. (See Chapter XXII., p. 320, and Introduction, p. 30.—[Ed.])

[218] Strabo, XIII., pp. 100, 101, Tauchnitz edition.

[219] Velleius Paterculus, II. 102.

[220] See Cut, No. 13, p. 35.

[221] The serpents’ heads, found so frequently among the ruins of Troy, cannot but recal to mind the superstitious regard of Homer’s Trojans for the reptile as a symbol, and their terror when a half-killed serpent was dropped by the bird of Jove amidst their ranks (Iliad, XII. 208, 209):—

[222] That is, in the strata of the third dwellers on the hill.

[223] sic

[224] sic.

[225] sic.

[226] ArchÆological Journal, vol. xxi. 1864.

[227] Die Ausgrabungen auf der homerischen Pergamos, s. 24.

[228] sic.

[229] sic.

[230] sic

[231] Compare Homer’s picture of the marshalling of the Greek forces: Iliad, II. 467-8:—

[232] Plutarch, Life of Alexander, viii. Comp. p. 146.

[233] As elsewhere, the wedges here spoken of are what the Author afterwards decided to be axes, and especially battle-axes.—[Ed.]

[234] An engraving of a similar mould, found on the Tower, is given in Chapter XVIII., No. 175. p. 261.

[235] It is perhaps unnecessary to remind the reader again how the Author afterwards gave up the idea of this distinction between the city and its Pergamus.—[Ed.]

[236] A handle such as this, or as that shown at p. 260 (No. 174), seems well suited for the long leaning-staff (s??pt???, from s??pt?a?, “to lean upon”) which, in Homer, is the symbol of royal authority, and with which Ulysses beat Thersites. (Iliad, II. 46, 265, et passim.)—[Ed.]

[237] See a similar example in Chapter XX., p. 286.

[238] Plate XXXIV., No. 404.

[239] See p. 65.

[240] May they have been for flaying the sacrificed animals, a sharp flint being better for this purpose than a copper knife, and perhaps also being preferred to metal as less contaminated by human labour?—[Ed.]

[241] Iliad, XII. 445-462.

[242] Iliad, V. 302-310.

[243] Nor are even these now considered to be Byzantine; see Chapter XXII., p. 320, and Introduction, p. 30.—{Ed.}

[244] Homer’s Iliad, III. 362; IV. 459; VI. 9; XIII. 132; XVI. 216.

[245] Few coincidences have struck us more than the comparison of these helmet-crests with the frequent allusions in Homer, especially where “Hector of the dancing helmet-crest” (?????a????? ??t??), takes off the helmet that frightened his child (Iliad, VI. 469, foll.):—

No such plumed helmets are found among the remains of “pre-historic” barbarous races. The skeletons, with the helmets and lances beside them, bear striking witness to a city taken by storm. In Homer, the Trojans under the command of “the crested Hector” are “valiant with lances” (ea?te? ???e??s??, Iliad, II. 816-818).—[Ed.]

[246] Compare Plan II. with the whole of the following description.

[247] See Plate XI.B. Six of the jars are shown, and a seventh (broken) lies outside of the cut to the right. The two largest of all are out of view, on the other side of the wall of the magazine, but one of them is seen in the view on Plate XI.A, in the left-hand bottom corner.

[248] See No. 29, p. 36.

[249] No. 207, p. 294.

[250] No. 208, p. 294. Respecting such an impersonation of the goddess Hera, see p. 113, 114, 353.

[251] No. 209, on this page.

[252] Strabo, XIII. p. 589.

[253] Strabo, XIII. p. 609.

[254] Plutarch, Life of Lucullus.

[255] Hist. Nat., XXXV. 12, s. 55.

[256] Waddington, Fastes des Provinces Asiatiques de l’Empire Romain. Paris, 1872, pp. 43-44.

[257] Pape-Benseler, Lexikon der Eigennamen.

[258] It will be seen presently that Dr. Schliemann ultimately limited the ancient city of Troy to the “Pergamus” itself.—[Ed.]

[259] Iliad, III. 146-244:—

[260] Iliad, VI. 390-393:—

[261] This edifice, now first laid open from beneath the ashes which covered it in the burning of the city, was found by Dr. Schliemann in the very state to which, in Homer, Agamemnon threatens to reduce it: “The house of Priam blackened with fire” (Iliad, II. 414, 415):

[262] In the letter-press to the Atlas of Photographs this object is described as “a brilliant dark-red Vase, 62 centimeters (above 2 feet) high, with the owl-face of Troy’s tutelar goddess, her two breasts, a necklace, and a royal scarf round the whole body. It is remarkable that this vase has not the two uplifted arms of the goddess, which are wanting in no other case, and that it has only two handles.”

[263] The Inscription on this Vase has been discussed by Professor Gomperz, who also pronounces the characters on it as well as on the other vase (No. 221) to be Cyprian writing. (See Appendix.)

[264] Compare the Introduction, p. 50.

[265] See Cut, No. 54, p. 87.

[266] This most curious vase is engraved in the Introduction, No. 31, p. 37.

[267] See the passage quoted below to illustrate the shield found among the Treasure (Chapter XXIII., p. 324).

[268] See the illustration, No. 7, p. 25.

[269] This looks very much like the signet-cylinders of the Assyrian and Babylonian kings.—[Ed.]

[270] This is drawn as a whorl, and is so called by Dr. Schliemann in a letter, informing us that it is found to bear an Inscription. It is not described in the letter-press to the Photographs.—[Ed.]

[271] Thus HephÆstus places a d?pa? ?f???pe???? in the hand of his mother, Hera, and she takes it from his hand (Homer’s Iliad, I. 584-5, 596).—[Ed.]

[272] See the Cuts placed as headings to the “Table of Contents,” and “List of Illustrations.”

[273] See Plan II., and Plan III. on p. 306, at the mark b.

[274] See Plan II., and c on Plan III., p. 306. Compare p. 213.

[275] See the spot marked on Plan II. No. 42, and Plate XIII. a.

[276] The articles belonging to the Treasure are partly engraved on seven separate Plates (XIV.—XX.), and partly marked with Tr. in the cuts. They were found at a depth of 8-1/2 meters, nearly 28 feet. The General View of the Treasure (Plate III., opposite p. 22) shows a few objects which are either so like others, or so insignificant, as not to need a separate delineation.

[277] See Plate XIV., No. 234. This round shield of copper (or bronze?), with its central boss, and the furrow and rim so suitable for holding together a covering of ox-hides, reminds us irresistibly of the seven-fold shield of Ajax:—Iliad, VII. 219-223 (cf. 245-247):—

It is equally striking to compare the shield of the Treasure with the description of Sarpedon’s shield, with its round plate of hammered copper (or bronze), and its covering of ox-hides, fastened to the inner edge of the rim by gold wires or rivets (Iliad, XII. 294-297):—

[278] See Plate XIV., No. 235. In the Iliad the ???? is used almost always as a caldron, and is often given as a prize at games; in the Odyssey it is always used for washing the hands or feet. This one shows the marks of a fearful conflagration, and near the left handle are seen two fragments of copper weapons (a lance and a battle-axe) firmly molten on. (Description to the Atlas of Photographs.)

[279] See Plate XV., No. 236. This remarkable object lay at the top of the whole mass, and Dr. Schliemann supposes it to have formed a hasp to the lid of the wooden chest in which the Treasure was packed. (Description in Atlas.)

[280] These vessels of gold are shown on Plate XV., Nos. 237, 238.

[281] Plate XVI., Nos. 239, 240.

[282] Or, as suggested in the ‘Quarterly Review’ for April 1874, a person, holding the cup before him by the two handles, may have poured a libation from the further spout and then have drunk out of the nearer. Thus Achilles used a choice goblet (d?pa?) for drinking wine and pouring libations to the gods. (Iliad, XVI., 225-228.)

We are indebted to Mr. J. W. Lockhart for the following account of a double-spouted boat-shaped bronze vessel, used in a similar manner in the Chinese temples:—“In China there is a vessel of very nearly the same shape, but with ears prolonged till they rise an inch above the cup: the cup stands on three legs and is, in fact, a tripod. Such cups are used in the temples, especially in the ancestral temples of the real religion of China, when offerings are made to the manes of ancestors. The cups are filled with wine, when placed on the altar before the idol shrine, or before the ancestral tablet; and the wine is afterwards partly drunk and partly poured out as a libation.” Such vessels are used in pairs, and our drawing is made from one of a pair in Mr. Lockhart’s possession. It is of bronze, 6 inches long, and 6-1/2 inches high, including the legs. The width is 2 inches between the upright ears, and 2-3/8 inches at the broadest part. There is only one handle. Mr. Lockhart calls attention to the “key” ornament round the cup, which is so well known in the purest Greek art, as a sign of Chinese influence on the art of Western Asia and Europe. Mr. Lockhart also reads Chinese characters on some of the Trojan whorls. We are under a deep obligation to Mr. Lockhart for his spontaneous offer of this very interesting illustration of one of the most striking and (as we before supposed) unique objects discovered by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.]

[283] Plate XVIII., No. 248.

[284] See Plate XVII., No. 242.

[285] The two largest weigh, respectively, a little over and a little under 6 oz., and the other four are all a little over 5-1/2 oz., troy. The gramme is 15·43235 grains, that is, a little less than 15-1/2 grains.

[286] Iliad, XXIII. 262-270 (cf. vv. 612-616). The passage furnishes other striking parallels to Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries. The tripod with ears containing 22 measures, which is added to the woman for the first prize (?a? t??p?d’ ?t?e?ta d???a?e???s?et???) calls to mind the vessel from the Trojan stratum, No. 199, p. 285. The fifth prize is a double-handled flat cup (or dish) untouched by fire, i. e. wrought with the hammer (?f??et?? f????? ?p???t?? ????e?). The metal is not specified, but its coming next to the two gold talents suggests silver, and Dr. Schliemann found silver f???a? with side-rings in the Treasure and the Palace. The passage seems to confirm Schliemann’s interpretation of d?pa? ?f???pe????, for what sort of a vessel can we conceive of as a double dish joined bottom to bottom? We know side-dishes with their covers can be used as two dishes, but what would be the use of joining them? Aristarchus, indeed, explained ?f??et?? as double, i.e. standing on both ends, after the supposed analogy of ?f???pe????, but Eustathius interpreted it as with handles on both sides, after the sounder analogy of ?f?f??e??. These cumulative analogies between Hissarlik and Homer, gathered incidentally to a climax at the end of each work, are very striking.—[Ed.]

[287] See Plate XVIII., No. 249.

[288] Ibid., No. 250.

[289] Ibid., No. 251.

[290] For these four vessels see Plate XVII., Nos. 243-246. The silver bottles, with the caps and the side-rings to both, remind us of modern travelling flasks.—[Ed.]

[291] Iliad, XXIV. 228:—?, ?a? f???a?? ?p???ata ???’ ?????e?, where the “beautiful lids” remind us of the terra-cotta pattern which Dr. Schliemann takes for the inlaying of a chest. (No. 77, p. 129). In the Iliad, XVI., 221, Achilles opens the lid of the beautiful decorated chest (????? d’ ?p? p?’ ?????e? ?a??? da?da????), to take out the goblet for pouring his libation. The contents of Priam’s chests may also be well compared with the articles of the Treasure:—

[292] The diadem discovered by Dr. Schliemann can scarcely have been the ???de??? of Homer, which was a large veil or mantilla, such, for instance, as the sea-goddess Ino gives to Ulysses, to buoy him up on the water (Od. v. 346). This diadem would rather seem to be, as Mr. Gladstone has suggested, the p?e?t? ??ad?s?, which Andromache casts from her head in her mourning for Hector, where the order of the words implies that it was worn over the ???de???. Il. XXII. 469-471:—

Our illustration (Plate XIX., Nos. 276, 277) represents one diadem as set up by Dr. Schliemann, and the other as it might have been worn on the head of a Trojan lady.—[Ed.]

[293] These objects are more fully described, and figured, in the following pages.

[294] See Plate XX., Nos. 279, 280, for a representation of the fillet and ear-rings. The four “ear-rings” remind us, both by their form and material, of the “beautifully twined tassels of solid gold” which fringed the Ægis of Athena: Iliad, II. 448, 449:—

Again, when Hera adorns herself to captivate Jove, her zone is fringed with a hundred tassels, and her ear-rings are described in terms corresponding exactly to the triple leaves seen on some of Schliemann’s (Iliad, XIV. 181-3):—

[295] Some of these are shown on Plate XX., No. 278.

[296] Dr. Schliemann has strung these in two sets, one of which, consisting of 4610 pieces, is represented as Cut No. 282. The other set, of 4090 pieces, is precisely similar. The small jewels described are shown in detail on Plate XX., No. 278.

[297] See Plate XX., at top.

[298] The subsequent analysis by M. Damour, of Lyon, has, however, shown the presence of tin in some of the articles of the Treasure, see Note C, p. 361.—[Ed.]

[300] No. 5, on p. 24. (See Appendix.)

[301] These silver f???a?, as shown in the photographs, are too much battered to be worth engraving; but we give a very fine large silver vase, which was found in a room of the Palace.—[Ed.]

[302] Iliad, IV. 52.

[303] Nothing can be clearer than Homer’s own testimony on this point, when he invokes the Muses to inspire him with the knowledge of what he had only heard by report (Iliad, II. 484-487):—

[304] See No. 14 on the Plate of Idols, p. 36.

[305] Plan I.

[306] Plan II.

[307] Plan III. (see p. 306).

[308] XIII. p. 599, ed. Forbiger.

[309] Certainly not; but they may have served for burning charcoal or incense.—[Ed.]

[310] See the similar example, No. 208, p. 294.

[311] This refers, of course, to Dr. Schliemann’s Atlas of photographic illustrations, of which all the most valuable are reproduced in the present translation in a greatly improved style of execution.—[Ed.]

[312] Æneid, III. 302-305:—

[313] The gramme = 15·43235 grains; or, approximately, 15-1/4 grains. The ounce (avoirdupois) = 437-1/2 grains; and the pound, 16 oz., = 7000 grs.

[314] Dr. Schliemann’s work records several interesting examples of his first impressions on this point, and he appears more often to have mistaken written characters for mere symbols or ornaments than the other way.

[315] Curtius, Die Ionier vor der Wanderung, Berlin, 1855.

[316] Chabas, Études sur l’AntiquitÉ historique, Paris, 1872, p. 190.

[317] Genesis x. 4, 5. The essential letters of the Hebrew name [Illusration: Hebrew] are identical with the Greek ?O? (Ion), and both are equivalent to the Yavanas, the “younger race” of the old Aryan traditions, who migrated to the West, while the elder branch remained in the East. On the whole subject the Editor may be permitted to refer to the Student’s Ancient History of the East, especially to Chapter XX., on the Nations of Asia Minor, which contains a discussion of the Hellenic affinities of the Phrygians and Trojans in particular.

[318] Brandis, Versuch zur Entzifferung der Kyprioten Schrift, Berlin, 1873. See also the Life of Brandis by Curtius: Johannes Brandis, ein Lebensbild, von Ernst Curtius, 1873.

[319] See see p. 83, 137, 161.

[320] ‘The Augsburg Gazette’ (Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung), 1874, p. 32.

[321] The whorl on the left hand (the one discussed by Haug and Gomperz) is engraved from M. Burnouf’s more accurate drawing in our lithographed Plate LI., No. 496; the other is given at page 161; but they are repeated here (from Schliemann’s Atlas, Pl. 13, No. 432, Pl. 6, No. 208) in order to exhibit their identity. It is remarkable that these whorls, belonging to an age when writing was already known, are very coarse, both in material and work.

[322] Professor Gomperz gave an interesting and eloquent account of his labours and their results in two papers in the ‘Vienna Evening Post’ (Wiener Abendpost) for May 6th, and June 26th, 1874.

[323] The ‘Academy’ for June 6th, 1874.

[324] From a letter to the Editor, dated Vienna, Dec. 9th, 1874, written in English, as here quoted.

[325] Professor Gomperz adds that his change of opinion was at once communicated to Moritz Schmidt, and published by him in a postscript to his work, ‘Die Inschrift von Idalion und das Kyprische Syllabar.’ It has also been published by Gomperz’s colleague, Professor Conze, in an article on Schliemann’s discoveries in the ‘Preussische JahrbÜcher.’

The Academy of November 28th, 1874 (p. 591), quotes from the Nation the following summary of the proceedings at the meeting of the Oriental Society, held in New York at the end of October:—

“One of the most elaborate and interesting of the papers presented was a review and criticism of the Progress of Decipherment of the Cypriote Inscriptions, with original additions, by Mr. J. H. Hall. The latest and best German investigator in this field, Moritz Schmidt, laments that he has not, in trustworthy form, the material from the Di Cesnola collections; this Mr. Hall has undertaken to furnish him.”

We have now a fresh reason to lament the misfortune by which the Di Cesnola collection was lost to our Museum.

[326] See B. SchrÖder, Die phonicische Sprache; Halle, 1869, p. 2, fol.

[327] Besides the numbers of our own engravings, those of Schliemann’s Atlas are given, as they have been hitherto used for reference in the discussion by Haug, Gomperz, Max MÜller, and other scholars.

[328] Identical design, but different material.