Scarce had the rays of golden Phoebus begun to break through the lowest line of our horizon, when the aged and venerable Telesio made the piteous sound of his horn come to the ears of all that were in the village—a signal which moved those who heard it to leave the repose of their pastoral couches, and hasten to do what Telesio bade. But the first who led the way in this were Elicio, Aurelio, Daranio, and all the shepherds and shepherdesses who were with them, the fair Nisida and Blanca, and the happy Timbrio and Silerio not being absent, with a number of other gallant shepherds and beauteous shepherdesses, who joined them, and might reach the number of thirty. Amongst them went the peerless Galatea, new miracle of beauty, and the lately-wed Silveria, who brought with her the fair and haughty Belisa, for whom the shepherd Marsilio suffered such loving and mortal pangs. Belisa had come to visit Silveria, and to congratulate her on her newly attained estate, and she wished likewise to be present at obsequies so celebrated as she hoped those would be that shepherds so great and so famous were celebrating. All then came out together from the village, outside which they found Telesio, with many other shepherds accompanying him, all clad and adorned in such wise that they clearly showed that they had come together for a sad and mournful business. Straightway Telesio ordained, so that the solemn sacrifices might that day be performed with purer intent and thoughts more calm, that all the shepherds should come together on their side, and apart from the shepherdesses, and that the latter should do the same: whereat the smaller number were content, and the majority not very satisfied, especially the fond Marsilio, who had already seen the loveless Belisa, at sight of whom he was so beside himself and so rapt, as his friends Orompo, Crisio, and Orfenio clearly perceived, and when they saw him in such a state, they went up to him, and Orompo said to him: 'Take courage, friend Marsilio, take courage, and do not by your faint-heartedness cause the small spirit of your breast to be revealed. What if Heaven, moved to compassion of your pain, has at such a time brought the shepherdess Belisa to these banks that you may heal it?' 'Nay rather the better to end me, as I believe,' replied Marsilio, 'will she have come to this place, for this and more must needs be feared from my fortune; but I will do, Orompo, what you bid, if by chance in this hard plight reason has more power with me than my feelings.' And therewith Marsilio became again somewhat more calm, and straightway the shepherds on one side, and the shepherdesses on another, as was ordained by Telesio, began to make their way to the valley of cypresses, all preserving a wondrous silence; until Timbrio, astonished to see the coolness and beauty of the clear Tagus by which he was going, turned to Elicio who was coming at his side, and said to him: 'The incomparable beauty of these cool banks, Elicio, causes me no small wonder; and not without reason, for when one has seen as I have the spacious banks of the renowned Betis, and those that deck and adorn the famous Ebro, and the well-known Pisuerga, and when one in foreign lands has walked by the banks of the holy Tiber, and the pleasing banks of the Po, made noted by the fall of the rash youth, and has not failed to go round the cool spots of the peaceful Sebeto, it must needs have been a great cause that should move me to wonder at seeing any others.' 'You do not go so far out of the way in what you say, as I believe, discreet Timbrio,' answered Elicio, 'as not to see with your eyes how right you are to say it; for without doubt you can believe that the pleasantness and coolness of the banks of this river excel, as is well known and recognised, all those you have named, though there should enter among them those of the distant Xanthus, and of the renowned Amphrysus, and of the loving Alpheus. For experience holds and has made certain, that almost in a straight line above the greater part of these banks appears a sky bright and shining, which with a wide sweep and with living splendour seems to invite to joy and gladness the heart that is most estranged from it; and if it is true that the stars and the sun are sustained, as some say, by the waters here below, I firmly believe that those of this river are in a large measure the cause that produces the beauty of the sky that covers it, or I shall believe that God, for the same reason that they say He dwells in Heaven, makes here His sojourn for the most part. The earth that embraces it, clad with a thousand green adornments, seems to make festival and to rejoice at possessing in itself a gift so rare and pleasing, and the golden river as though in exchange, sweetly interweaving itself in its embraces, fashions, as if with intent, a thousand windings in and out, which fill the soul of all who behold them with wondrous pleasure; whence it arises that, though the eyes turn again to behold it many a time, they do not therefore fail to find in it things to cause them new pleasure and new wonder. Turn your And, saying this, he pointed with his crook to Galatea; and without saying more, left Timbrio wondering to see the discretion and words with which he had praised the banks of the Tagus and Galatea's beauty. And he replied to him that nothing of what was said could be gainsaid, and in these and other things they beguiled the tedium of the road, until, coming in sight of the valley of cypresses, they saw issuing from it almost as many shepherds and shepherdesses as those who were with them. All joined together and with peaceful steps began to enter the sacred valley, the situation of which was so strange and wondrous that even in the very ones who had seen it many a time, it caused new admiration and pleasure. On one portion of the bank of the famous Tagus there rise in four different and opposite quarters four green and peaceful hills, walls and defenders as it were of a fair valley which they contain in their midst, and entrance into it is granted by four other spots. These same hills close together in such a way that they come to form four broad and peaceful roads, walled in on all sides by countless lofty cypresses, set in such order and harmony that even the very branches of each seem to grow uniformly, and none dares in the slightest to exceed or go beyond another. The space there is between cypress and cypress is closed and occupied by 'There you see, gallant shepherds, discreet and fair shepherdesses, there you see, I say, the sad tomb wherein repose the honoured bones of the renowned Meliso, honour and glory of our banks. Begin then to raise to Heaven your humble hearts, and with pure purpose, copious tears and deep sighs, intone your holy hymns and devout prayers, and ask Heaven to consent to receive in its starry abode the blessed soul of the body that lies there.' As he said this, he went up to one of the cypresses, and cutting some branches, he made from them a mournful garland wherewith he crowned his white and venerable brow, beckoning to the others to do the same. All, moved by his example, in one moment crowned themselves with the sad branches, and guided by Telesio, went up to the tomb, where the first thing Telesio did was to bend the knee and kiss the hard stone of the 'If the lowliness of my dull understanding, famous shepherds, were to attain to where Meliso's excellences attained, and to where attains the desire I have to praise them, and if the weak and scanty strength begotten by many weary years did not cut short my voice and breath, sooner would you see this sun that illumines us bathing once and again in the mighty ocean, than I should cease from my discourse begun; but since in my withered age this is not allowed, do you supply what I lack, and show yourselves grateful to Meliso's cold ashes, praising them in death as the love constrains you that he had for you in life. And though a part of this duty touches and concerns us all in general, those whom it concerns more particularly are the famous Thyrsis and Damon, as being so well acquainted with Telesio said no more, nor indeed had there been need to say it in order that the shepherds might be moved to do what he bade them, for straightway, without making any reply, Thyrsis drew forth his rebeck, and beckoned to Damon to do the same. They were accompanied straightway by Elicio and Lauso, and all the shepherds who had instruments there; and in a little while they made music so sad and pleasing, that though it delighted the ears, it moved the hearts to give forth tokens of sadness with the tears the eyes were shedding. To this was joined the sweet harmony of the little painted birds, that were flitting through the air, and some sobs that the shepherdesses, already made tender and moved by Telesio's discourse, and by what the shepherds were doing, wrung from time to time from their lovely breasts; and it was of such a kind that the sound of the sad music and that of the sad harmony of the linnets, larks, and nightingales, and the bitter sound of the deep groans joining in unison, all formed together a concert so strange and mournful, that there is no tongue that could describe it. A little while after, the other instruments ceasing, only the four of Thyrsis, Damon, Elicio, and Lauso were heard. These going up to Meliso's tomb, placed themselves on its four sides, a token from which all present understood that they were about to sing something. And so they lent them silence marvellous and subdued, and straightway the famous Thyrsis, aided by Elicio, Damon, and Lauso, began, with voice loud, sad and resounding, to sing in this wise: THYRSIS. Such is the cause of our grief-stricken moan, DAMON. Let our sighs break the air, and let them swell ELICIO. Mine eyes the tender dew shall ever shed LAUSO. Meliso, worthy deathless history, THYRSIS. What time I raise myself to heights unknown DAMON. With welling tears, Meliso, that ne'er rest, ELICIO. Thy death, alas! our happiness hath marred, LAUSO. Those fair and blissful days when all was bright, THYRSIS. Oh Death, that with thy violence so fleet DAMON. Since thou, oh Death, didst deal that blow with power, ELICIO. Ever this woe remembering, I repress LAUSO. When is lost bliss recovered? Do not woes, THYRSIS. When in the mortal fray did life prevail? DAMON. Our life is but a dream, an idle play, ELICIO. A day that darkeneth in mid career, LAUSO. But thou, renownÈd shepherd, in a bright THYRSIS. After that thou hadst heard and judged the plea DAMON. And after thou hadst bravely borne the pain, ELICIO. After thou hadst withdrawn so long to dwell, LAUSO. Despite the clang of weapons from the East THYRSIS. 'Twas then Heaven willed, upon a mournful day, DAMON. Thy bliss was better, thou didst seek thy home, ELICIO. The sacred maiden choir we did behold LAUSO. The blind boy's mighty rival by thy plight THYRSIS. Amidst the clash of arms, the fiery glow, As those who wept, as those who did repeat DAMON. Their brows with fragrant varied flowers no more Around their brows the mournful cypress clung, ELICIO. Wherefore, since we to-day once more have shown The bitter plight that fills with grief profound LAUSO. Let countless tongues the soul of constancy Against the cruel disdain that ever glowed THYRSIS. The verses he hath sung let all repeat, DAMON. Let Fame, that spreadeth tidings everywhere, ELICIO. From his most chaste and love-enraptured flame LAUSO. BlessÈd art thou, though fortune did forsake THYRSIS. This mortal lowliness that thou didst leave DAMON. Humility thou changedst for the boon ELICIO. He who lives well, though he in semblance hath There, there, from throats immortal issuing, There the serene fair countenance and bright My feeble voice to praise thee waxeth bold, For that which I, with mind uplifted, now Hath made my mind a coward utterly; LAUSO. When thou dost go, thou fillest with dismay THYRSIS. In days gone by the rustic shepherds taught But, ah! there came the inevitable hour, We celebrate this memory of pain, So to the sound of your confusÈd moan, Even as is the bitter agony, Little I ask, little the boon I prize, But Phoebus now departs, and robs of hue Thyrsis, who had begun the sad and mournful elegy, was the one who ended it, without any of those that had listened to the lamentable song ending their tears for a good while. But at this moment the venerable Telesio said to them: 'Since we have in part, gallant and courteous shepherds, complied with the debt we owe the blessed Meliso, impose silence for the nonce on your tender tears, and give some truce to your grievous sighs, since by neither can we make good the loss we bewail; and though human sorrow cannot fail to show sorrow when ill befalls, yet it is necessary to temper the excess of its attacks with the reason that attends on the discreet. And although tears and sighs are tokens of the love cherished for him who is bewailed, the souls for which they are shed gain more profit by the pious sacrifices and devout prayers which are offered for them, than if all the ocean main were to be made And in saying this, he gave orders for all the shepherdesses to abide on one side of the valley near Meliso's tomb, leaving with them six of the oldest shepherds who were there, and the rest were in another part a little way from them. And straightway with what they carried in their wallets and with the water of the clear spring they satisfied the common necessity of hunger, ending at a time when already night was clothing with one same colour all things contained beneath our horizon, and the shining moon was showing her fair and radiant face in all the fulness she has when most her ruddy brother imparts to her his rays. But a little while after, a troubled wind arising, there began to be seen some black clouds, which in a measure hid the light of the chaste goddess, making shadows on the earth; tokens from which some shepherds who were there, masters in rustic astrology, expected some coming hurricane and tempest. But all ended only in the night remaining grey and calm, and in their settling down to rest on the cool grass, yielding their eyes to sweet and peaceful slumber, as all did save some who shared as sentinels the guardianship of the shepherdesses, and save the guardian of some torches that were left blazing round Meliso's tomb. But now that calm silence prevailed through all that sacred valley, and now that slothful Morpheus had with his moist branch touched the brows and eyelids of all those present, at a time when the wandering stars had gone a good way round our pole, marking out the punctual courses of the night: at that moment from the very tomb of Meliso arose a great and wondrous fire, so bright and shining that in an instant all the dark valley was in such brightness, as if the very sun had illumined it. By which sudden marvel the shepherds who were awake near the tomb, fell astonished to the ground dazzled and blind with the light of the transparent fire, which produced a contrary effect in the others who were sleeping; for when they were stricken by its rays, heavy slumber fled from them, and they opened, though with some difficulty, their sleeping eyes, and seeing the strangeness of the light that revealed itself to them, remained confounded and amazed; and so, one standing, another reclining, another kneeling, each gazed on the bright fire with amazement and terror. Telesio seeing all this, arraying himself in a moment in the sacred vestments, accompanied by Elicio, Thyrsis, Damon, Lauso, and other spirited shepherds, gradually began to draw nigh to the fire, with the intention of seeking with some lawful and fitting exorcisms to extinguish, or to understand whence came the strange vision which showed itself 'By the results that my unexpected appearance has caused in your hearts, discreet and pleasing company, you can gather that it is not by virtue of evil spirits that this form of mine has been fashioned which presents itself here to you; for one of the means by which we recognise whether a vision be good or bad, is by the results it produces on the mind of him who beholds it. For in the case of the good, though it cause in him wonder and alarm, such wonder and alarm comes mingled with a pleasant disturbance which in a little while calms and satisfies him, contrary to what is caused by the malignant vision, which brings alarm, discontent, terror, but never assurance. Experience will make clear to you this truth when you know me, and when I tell you who I am, and the cause that has moved me to come from my distant dwelling-place to visit you. And because I do not wish to keep you in suspense with the desire you have to know who I am, know, discreet shepherds and beauteous shepherdesses, that I am one of the nine maidens, who on the lofty and sacred peaks of Parnassus have their own and famous abode. My name is Calliope, my duty and disposition it is to favour and aid the divine spirits, whose laudable practice it is to busy themselves in the marvellous and never duly lauded science of poetry. I am she who made the old blind man of Smyrna, The fair nymph, having said this, was silent and straightway took a harp she had beside her, which up till that time had been seen by no one, and, as she began to play it, it seemed that the sky began to brighten, and that the moon illumined the earth with new and unwonted splendour; the trees, despite a gentle breeze that was blowing, held their branches still; and the eyes of all who were there did not dare to lower their lids, in order that for the little while they lingered in raising, they might not be robbed of the glory they enjoyed in beholding the beauty of the nymph, and indeed all would have wished all their five senses to be changed into that of hearing only; with such strangeness, with such sweetness, with so great a charm did the fair muse play her harp. After she had sounded a few chords, with the most resounding voice that could be imagined, she began with verses such as these: CALLIOPE'S SONG. To the sweet sound of my harmonious lyre, It is my purpose but of those to sing And he who doth with righteous title merit Arauco's wars and Spanish worth hath sung Of JUAN DE SILVA[120] I to you declare Be the rich number of my list increased By all the ways whereby much-speaking fame Happy DON DIEGO, DE SARMIENTO[123] bright, Now chief of all I would to you display LUIS DE VARGAS,[125] thou in whom I see Honour doth Tagus' beauteous bank receive Two famous doctors first themselves present, The name that cometh first into my song, Doctor SUÁREZ is the next I sing, Of Doctor BAZA,[128] if of him I might If fame should bring the tidings to your ear Master GARAI'S[130] melodious works incite That intellect, which, leaving far behind Doctor FRANCISCO DÍAZ,[132] I can well LUJÁN,[133] who with thy toga merited His lofty mind doth a Licentiate show, That my bold song may praise and glory gain, Over the rugged steep unto the fane Adorned with noble laurel here ye see A DIEGO is the next I call to mind, High Phoebus an acquaintance doth possess— But who is he who sings his agonies Who could the praises, shepherds mine, recite His temples now let holy Ebro bind I think upon the lofty soul and rare Before an intellect in wonder bow, GASPAR ALFONSO,[145] thou who wingst thy flight Of CRISTOVAL DE MESA[146] I can say DON PEDRO DE RIBERA[147] doth, ye know, Thou, who didst bring the treasure manifold Let fame, and let the memory I possess, Of the Captain SALCEDO[150] 'tis quite clear By reason of the wit and curious grace Fain would BAPTISTA DE VIVAR[152] you praise, Now terror new, now new alarm and fear There is a mind wherein experience shows Now holy Betis to my fancy's eye But what am I to do? For when I seek PACHECO 'tis whom Phoebus calls his friend, Unto this pass I come, that, though I sing FERNANDO would I name to you again Concerning CRISTÓVAL, who hath the name The streams of eloquence which did of old Rightly thou canst, renownÈd Betis, now Another ye will see, summed up in whom Behold! yon prudent man who doth adorn Words I might speak of famous ESPINEL[163] If ruddy Phoebus ye would fain espy Of LÁZARO LUIS IRANZO,[165] lyre BALTASAR DE ESCOBAR,[166] who doth adorn JUAN SANZ, called DE ZUMETA,[167] with what power, Unto JUAN DE LAS CUEVAS[168] fitting place If him ye ever see, with honour greet E'en as is wont to be with varied flowers DON JUAN GUTIÉRREZ RUFO'S[171] famous name In DON LUIS DE GÓNGORA[172] I show Let the green laurel, let the ivy green, Thou, who with thy sweet plectrum didst extol Thou, Darro, far renownÈd stream of gold, Of laurel green a coronal entwine, Within the realms antarctic I might say FRANCISCO DE TERRAZAS[177] is the name Beneath a happy star a radiance bright If I must give the glory due to thee, DON JUAN, Heaven gave thee as the rare delight He who is happy in his native land, A Homer new this vale of high renown Wonder the illustrious DIEGO DE AGUILAR[184] A GONZALO FERNÁNDEZ[185] draweth near, HENRIQUE GARCÉS[186] the Peruvian land FERNÁNDEZ DE PINEDA'S[187] talent rare And thou that hast thy native Betis made, All that can e'er in a sweet vein be found A fruitful and a precious plant I know Thou, who with thy new muse of wondrous grace What man, time-honoured Tormes, would deny Although thy genius and thy winning grace, The things that an exalted spirit show, At such a time as this I would have crowned What means, what ways of praise shall I achieve, Turn ye the thought that passeth speedily Thou, DAMASIO DE FRÍAS,[197] canst alone ANDRÉS SANZ DEL PORTILLO,[198] send to me Happiest of minds, thou towerest in thy flight If, famous CANTORAL,[200] so rich a meed If I to sing thy praise have long delayed, Thy rich and verdant strand no juniper Two brothers witnesses will be thereto, With envy blest, in holy rivalry If good beginning and a sequence fair MURILLO,[205] thou dost dwell in solitude, Turia, who loudly didst of old proclaim DON JUAN COLOMA,[206] thou within whose breast He in whose breast a spring that is divine Within this famous vale he should receive DOCTOR FALCÓN,[209] so lofty is thy flight If e'en as fortune doth, sweet poesy The goodly shower of praises thou didst pour CRISÓOBAL DE VIRUES,[212] since thou dost vaunt If like unto the mind he doth display The world adorning as he comes in view It breaks the silence and the hallowed bound, Needs must I now to the last end draw near, Apollo's hallowed, honourable lore, Now, shepherds, I in these two poets find In them I wish to end my melody, Scarce had the fair nymph ended the last accents of her delightful song, when the flames which were divided, uniting once more, enclosed her in the midst, and straightway, as they were gradually consumed, the glowing fire in a little while vanished, and the discreet muse from before the eyes of all, at a time when already the bright dawn was beginning to reveal her cool and rosy cheeks over the spacious sky, giving glad tokens of the coming day. And straightway the venerable Telesio, setting himself on Meliso's tomb, and surrounded by all the pleasing company who were there, all lending him a pleasing attention and strange silence, began to speak to them in this wise: 'What you have seen this past night in this very spot and with your eyes, discreet and gallant shepherds, and fair shepherdesses, will have given you to understand how acceptable to Heaven is the laudable custom we have of performing these yearly sacrifices and honourable funeral rites, for the happy souls of the bodies which by your decree deserved to have burial in this famous valley. I say this to you, my friends, in order that henceforth with more fervour and diligence you may assist in carrying out so holy and famous a work, since you now see how rare and lofty are the spirits of which the beauteous Calliope has told us, for all are worthy not only of your, but of all possible praises. And think not that the pleasure is small I have felt in learning from so true a narration And, saying this, he descended from the tomb, and crowning himself once more with new funereal branches, he went again round the pyre three times, all following him and accompanying him in some devout prayers he was uttering. This being done, all having him in their midst, he turned his grave face to each side, and, bowing his head, and showing a grateful countenance and eyes full of love, he took leave of all the company, who, going some by one and some by another side of the four outlets that place had, in a little while all dispersed and divided, only those of Aurelio's village remaining, and with them Timbrio, Silerio, Nisida, and Blanca, with the famous shepherds, Elicio, Thyrsis, Damon, Lauso, Erastro, Daranio, Arsindo, and the four hapless ones, Orompo, Marsilio, Crisio, and Orfenio, with the shepherdesses Galatea, Florisa, Silveria and her friend Belisa, for whom Marsilio was dying. All these then being together, the venerable Aurelio told them that it would be well to depart at once from that place in order to reach the stream of palms in time to spend the noon-tide heat there, since it was so suitable a spot for it. What Aurelio was saying seemed good to all, and straightway they went with peaceful steps towards where he said. But as the fair appearance of the shepherdess Belisa would not permit Marsilio's spirits to rest, he would fain, if he had been able, and it had been allowed him, have approached her and told her of the injustice she used towards him; but, not to break through the respect which was due to Belisa's modesty, the mournful swain was more silent than his desire required. Love produced the same effects and symptoms in the souls of the lovers Elicio and Erastro, who each for himself would fain have told Galatea what she well knew already. At this moment Aurelio said: 'It does not seem to me well, shepherds, that you should show yourselves so greedy as not to be willing to respond to and repay what you owe to the larks and nightingales and to the other painted little birds that amongst these trees are delighting and gladdening you by their untaught wondrous harmony. Play your instruments and uplift your sounding voices, and show them that your art and skill in music excel their native music, and with such a pastime we shall feel less the tedium of the journey and the rays of the sun which already seem to be threatening the violence with which they must needs strike the earth during this noon-tide heat.' But little was necessary for Aurelio to be obeyed, for straightway Erastro played his pipe and Arsindo his rebeck, to the sound of which instruments, all giving the lead to Elicio, he began to sing in this wise: For the impossible I fight, Never may I hope to gain Certain doubt and fickleness Certain folly is it not, Victory o'er my grief I gain, All the more that every ill It seemed to Marsilio that what Elicio had been singing accorded with his mood so well that he wished to follow him in the same idea, and so, without waiting for anyone else to take the lead in it, to the sound of the same instruments, he began to sing thus: MARSILIO. Ah! 'tis easy for the wind It achieves such potency Love, 'tis true thou dost receive But if it be truth declared With a profound sigh the hapless Marsilio ended his song, and straightway Erastro, handing over his pipe, without further delaying began to sing thus: ERASTRO. In my woe and suffering This is wondrous 'midst my woe, Ah! thy rigorous disdain Never doth my fancy frame Erastro became silent, and straightway the absent Crisio, to the sound of the same instruments, began to sing in this fashion: CRISIO. If the loyal heart despair This undoubted truth we know Whoso seeks in love to gain Madness of a lover new, All approved of the order the shepherds were keeping in their songs, and with desire they were waiting for Thyrsis or Damon to begin; but at once Damon satisfied them, for, as Crisio finished, to the sound of his own rebeck, he sang thus: DAMON. Thankless Amaryllis fair, But although I go so high All the years that I have passed In my soul's tempestuous ocean Damon's song fully confirmed in Timbrio and in Silerio the good opinion they had formed of the rare wit of the shepherds who were there; and the more when, at the persuasion of Thyrsis and of Elicio, the now free and disdainful Lauso, to the sound of Arsindo's flute, released his voice in verses such as these: LAUSO. Fickle Love, disdain thy chains I my love did soon forsake, For no torture 'tis for me To her wondrous dignity, Ofttimes to her have I given Earnest words, frivolities, How much fairer would we deem I speak not with shameless tongue, Her caprices manifold, Lauso ended his song, and though he thought that no one understood him, through ignorance of Silena's disguised name, more than three of those who were there knew her, and even marvelled that Lauso's modest behaviour should have gone so far as to attack anyone, especially the disguised shepherdess with whom they had seen him so much in love. But in the opinion of his friend Damon he was fully excused, for he was acquainted with Silena's conduct, and knew how she had conducted herself towards Lauso, and wondered at what he left unsaid. Lauso finished, as has been said; and as Galatea had heard of the charm of Nisida's voice, she wished to sing first, so as to constrain her to do the same. And for this reason, before any other shepherd could begin, beckoning to Arsindo to continue sounding his flute, to its sound with her exquisite voice she sang in this wise: GALATEA. E'en as Love ever seeks the soul to entame, The breast that doth oppose his amorous flame, Secure is she who never was beloved, But if to love and not to love have proved It could easily be seen in Galatea's song that she was replying to Lauso's malicious one, and that she was not against unfettered wills, but against the malicious tongues and wronged souls which, in not gaining what they desire, change the love they once showed to a malicious and detestable hatred, as she fancied in Lauso's case; but perhaps she would have escaped from this error, if she had known Lauso's good disposition, and had not been ignorant of Silena's evil one. As soon as Galatea ceased to sing, she begged Nisida with courteous words to do the same. She, as she was as courteous as beautiful, without letting herself be pressed, to the sound of Florisa's pipe sang in this fashion: NISIDA. Bravely I took my courage as defence But yet so overwhelming and intense O'er worth, o'er honour, o'er a mind discreet, Wherefore, in order to escape defeat, When Nisida ceased to sing and to fill with admiration Galatea and those who had been listening to her, they were already quite near the spot where they had determined to pass the noon-tide hour. But in that short time Belisa had time to fulfil Silveria's request, which was that she should sing something; and she, accompanied by the sound of Arsindo's flute, sang what follows: BELISA. Fancy, that is fancy-free, But our precious liberty If the grief we cannot bear Wherefore let my healthy mood The shepherdess's verses of freedom reached the soul of the hapless Marsilio, by reason of the little hope her words held out that her deeds would grow better; but as the faith with which he loved her was so firm, the noteworthy proofs of freedom he had heard uttered, could not but keep him as much without it as he had been before. At this point the road leading to the stream of palms ended, and though they had not had the intention of spending the noon-tide heat there, when they reached it and saw the comfort of the beautiful spot, it would have of itself compelled them not to go further. When they had come to it then, straightway the venerable Aurelio commanded all to seat themselves beside the clear and glassy stream, which was flowing in amongst the short grass, and had its birth at the foot of a very tall and ancient palm (for there being on all the banks of the Tagus only that one, and another which was beside it, that place and stream was called "of the 'It will be well, sirs, that we, who are here, since we have not wished to yield ourselves to sweet sleep, should not fail to make use of this time we steal from it in something that may be more to our pleasure, and what, it seems to me, will not fail to give it us, is that each, as best he can, should here show the sharpness of his wits, propounding some question, or riddle, to whom the companion who may be at his side may be forced to reply; since with this pastime two things will be gained—one to spend with less tedium the hours we shall be here, the other, not to weary our ears so much with always hearing lamentations of love, and love-sick dirges.' All straightway fell in with Aurelio's wish, and without any of them leaving the place where they were, the first who began to question was Aurelio himself, speaking in this wise: AURELIO. Who is he, that mighty one, Changing where he changeth not He unarmed hath conquerÈd The answering of this question fell to the old shepherd Arsindo, who was beside Aurelio; and having for a little while considered what it could denote, at last he said to him: 'It seems to me, Aurelio, that our age compels us to be more enamoured of that which your question denotes than of the most graceful shepherdess that might present herself to us, for, if I am not mistaken, the mighty and renowned one you mention is wine, and all the attributes you have given him tally with it.' 'You speak truth, Arsindo,' replied Aurelio, 'and I am inclined to say that I am sorry to have propounded a question which has been solved with much ease; but do you tell yours, for at your side you have one who will be able to unravel it for you, however knotty it may be.' 'I agree,' said Arsindo; and straightway he propounded the following: ARSINDO. Who is he that loseth hue Laws nor charters doth he keep, It was Damon who was at Arsindo's side, and scarcely had the latter finished his question, when he said to him: 'It seems to me, Arsindo, that your query is not so dark as the thing it denotes, for if I am not wrong in it, it is charcoal of And straightway he spoke his: DAMON. Who is she of courtly grace, 'Verily, friend Damon,' said Thyrsis forthwith, 'your challenge comes true, and you pay the forfeit that Aurelio and Arsindo pay, if any there be; for I tell you I know that what your riddle conceals is a letter,[220] and a pack of cards.' Damon admitted that Thyrsis was right. And straightway Thyrsis propounded his riddle thus: THYRSIS. Who is she that is all eyes, Thyrsis's riddle puzzled Elicio, for it was his turn to answer it, and he was on the point of 'giving up,' as the saying is; but in a little while he managed to say that it was jealousy, and, Thyrsis admitting it, Elicio straightway propounded the following: ELICIO. 'Tis obscure, and yet 'tis clear, Unto all its name is known, And to rob them of their sense Timbrio could not hit upon the thing which Elicio's question denoted, and he almost began to be ashamed at seeing that he delayed longer in answering than any one else, but not even this consideration made him come to a better perception of it; and he delayed so long that Galatea, who was after Nisida, said: 'If it is allowed to break the order which is given, and the one who should first know may reply, I say for my part that I know what the riddle propounded denotes, and I am ready to solve it, if seÑor Timbrio gives me leave.' 'Certainly, fair Galatea,' replied Timbrio, 'for I know that just as I lack, so you have a superabundance of, wit, to solve greater difficulties; but nevertheless I wish you to be patient until Elicio repeats it, and if this time I do not hit it, the opinion I have of my wit and yours, will be confirmed with more truth.' Elicio repeated his question, and straightway Timbrio solved its meaning, saying: 'With the very thing by which I thought your query was obscured, Elicio, it appears to me to be solved, for the last line says, that they are to say what is this thing so pretty. And so I answer you in what you ask me, and say that your question TIMBRIO. Who is he who to his pain It fell to Nisida to reply to Timbrio's question, but neither she nor Galatea who followed her were able to guess it. And Orompo, seeing that the shepherdesses were wearying themselves in thinking what it denoted, said to them: 'Do not tire yourselves, ladies, nor weary your minds in solving this riddle, for it might well be that neither of you in all her life has seen the figure that the question conceals, and so it is no wonder that you should not hit upon it; for if it had been of a different kind, we were quite sure, as regards your minds, that in a shorter time you would have solved others more difficult. And therefore, with your leave, I am going to reply to Timbrio, and tell him that his query denotes a man in fetters, since when he draws his feet from those eyes he speaks of, it is either to set him free or to take him to execution; so that you may see, shepherdesses, if I was right in thinking that perhaps neither of you had seen in all her life jails or prisons.' 'I for my part can say,' said Galatea, 'that never have I seen any one imprisoned.' Nisida and Blanca said the same. And straightway Nisida propounded her question in this form: NISIDA. Fire it biteth, and its bite Galatea delayed little in answering Nisida, for straightway she said to her: 'I am quite sure that I am not mistaken, fair Nisida, if I say that your riddle can in no way be better applied than to candle-snuffers and to the taper or candle they snuff; and if this is true, as it is, and you are satisfied with my reply, listen now to mine, which I hope will be solved by your sister with no less ease than I have done yours.' And straightway she spoke it, and it ran thus: GALATEA. Children three, who love inspire, Blanca was considering what Galatea's riddle could denote, when they saw two gallant shepherds crossing at a run near the place where they were, showing by the fury with which they were running that something important constrained them to move their steps with such speed, and straightway at the same moment they heard some mournful cries, as of persons seeking help; and on this alarm all arose and followed the direction whence the cries sounded; and in a few steps they issued from that delightful spot and came out on the bank of the cool Tagus, which, close at hand, was flowing gently by. And scarcely did they see the river, when the strangest thing they could imagine was presented to their gaze; for they saw two shepherdesses seemingly of noble grace, who were holding a shepherd fast by the lappets of his coat with all the strength in their power, in order that the poor fellow might not drown himself, for he already had half his body in the river, and his head below the water, struggling with his feet to release himself from the shepherdesses, who were hindering his desperate purpose. They were already almost on the point of letting him go, being unable to overcome his obstinate determination with their feeble strength. But at this point the two shepherds approached, who had been coming at a run, and seizing the desperate man, drew him out of the water just as all the others were already approaching, astounded at the strange sight, and they were more so, when they learned that the shepherd who wished to drown himself was Artidoro's brother, Galercio, while the shepherdesses were his sister Maurisa and the fair Teolinda; and when these saw Galatea and Florisa, Teolinda ran with tears in her eyes to embrace Galatea, saying: 'Ah, Galatea, sweet friend and lady mine, how has this luckless wretch fulfilled the word she gave you to return to see you and tell you the news of her happiness!' 'I shall be as glad for you to have it, Teolinda,' replied Galatea, 'as you are assured by the good-will you know I have to serve you; but it seems to me that your eyes do not bear out your words, nor indeed do these satisfy me so as to make me imagine a successful issue to your desires.' Whilst Galatea was thus occupied with Teolinda, Elicio and Artidoro with the other shepherds had stripped Galercio, and as they loosened his coat, which with all his clothes had been wetted, a paper fell from his bosom, which Thyrsis picked up, and, opening it, saw that it was verse; and not being able to read it because it was wet, he placed it on a lofty branch in the sun's ray so that it might dry. On Galercio they placed a cloak of Arsindo's, and the luckless youth was as it were astounded and amazed, without saying a word, though Elicio asked him what was the cause that had brought him to so strange a pass. But his sister Maurisa answered for him, saying: 'Raise your eyes, shepherds, and you will see who is the cause that has set my unfortunate wretch of a brother in so strange and desperate a plight.' The shepherds raised their eyes at what Maurisa said, and saw a graceful and comely shepherdess on a beetling rock that overhung the river, seated on the same crag, and watching with smiling countenance all that the shepherds were doing. She was straightway recognised by all as the cruel Gelasia. 'That loveless, that thankless girl, sirs,' went on Maurisa, 'is the mortal enemy of this my unhappy brother, who, as all these banks already know and you are not unaware, loves her, worships her and adores her; and in return for the ceaseless services he has always done her, and for the tears that he has shed for her, she this morning, with the most scornful and loveless disdain that could ever be found in cruelty, bade him go from her presence, and never return to her now or henceforth. And my brother wished to obey her so earnestly, that he sought to take away his life, to avoid the occasion of ever transgressing her bidding; and if these shepherds had not by chance come so quickly, the end of my happiness, and the end of my hapless brother's days would by now have come.' What Maurisa said set all those who listened to her in amazement, and they were more amazed when they saw that the cruel Gelasia, without moving from the spot where she was, and without taking account of all that company who had their eyes set on her, with a strange grace and spirited disdain, drew a small rebeck from her wallet, and stopping to tune it very leisurely, after a little while with a voice of great beauty began to sing in this wise: GELASIA. The pleasing herbs of the green shady mead, Who will no more the friendly warblings heed That he the fires may follow, and the fears, Upon the fields are set my loving cares Gelasia was singing, and showing in the motion and expression of her face her loveless disposition; but scarcely had she come to the last verse of her song, when she rose with a strange swiftness, and, as if she were fleeing from some terrible thing, she began to hurry down by the crag, leaving the shepherds amazed at her disposition and astounded at her swift course. But straightway they saw what was the cause of it, on seeing the enamoured Lenio, who with dragging step was ascending the same crag, with the intention of coming to where Gelasia was; but she was not willing to wait for him, so as not to fail in a single instance to act in accordance with the cruelty of her purpose. The wearied Lenio came to the summit of the crag, when Gelasia was already at its foot, and seeing that she did not check her steps, but directed them with more haste through the spacious plain, with spent breath and tired spirit he sat down in the same spot where Gelasia had been, and there began with desperate words to curse his fortune, and the hour in which he raised his eyes to gaze on the cruel shepherdess Gelasia, and in that same moment, repenting as it were of what he was saying, he turned to bless his eyes, and to extol the cause that placed him in such a pass. And straightway goaded and urged by a fit of frenzy, he flung his crook far from him, and, stripping off his coat, cast it into the waters of the clear Tagus, which followed close by the foot of the crag. And when the shepherds who were watching him saw this, they believed without a doubt that the violence of his love-passion was depriving him of reason; and so Elicio and Erastro began to ascend the crag to prevent him from doing any other mad act, that might cost him more dear. And though Lenio saw them ascending, he made no other movement save to draw his rebeck from a wallet, and with a new and strange calm sat down again; and turning his face to where his shepherdess heard, he began with a voice mellow and accompanied with tears to sing in this fashion: LENIO. Who drives thee on, who leadeth thee aside, Am I perchance so lowly in estate Let thy o'erweening pride a warning take, Once I was as thou art, now I behold While the hapless shepherd was intoning his piteous plaints, the other shepherds were reproving Galercio for his evil design, condemning the wicked purpose he had displayed. But the despairing youth replied to nothing, whereat Maurisa was not a little distressed, believing that, if left alone, he must carry out his evil thought. In the meantime Galatea and Florisa, going aside with Teolinda, asked her what was the cause of her return, and if by chance she had already heard of her Artidoro. To which she replied weeping: 'I know not what to say to you, friends and ladies mine, save that Heaven wished that I should find Artidoro, to lose him utterly; for you must know that that same unconsiderate and traitorous sister of mine, who was the beginning of my misfortune, Teolinda said no more, for the countless tears that came to her eyes, and the sighs she wrung from her soul, hindered her tongue in its office; and though the tongues of Galatea and Florisa wished to show themselves skilful and eloquent in consoling her, their toil was of little avail. And while this converse was passing between the shepherdesses, the paper which Thyrsis had taken from Galercio's bosom became dry, and being anxious to read it he took it and saw that it ran thus: Angel in the guise of maid, I write, not to move thine heart, Just it is that liberty That all men should love thee well For thy rigour doth proclaim Once I saw thee all alone, Would that thou a statue were, Thou repayest, as is due, Of that breast which maketh bold Well I know thou wilt declare If I might in words essay Whether rock or steel thou art, Galercio's verses seemed better to Thyrsis than Gelasia's disposition, and wishing to show them to Elicio, he saw him so changed in hue and countenance that he seemed the image of death. He went up to him, and when he wished to ask him if any grief were distressing him, there was no need to await his reply in order to learn the cause of his pain, for straightway he heard it announced amongst all those who were there. Now the two shepherds who helped Galercio, were friends of the Lusitanian shepherd to whom the venerable Aurelio had agreed to marry Galatea, and they were coming to tell him how the fortunate shepherd would come in three days' time to his village to conclude that most happy betrothal. And straightway Thyrsis saw that this news must needs cause in Elicio's soul newer and stranger symptoms than had been caused; but nevertheless he went up to him and said to him: 'Now it is necessary, good friend, that you should know how to make use of the discretion you have, since in the greatest peril hearts show themselves courageous, and I assure you that there is something assures me that this business must have a better end than you think. Dissemble and be silent, for if Galatea's will takes no pleasure in conforming wholly with her father's, you will satisfy yours, by availing yourself of ours, and also of all the favour that can be offered you by all the shepherds there are on the banks of this river, and on those of the gentle Henares. And this favour I offer you, for I feel quite sure that Elicio remained amazed, seeing the generous and true offer of Thyrsis, and could not nor did he know how to reply to him save by embracing him closely and saying to him: 'May Heaven reward you, discreet Thyrsis, for the consolation you have given me, by which and by Galatea's will, which, as I think, will not differ from ours, I understand without doubt that so notorious a wrong as is being done to all these banks in banishing from them the rare beauty of Galatea, shall not go further.' And, as he turned to embrace him, the lost colour returned to his face. But it did not return to Galatea's, to whom hearing of the shepherds' embassy was as if she heard her death-sentence. Elicio noted it all, and Erastro could not ignore it, nor yet the discreet Florisa, nor indeed was the news pleasing to any of those who were there. At this hour the sun was already descending by his wonted course, and therefore for this reason, as well as because they saw that the love-sick Lenio had followed Gelasia, and there was nothing else left to do there, all that company, taking Galercio and Maurisa with them, bent their steps towards the village, and on coming close to it, Elicio and Erastro remained in their huts, and with them remained Thyrsis, Damon, Orompo, Crisio, Marsilio, Arsindo and Orfenio, with some other shepherds. The fortunate Timbrio, Silerio, Nisida, and Blanca took leave of them all with courteous words and offers, telling them that on the morrow they intended to set out for the city of Toledo, where the end of their journey was to be; and embracing all who were remaining with Elicio, they departed with Aurelio, with whom went Florisa, Teolinda and Maurisa, and the sad Galatea, so heart-broken and thoughtful that with all her discretion she could not fail to give tokens of strange unhappiness. With Daranio departed his wife Silveria and the fair Belisa. Thereon the night closed in, and it seemed to Elicio that all the roads to his pleasure were closed with it, and had it not been for welcoming with cheerful mien the guests he had in his hut that night, he would have spent it so badly that he would have despaired of seeing the day. The wretched Erastro was passing through the same trouble, though with more relief, for, without regarding anyone, with loud cries and piteous words he cursed his fortune and Aurelio's hasty resolve. This being so, when the shepherds had satisfied their hunger with some rustic victuals, and some of them had yielded themselves to the arms of peaceful sleep, the fair Maurisa came to Elicio's hut, and finding Elicio at the door of his hut, took him aside and gave him a paper, telling him it was from Galatea, and that he should read it at once, for, since she was bringing it at such an hour, he should under GALATEA TO ELICIO. 'In my father's hasty resolve lies the resolve I have taken to write to you, and in the violence he uses towards me lies the violence I have used towards myself to reach this extreme. You well know in what an extreme pass I am, and I know well that I would gladly see myself in a better, that I might reward you somewhat for the much I know I owe you. But if Heaven wishes me to remain in this debt, complain of it, and not of my will. My father's I would gladly change, if it were possible, but I see that it is not, and so I do not try it. If you think of any remedy in that quarter, so long as prayers have no part in it, put it into effect with the consideration you owe to your reputation and hold due to my honour. He whom they are giving me as husband, he who shall give me burial, is coming the day after to-morrow; little time remains for you to take counsel, though sufficient remains to me for repentance. I say no more save that Maurisa is faithful and I unhappy.' The words of Galatea's letter set Elicio in strange confusion, as it seemed to him a new thing both that she should write to him, since up till then she had never done so, and that she should bid him seek a remedy for the wrong that was being done her. But, passing over all these things, he paused only to think how he should fulfil what was bidden him, though he should hazard therein a thousand lives, if he had so many. And as no other remedy offered itself to him save that which he was awaiting from his friends, he made bold, trusting in them, to reply to Galatea by a letter he gave to Maurisa, which ran in this manner: ELICIO TO GALATEA. 'If the violence of my strength came up to the desire I have to serve you, fair Galatea, neither that which your father uses towards you, nor the greatest in the world, would have power to injure you. But, be that as it may, you will see now, if the wrong goes further, that I do not lag behind in doing your bidding in the best way the case may demand. Let the faithfulness you have known in me, assure you of this, and show a good face to present fortune, trusting in coming prosperity, for Heaven which has moved you to remember me and write to me, will give me strength to show that I merit in part the favour you have done me, for, if only it be obeying you, neither Having given this letter to Maurisa, as has been said, he told her also how he was intending to assemble as many shepherds as he could, and that all should go together to speak to Galatea's father, asking him as a signal favour to be so kind as not to banish from those meadows her peerless beauty; and, should this not suffice, he was intending to place such obstacles and terrors before the Lusitanian shepherd that he himself would say that he was not content with what had been agreed; and, should prayers and stratagems be of no avail, he was resolved to use violence and thereby set her at liberty, and that with the consideration for her reputation which could be expected from one who loved her so much. With this resolve Maurisa went away, and the same was taken straightway by all the shepherds that were with Elicio, for he gave to them account of his intentions, asking for favour and counsel in so difficult a plight. Straightway Thyrsis and Damon offered to be those who should speak to Galatea's father. Lauso, Arsindo, and Erastro, with the four friends, Orompo, Marsilio, Crisio and Orfenio, promised to look for their friends and assemble them for the following day, and to carry out with them whatsoever should be bidden them by Elicio. In discussing what was best suited to the case, and in taking this resolve, the greater part of that night passed away. And, the morning having come, all the shepherds departed to fulfil what they had promised, save Thyrsis and Damon, who remained with Elicio. And that same day Maurisa came again to tell Elicio how Galatea was resolved to follow his opinion in everything; Elicio took leave of her with new promises and confidences; and with joyous countenance and strange gaiety he was awaiting the coming day to see the good or evil issue fortune was bestowing on his work. With this night came on, and, Elicio repairing with Damon and Thyrsis to his hut, they spent almost all of it in testing and taking note of all the difficulties that could arise in that affair, if perchance Aurelio was not moved by the arguments Thyrsis intended to bring before him. But Elicio, in order to give the shepherds opportunity for repose, went out of his hut, and ascended a green hill that rose before it; and there, girt round with solitude, he was revolving in his memory all that he had suffered for Galatea, and what he feared he ELICIO. If 'midst this boiling sea and gulf profound Each hand uplifted to the air around, Then fortunate shall I my sighings call, Love's wounds, I shall declare, are to the soul When Elicio ended his song, the cool dawn, with her fair cheeks of many hues, was beginning to reveal herself by the Eastern gates, gladdening the earth, sprinkling the grass with pearls, and painting the meadows; whose longed-for approach the chattering birds straightway began to greet with thousand kinds of harmonious songs. Thereon Elicio arose and, stretching his eyes over the spacious plain, discovered not far away two troops of shepherds, who, as it seemed to him, were making their way towards his hut, as was the truth, for he straightway recognised that they were his friends Lauso and Arsindo with others whom they were bringing with them. And the others were Orompo, Marsilio, Crisio and Orfenio, with as many of their friends as they could assemble. Elicio then recognising them, descended from the hill to go and welcome them; and when they came near to the hut, Thyrsis and Damon, who were going to look for Elicio, were already outside it. In the meantime all the shepherds came up and welcomed each other with joyous countenance. And straightway Lauso, turning to Elicio, said to him: 'In the company we bring, you can see, friend Elicio, whether we are beginning to give tokens of our wish to fulfil the word we gave you; all whom you see here, come with the desire to serve you, though they should hazard their lives therein. What is wanting is that you should not be wanting in what may be most essential.' Elicio, with the best words he could, thanked Lauso and the others for the favour they were doing him, and straightway told them all that it had been agreed with Thyrsis and Damon to do in order to succeed in that enterprise. What Elicio was The end of this loving tale and history, with what happened to Galercio, Lenio and Gelasia, Arsindo, Maurisa, Grisaldo, Artandro and Rosaura, Marsilio and Belisa, with other things which happened to the shepherds mentioned hitherto, is promised in the Second Part of this history. Which, if it sees this First received with favourable wishes, will have the boldness shortly to come out in order to be seen and judged by the eyes and understanding of mankind. [The following brief notes, based on Barrera's commentary, and corrected or supplemented in the light of subsequent research, have been drawn up in the hope that they may be of use to the general reader. In a certain number of cases it has, unfortunately, been impossible to trace the writings of those mentioned in the text. I should gratefully receive any information concerning the men or their works. In dealing with famous authors like Lope de Vega or GÓngora, whose subsequent careers have fulfilled Cervantes's prophecies, it has been thought unnecessary to give details which can be found in every history of Spanish literature. It has occasionally happened that a writer is made the subject of a longer note than his actual importance might seem, at first sight, to deserve. The justification for this lies in the fact that such minor authors are more or less intimately associated with Cervantes, or that the mention of their names affords a convenient opportunity for discussing some point of interest in connexion with his life or writings. For the sake of convenience in referring from one author to another, the notes to the Canto de CalÍope have been numbered consecutively throughout. J. F.-K.] FOOTNOTES: [117] As the Canto de CalÍope professes to deal solely with living poets—algunos seÑalados varones que en esta vuestra EspaÑa viven, y algunos en las apartadas Indias Á ella sujetas—the Diego Mendoza mentioned in the twentyfifth stanza cannot refer to the celebrated historian who died ten years before the Galatea was published. But the above lament for Meliso is unquestionably dedicated to his memory. The phrase el aprisco veneciano is an allusion to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's embassy in Venice (1539-1547). It is not generally known that Mendoza visited England as special Plenipotentiary in 1537-1538 with the object of arranging two marriages: one between Mary Tudor and Prince Luiz of Portugal, and one between Henry VIII. and Charles V.'s handsome, witty niece, Dorothea of Denmark (afterwards Duchess of Milan), who declined the honour on the ground that she had only one head. Mendoza's mission was a diplomatic failure: nor does he seem to have enjoyed his stay here. He was made much of, was banqueted at Hampton Court, and confessed that life in England was pleasant enough; but he sighed for Barcelona, and was glad to pass on to the Low Countries and thence to Venice. See the Calendar of State Papers (Spain), vol. v. J. F.-K. [118] Leiva's work would seem to have disappeared. In the Casa de Memoria, which forms part of the Diversas Rimas (1591), Espinel refers to an Alonso de Leiva in much the same terms as Cervantes uses here:— El Ánimo gentil, el dulce llanto, [119] Alonso de Ercilla y ZÚÑiga was born at Madrid in 1533. He was page to Philip II at the latter's marriage with Mary Tudor in Winchester Cathedral. He sailed for South America in 1555, served against the Araucanos under GarcÍa Hurtado de Mendoza, MarquÉs de CaÑete, quarrelled with a brother officer named Juan de Pineda, was sentenced to death, reprieved at the last moment, and is said to have been exiled to Callao. Ercilla returned to Spain in 1562, bringing with him the First Part of his epic poem, La Araucana, which he had composed during his campaigns. The original draft was scribbled on stray pieces of paper and scraps of leather: "que no me costÓ despuÉs poco trabajo juntarlos." This First Part was published at Madrid in 1569: the Second Part appeared in 1578, and the Third in 1590. The author died, a disappointed man, in 1594. For a sound appreciation of his talent see L'Araucana, poÈme Épique por D. Alonso de Ercilla y ZÚÑiga. Morceaux choisis prÉcedÉs d'une Étude biographique et littÉraire, suivis de notes grammaticales, et de versification et de deux lexiques (Paris, 1900) by M. Jean Ducamin. A critical edition of La Araucana by the eminent Chilean scholar, Sr. D. JosÉ Toribio Medina, is in preparation. Cervantes expresses the highest opinion of La Araucana in Don Quixote (Part I., chap. vi.) where he brackets it with Rufo's Austriada and ViruÉs's Monserrate:—"These three books," said the curate, "are the best that have been written in Castilian in heroic verse, and they may compare with the most famous of Italy; let them be preserved as the richest treasures of poetry that Spain possesses." [120] Barrera believed that the reference is to Juan de Silva, Conde de Portalegre, afterwards Governor and Captain-General of the Kingdom of Portugal. A collection of his letters is said to be in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid: Silva is further stated to have revised the manuscript of Hurtado de Mendoza's Historia de la Guerra de Granada, first published (posthumously) by Luis de Tribaldos de Toledo at Lisbon in 1627. He certainly wrote the introduction to Tribaldos de Toledo's edition. Juan de Silva, Conde de Portalegre, is said by Jacques-Charles Brunet (Manuel du libraire et de l'amateur de livres, Paris, 1861-1880, vol. ii., col. 217) to be the author of a work entitled Dell' unione del regno di Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia, istoria del Sig. Ieronimo di Franchi Conestaggio, gentilhuomo genovese (Genova, 1585). This volume was in Montaigne's library (see M. Paul Bonnefon's valuable contribution—La BibliothÈque de Montaigne—in the Revue d'Histoire littÉraire de la France, Paris, 1895, vol. ii., pp. 344-345): so also was the Spanish version of LÓpez de Castanheda's Historia (M. Paul Bonnefon, op. cit., p. 362). A trace of both these works is observable in the 1595 edition of the Essais (liv. ii., chap. 21, Contre la fainÉantise). [121] The soldier, Diego Santisteban y Osorio, is known as the author of a sequel to Ercilla's Araucana: his fourth and fifth parts were published in 1597. [122] Barrera conjectures that the allusion is to Francisco Lasso de Mendoza who wrote a prefatory sonnet for Luis GÁlvez de Montalvo's Pastor de FÍlida: see note 24. [123] Barrera states that Diego de Sarmiento y Carvajal contributed verses to the Primera parte de la MiscelÁnea austral de don Diego d'AvalÓs y Figueroa en varios coloquios (Lima, 1603). I have not seen this work. [124] Barrera fails to give any particulars of Gutierre Carvajal of whom, also, I find no trace in recent bibliographies. [125] Prefatory sonnets by the Toledan soldier, Luis de Vargas Manrique, are found in Cervantes's Galatea and in LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero, both published in 1585: see notes 23 and 34. [126] Francisco Campuzano practised medicine at AlcalÁ de Henares, Cervantes's birthplace. In 1585 he contributed to LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero and to Padilla's JardÍn espiritual: another copy of his verses precedes GraciÁn Dantisco's Galateo espaÑol (1594): see notes 23, 27, and 34. [127] Francisco SuÁrez de Sosa, a native of Medina del Campo, practised as a physician. Barrera states that SuÁrez de Sosa wrote Del arte como se ha de pelear contra los turcos (1549) and De las ilustres mujeres que en el mundo ha habido; but I do not understand him to say that either of these works was printed. Barrera conjectures that SuÁrez de Sosa is introduced in the Galatea under the name of Sasio. [128] Nothing seems to be known of Doctor Baza. [129] I have not succeeded in identifying the Licenciado Daza with any of the Dazas mentioned by BartolomÉ JosÉ Gallardo, Ensayo de una biblioteca espaÑola de libros raros y curiosos (Madrid, 1863-1889), vol. ii., cols. 750-754. [130] The Maestro Garay, praised as a divino ingenio in Lope de Vega's Arcadia, is represented by a glosa, a copy of redondillas, and five sonnets in Manuel Rivadeneyra's Biblioteca de autores espaÑoles, vol. xlii., pp. 510-511. [131] Cervantes's praise of the Maestro CÓrdoba is confirmed by Lope de Vega in the Laurel de Apolo (silva iv.):— Hoy Á las puertas de su templo llama [132] Francisco DÍaz, lecturer on philosophy and medicine at the University of AlcalÁ de Henares, published a Compendio de Cirujia (Madrid, 1575). In 1588 Cervantes contributed a complimentary sonnet to DÍaz' treatise on kidney disease: Tratado nuevamente impreso acerca de las enfermedades de los riÑones. The occasion is certainly singular. It does not seem that DÍaz himself published any verse. [133] No trace of LujÁn's writings has, to my knowledge, been discovered. It seems unlikely that Cervantes can refer to the Pedro de LujÁn whose Coloquios matrimoniales were published at Seville as early as 1550: see Gallardo, op. cit., vol. iii., col. 553. [134] A prefatory sonnet by Juan de Vergara is found in LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero: see note 23. [135] It may be to this writer that AgustÍn de Rojas Villandrando alludes in the Viaje entretenido (1603):— De los farsantes que han hecho Two romances by an Alonso de Morales are given in Rivadeneyra, vol. xvi., p. 248. [136] This prophecy has not been fulfilled: Hernando Maldonado's writings appear to be lost. [137] Lope de Vega also finds place in the Laurel de Apolo (silva iii.) for Aquel ingenio, universal, profundo, [138] This can scarcely refer to the famous diplomatist who died in 1575. Possibly Cervantes may have alluded here to Captain Diego de Mendoza de Barros, two of whose sonnets are included in Pedro Espinosa's collection entitled Flores de poetas ilustres de EspaÑa (1605). The sonnet on f. 65— "PedÍs, Reyna, un soneto, ya lo hago—" may have served as Lope de Vega's model for the celebrated Sonnet on a Sonnet in La NiÑa de plata. A still earlier example in this kind was given by Baltasar del AlcÁzar: see note 43. For French imitations of this sonnet, see M. Alfred Morel-Fatio's article in the Revue d'Histoire littÉraire de la France (Paris, July 15, 1896), pp. 435-439. See also Father Matthew Russell's Sonnets on the Sonnet (London, 1898), and a note in Sr. D. Adolfo Bonilla y San MartÍn's Castilian version of my History of Spanish Literature (Madrid, 1901), p. 344. [139] Diego DurÁn contributed a prefatory poem to LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero: see note 23. Casiano Pellicer conjectured that DurÁn figures in the Galatea as Daranio: see the Introduction to the present version, p. xlviii, n. 2. [140] LÓpez Maldonado seems to have been on very friendly terms with Lope de Vega and, more especially, with Cervantes. In Don Quixote (Part I., chap. vi), the latter writes:—"es grande amigo mio." Lope and Cervantes both contributed prefatory verses to LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero (1586) of which the Priest expressed a favourable opinion when examining Don Quixote's library:—"it gives rather too much of its eclogues, but what is good was never yet plentiful: let it be kept with those that have been set apart." [141] Luis GÁlvez de Montalvo is best remembered as the author of the pastoral novel, El Pastor de FÍlida (1582); see the Introduction to the present version, pp. xxvi and xxxi. [142] Pedro LiÑÁn de Riaza's poems have been collected in the first volume of the Biblioteca de escritores aragoneses (Zaragoza, 1876). Concerning some supplementary pieces, omitted in this edition, see Professor Emilio Teza, Der Cancionero von Neapel, in Romanische Forschungen (Erlangen, 1893), vol. vii., pp. 138-144. Sr. D. Adolfo Bonilla y San MartÍn conjectures that LiÑÁn de Riaza may have had some part in connection with Avellaneda's spurious continuation of Don Quixote: see the elaborate note in his Castilian version of my History of Spanish Literature (Madrid, 1901), pp. 371-374. [143] Alonso de ValdÉs wrote a prologue in praise of poetry to Vicente Espinel's Diversas rimas: see note 46. [144] Pedro de Padilla and Cervantes were on excellent terms: "es amigo mio," says the latter in Don Quixote (Part I., chap. vi). Cervantes contributed complimentary verses to Padilla's Romancero (1583), to his JardÍn espiritual (1585), and to his posthumous Grandezas y Excelencias de la Virgen (1587). Padilla died in August 1585, shortly after the publication of the Galatea: his Romancero has been reprinted (1880) by the Sociedad de BibliÓfilos espaÑoles. [145] I have met with no other allusion to Gaspar Alfonso. [146] The herÓicos versos of CristÓbal de Mesa are of no remarkable merit. Besides translations of Virgil, and the tragedy Pompeyo (1615), he published Las Navas de Tolosa (1594), La RestauraciÓn de EspaÑa (1607), the Valle de lÁgrimas (1607), and El PatrÓn de EspaÑa (1611). [147] Many Riberas figure in the bibliographies, but apparently none of them is named Pedro. [148] Benito de Caldera's translation of CamÕes's Lusiadas was issued at AlcalÁ de Henares in 1580. LÁinez, Garay, GÁlvez de Montalvo, and Vergara—all four eulogized in this Canto de CalÍope—contributed prefatory poems. [149] Besides a well-known glosa on Jorge Manrique's Coplas, Francisco de GuzmÁn published the Triumphos Morales and the Decretos de Sabios at AlcalÁ de Henares in 1565. [150] This stanza is supposed by Barrera to refer to Juan de Salcedo Villandrando who wrote a prefatory sonnet for Diego d'AvalÓs y Figueroa's MiscelÁnea austral (Lima, 1602). [151] This TomÁs GraciÁn Dantisco was the grandson of Diego GarcÍa, camarero mayor at the court of the Catholic Kings, and son of Diego GraciÁn de Alderete, Secretary of State and official Interpreter during the reigns of Charles V. and Philip II. The latter studied at the University of Louvain where his name was wrongly Latinized as Gratianus (instead of Gracianus), and, on his return to Spain, he adopted the form GraciÁn. He married a daughter of Johannes de Curiis, called (from his birthplace) Dantiscus, successively Bishop of Culm (June, 1530) and of West Ermeland (January, 1538), and Polish ambassador at the court of Charles V.: see Leo Czaplicki, De vita et carminibus Joannis de Curiis Dantisci (Vratislaviae, 1855). Some of Diego GraciÁn de Alderete's letters are included by Sr. D. Adolfo Bonilla y San MartÍn in his very interesting collection entitled Clarorum Hispaniensium epistolae ineditae (Paris, 1901), printed in the Revue Hispanique (Paris, 1901), vol. viii., pp. 181-308. TomÁs GraciÁn Dantisco succeeded his father as official Interpreter, and published an Arte de escribir cartas familiares (1589). His brother, LucÁs GraciÁn Dantisco, signed the AprobaciÓn to the Galatea: see the Introduction to the present version, p. x, n. 4. Another brother, Antonio GraciÁn Dantisco, secretary to the King, was a good Greek scholar. He translated a treatise by Hero of Alexandria under the title De los Pneumaticos, Ó machuinas que se hazen por atraccion de vacio. The manuscript has apparently disappeared; but it existed as late as the time of NicolÁs Antonio (Bibliotheca Hispana, Romae, 1672, vol. i., p. 98). See also Charles Graux' Essai sur les origines du fonds grec de l'Escurial (Paris, 1880), which forms the 46th fascicule of the BibliothÈque de l'École des Hautes Etudes, and an interesting note by M. Alfred Morel-Fatio in the Bulletin hispanique (Bordeaux, 1902), vol. iv., p. 282. [152] In the Dorotea (Act iv. sc. ii.) Lope de Vega speaks of "Bautista de Vivar, monstruo de naturaleza en decir versos de improviso con admirable impulso de las musas"; but Vivar's merits must be taken on trust, for his writings have not been printed. A certain Vivar, author of some verses Á lo divino, is mentioned by Gallardo (op. cit., vol. i., col. 1023), but no specimens are given from the manuscript which was in existence as late as November 1, 1844. The phrase—monstruo de naturaleza—applied by Lope to Vivar was applied by Cervantes to Lope in the preface to his Ocho Comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos (Madrid, 1615). It occurs also in Lope's Hermosa Ester, the autograph of which, dated April 5, 1610, is in the British Museum Library, Egerton MSS. 547. Mr. Henry Edward Watts (Miguel de Cervantes, his life & works, London, 1895, p. 109) contends that Cervantes uses the expression "in bad part" (i.e. in a sense derogatory to Lope), and cites as a parallel case the employment of it in Don Quixote (Part I. chap. xlvi) where Sancho Panza is described as "monstruo de naturaleza, almario de embustes, silo de bellaquerÍas, inventor de maldades, publicador de sandeces," and so forth. The words monstruo de naturaleza are, no doubt, open to two interpretations. It is, however, inconceivable that Cervantes would offer so gross an insult to his successful rival as is thus imputed to him. In his bickerings with Lope, Cervantes may sometimes forget himself, as will happen to the best of men at times; but such vulgarity as this is absolutely unlike him. It may be as well to note that the expression—monstruo de naturaleza—was current as a compliment long before either Cervantes or Lope used it; it will be found in Pedro de CÁceres y Espinosa's preliminary Discurso to the poems of Gregorio Silvestre published in 1582. Students of Spanish literary history will remember that Vivar's name was introduced by one of the witnesses who appeared against Lope de Vega when the latter was prosecuted for criminal libel at the beginning of 1588. Luis Vargas de Manrique (mentioned in note 8) was reported by this witness as saying that, on the internal evidence, one of the scandalous ballads which formed the basis of the charge might be attributed to four or five different persons: "it may be by LiÑÁn (mentioned in note 25) who is not here, or by Cervantes, and he is not here, and, since it is not mine, it may be by Vivar, or by Lope de Vega, though Lope de Vega, if he had written it, would not so malign himself." See the Proceso de Lope de Vega por libelo contra unos cÓmicos (Madrid, 1901) by the Sres. Tomillo and PÉrez Pastor. [153] Baltasar de Toledo's writings have not been traced. [154] Lope FÉlix de Vega Carpio was born at Madrid on November 25, 1562, and died there on August 27, 1635. A soldier, a poet, a novelist, a dramatist, and a priest, he ranks next to Cervantes in the history of Spanish literature. It is impossible to give any notion of his powers within the compass of a note. According to PÉrez de MontalbÁn, Lope was the author of 1800 plays and 400 autos: some 400 plays and some 50 autos survive, apart from innumerable miscellaneous works. Lope's Obras completas are now being issued by the Royal Spanish Academy under the editorship of Sr. D. Marcelino MenÉndez y Pelayo, and each succeeding volume—thirteen quarto volumes have already been issued to subscribers—goes to justify his immense reputation. A short summary of his dramatic achievement is given in my lecture on Lope de Vega and the Spanish Drama (Glasgow and London, 1902); for fuller details of this amazing genius and his work see Professor Hugo Albert Rennert's admirable biography (Glasgow, 1903). [155] Francisco Pacheco, uncle of the author of the Arte de la pintura, was born in 1535 and died in 1599. Some specimens of his skill in writing occasional Latin verses are extant in Seville Cathedral—of which he was a canon. A Latin composition from the same pen will be found in Herrera's edition of Garcilaso, for which see note 39. [156] Fernando de Herrera, the chief of the Seville school of poets, was born in 1534 and died in 1597. Herrera, who was a cleric but not a priest, dedicated many of his poems (1582) to the Condesa de Gelves, and there is interminable discussion as to whether these verses are to be taken in a Platonic sense, or not. Besides being a distinguished lyrical poet, Herrera proved himself an excellent critic in the Anotaciones in his edition of Garcilaso de la Vega (1580). This commentary was the occasion of a clever, scurrilous attack, circulated under the pseudonym of Prete JacopÍn, by Juan FernÁndez de Velasco, Conde de Haro, who resented the audacity of an Andaluz in presuming to edit a Castilian poet. Haro evidently thought that invective was an ornament of debate, for in ObservaciÓn XI. he calls his opponent ydiotÍssimo, and in ObservaciÓn XXVII. he calls Herrera an ass: "sois Asno y no LeÓn." Cervantes was a great admirer of Herrera whose death he commemorated in a sonnet. Moreover, he wove into the short dedication of the First Part of Don Quixote (to the Duque de BÉjar) phrases borrowed from the dedication in Herrera's edition of Garcilaso: see vol. iii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), pp. 3-4. [157] That el culto Cangas had a high reputation appears from the allusion in the RestauraciÓn de EspaÑa (lib. x. est. 108) of CristÓbal de Mesa who also dedicated a sonnet to him in the Rimas (Madrid, 1611), f. 230. [158] Two sonnets by CristÓbal de Villaroel are given in Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres de EspaÑa (1605). This extremely rare work, together with the supplementary Flores (1611) gathered by Juan Antonio CalderÓn, has been edited with great skill by Sr. D. Francisco RodrÍguez MarÍn who, fortunately for students, undertook to finish the work begun by Sr. D. Juan QuirÓs de los RÍos. Two additional sonnets by Villaroel precede Enrique GarcÉs's rendering of Petrarch: see note 68. [159] Francisco de Medina was born at Seville about 1550 and died there in 1615. This pleasing poet was of great assistance to Herrera in the work of editing Garcilaso. Herrera's edition, which includes examples of Medina's verse, also contains a preface by Medina which was utilized by Cervantes in the dedication of the First Part of Don Quixote: see note 39 and vol. iii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), pp. 3-4. [160] Baltasar del AlcÁzar was born in 1540 and died in 1606. His graceful, witty poems were reissued in 1878 by the Sociedad de BibliÓfilos Andaluces. AlcÁzar's Sonnet on a Sonnet (see note 21) lacks a line in the version printed by Gallardo, op. cit., vol. i., col. 75. [161] CristÓbal Mosquera de Figueroa was born in 1553 and died in 1610. He is best known as the author of a Comentario en breve compendio de disciplina militar (Madrid, 1596) for which Cervantes wrote a sonnet on the famous MarquÉs de Santa Cruz. Specimens of Mosquera de Figueroa's verse are to be found in Herrera's edition of Garcilaso. [162] The Sevillian priest, Domingo de Becerra, as appears from FernÁndez de Navarrete's Vida de Cervantes Saavedra (Madrid, 1819, pp. 386-387), was a prisoner in Algiers with Cervantes, and was ransomed at the same time as the latter. Becerra was then (1580) forty-five years of age. He translated Giovanni Della Casa's Il Galateo, and published his version at Venice in 1585. [163] Vicente Espinel was born in 1550 and is conjectured to have died between 1624 and 1634. He is said to have added a fifth string to the guitar, and to have introduced espinelas: "perdÓnesele Dios," is Lope's comment in the Dorotea (act. i. sc. vii.). Espinel's Diversas rimas (1591) are now only known to students; but his picaresque novel, Marcos de ObregÓn (Madrid, 1618), still finds, and deserves to find, many readers. In the 1775 edition of the SiÈcle de Louis XIV. Voltaire alleged that Gil Blas was "entiÈrement pris du roman espagnol La Vidad de lo Escudiero Dom Marcos d'Obrego." It will be observed that, in transcribing the title, Voltaire makes almost as many mistakes as the number of words allows. His statement is a grotesque exaggeration, but it had the merit of suggesting a successful practical joke to JosÉ Francisco de Isla. This sly wag translated Gil Blas into Spanish, mischievously pretending that the book was thus "restored to its country and native language by a jealous Spaniard who will not allow his nation to be made fun of." Unluckily, the naughty Jesuit did not live to see the squabbles of the learned critics who fell into the trap that he had baited for them. It is, by the way, a curious and disputed point whether the Comte de NeufchÂteau's celebrated Examen de la question de savoir si Lesage est l'auteur de Gil Blas ou s'il l'a pris de l'espagnol (1818) was, or was not, taken word for word from a juvenile essay by Victor Hugo: see Victor Hugo racontÉ par un tÉmoin de sa vie (Bruxelles and Leipzig, 1863), vol. i., p. 396. In the Adjunta al Parnaso Cervantes calls Espinel "uno de los mÁs antiguos y verdaderos amigos que yo tengo." In his Rimas Espinel had been most complimentary to Cervantes. But Pellicer and FernÁndez de Navarrete have spoken harshly of him for being (as they imagined) jealous of the success of Don Quixote; and Mr. Henry Edward Watts (op. cit., p. 157, n. 1) asserts that Espinel "took occasion after Cervantes' death to speak of his own Marcos de ObregÓn ... as superior to Don Quixote." This is not so. There may be authors who suppose that their immortal masterpieces are superior to the ephemeral writings of everybody else: but they seldom say this—at least, in print. Nor did Espinel. It must suffice, for the moment, to note that the above-mentioned fable is mainly based on the fact that the Gongoresque poet and preacher, Hortensio FÉlix Paravicino y Arteaga, wrote as follows in his AprobaciÓn to Marcos de ObregÓn: "El Libro del Escudero, que escriuio el Maestro Espinel, y V. M. me manda censurar, he visto, y no hallo en el cosa que se oponga À nuestra santa FÈ Catolica Romana, ni ofenda À la piedad de las buenas costumbres della, antes de los libros deste gÉnero, que parece de entretenimiento comun, es el que con mÁs razÓn deue ser impreso, por tener el prouecho tan cerca del deleyte, que sin perjudicar enseÑa, y sin diuertir entretiene: el estilo, la inuencion, el gusto de las cosas, y la moralidad, que deduze dellas, arguyen bien la pluma que la ha escrito, tan justamente celebrada en todas naciones. A mi alomenos de los libros deste argumento me parece la mejor cosa que nuestra lengua tendrÀ, y que V.m. deue darle vna aprouacion muy honrada. Guarde nuestro SeÑor À V. M." It is Paravicino, not Espinel, who speaks: and the eulogistic phrases which he uses do not exceed the limits of the recognized convention on such occasions. [164] JerÓnimo SÁnchez de Carranza was introduced to England by Ben Jonson as an authority on honour and arms. Bobadil, in Every Man in his humour (Act 1, sc. 4) says:—"By the foot of Pharaoh, an' 'twere my case now I should send him a chartel presently. The bastinado, a most proper and sufficient dependence, warranted by the great Carranza." Carranza wrote the Philosophia y destreza de las armas (SanlÚcar de Barrameda, 1582); a later treatise, the Libro de las grandezas de la espada (Madrid, 1600) was issued by the counter-expert of the next generation, Luis Pacheco de NarvÁez. I need scarcely remind most readers that Pacheco de NarvÁez, the famous fencing-master, was ignominiously disarmed by Quevedo—an incomparable hand with the foil, despite his lameness and short sight. Pacheco naturally smarted under the disgrace, and seems to have shown his resentment in an unpleasant fashion whenever he had an opportunity. The respective merits of Carranza and Pacheco divided Madrid into two camps. Literary men were prominent in the fray. SuÁrez de Figueroa, VÉlez de Guevara, and Ruiz de AlarcÓn declared for Pacheco. Among Carranza's partisans were Luis Mendoza de Carmona and, as might be expected, Quevedo who mentions the Libro de las grandezas de la espada in his Historia de la vida del BuscÓn (lib. i. cap. viii.). [165] Two sonnets by LÁzaro Luis Iranzo are given in Rivadeneyra, op. cit., vol. iv., pp. 180, 364. [166] Baltasar de Escobar is represented in Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres: a complimentary letter addressed by Escobar to CristÓbal de ViruÉs is printed in Rivadeneyra, op. cit., vol. lxii., p. 37. [167] A sonnet on the sack of CÁdiz by Juan Sanz de Zumeta is given in Juan Antonio Pellicer's edition of Don Quixote (Madrid, 1797-1798), vol. i., p. lxxxvi. [168] The correct, full form of this writer's name seems to be Juan de la Cueva de Garoza. He is conjectured to have been born in 1550 and to have died in 1609. This interesting dramatist was among the most distinguished of Lope de Vega's immediate predecessors, and in such plays as El Cerco de Zamora he comes near anticipating Lope's methods. In his Exemplar poÉtico (1609) Cueva declares that he was the first to bring kings upon the stage, an innovation that was censured at the time:— A mi me culpan de que fuÍ el primero Evidently Cueva did not know that Torres Naharro introduces a king in his Aquilana. A reprint of Cueva's plays is urgently needed: his purely poetic work is of slight value. An edition of El Viage de Sannio, with an admirable Introduction by Professor Fredrik Amadeus Wulff will be found in the Acta Universitatis Lundensis (Lund, 1887-1888), (Philosophi, SprÅkvetenskap och Historia), vol. xxiii. [169] Nothing by AdÁn Vivaldo has survived, apparently. Cervantes assigns this surname to a minor character in Don Quixote (Part I., chap. xiii.). [170] It would be interesting to know how far this panegyric on Juan Aguayo was justified. I have failed to find any information concerning him or his works. [171] The dates of the birth and death of the Cordoban poet, Juan Rufo GutiÉrrez, are given conjecturally as 1530 and 1600. Cervantes esteemed Rufo's Austriada inordinately: see note 2. In truth the Austriada is a tedious performance, being merely a poor rhythmical arrangement of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza's Guerra de Granada. Mendoza's history was not published till 1627, long after the author's death (1575). It was issued at Lisbon by Luis Tribaldos de Toledo who, in the previous year, had brought out a posthumous edition of the poems of Francisco de Figueroa—the Tirsi of the Galatea. Evidently, then, Rufo read the Guerra de Granada in manuscript: see M. FoulchÉ-Delbosc's article in the Revue hispanique (Paris, 1894), vol. i., pp. 137-138, n. [172] Luis de GÓngora y Argote was born in 1561 and died in 1627. His father, Francisco de Argote, was Corregidor of CÓrdoba, and it has been generally stated that the poet assumed his mother's maiden name. However, the Sra. DoÑa Blanca de los RÍos y de LampÉrez alleges that GÓngora's real name was Luis de Argote y Argote: see an article entitled De vuelta de Salamanca in La EspaÑa moderna (Madrid, June 1897). I do not know precisely upon what ground this statement is made. Despite the perverse affectations into which his culteranismo led him, GÓngora is one of the most eminent Spanish poets, and unquestionably among the greatest artists in Spanish literature. A passage in the Viaje del Parnaso (cap. vii.) seems to imply that Cervantes admired GÓngora's very obscure work, the Polifemo:— De llano no le dÉis, dadle de corte, M. FoulchÉ-Delbosc has in preparation a complete edition of GÓngora's works. [173] Barrera conjectures that this Gonzalo Cervantes Saavedra may be the author of a novel entitled Los Pastores del Betis, published at Trani in 1633-4. I do not know this work, which may have been issued posthumously. It seems unlikely that Gonzalo Cervantes Saavedra began novel-writing when over seventy years old: for we may take it that he was over twenty when his namesake praised him, as above, in 1585. [174] Gonzalo GÓmez de Luque wrote the Libro primero de los famosos hechos del prÍncipe Don Celidon de Iberia (AlcalÁ de Henares, 1583); but the only works of his with which I am acquainted are the verses in Padilla's JardÍn espiritual and LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero: see notes 27 and 23. [175] Two sonnets by Gonzalo Mateo de BerrÍo are included in Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres. Espinel refers to him in the preface to Marcos de ObregÓn: Lope mentions him in the Laurel de Apolo (silva ii.) and in the Dorotea (Act iv., sc. ii.) BerrÍo signed the AprobaciÓn to Cairasco de Figueroa's Templo militante: see note 73. [176] Luis Barahona de Soto was born in 1548 at Lucena (Lucena de CÓrdoba and not Lucena del Puerto, as Barrera supposed). After some wanderings he settled at Archidona where he practised medicine. He is said to have died ab intestato on November 6, 1595. A complimentary sonnet by him appears in CristÓbal de Mesa's RestauraciÓn de EspaÑa (Madrid, 1607): it would seem, therefore, that Mesa's RestauraciÓn must have been in preparation for at least a dozen years. Some verses by Barahona de Soto are given in Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres: four of his satires, and his FÁbula de ActeÓn are printed in Juan JosÉ LÓpez de Sedano's Parnaso EspaÑol (Madrid, 1768-1778), vol. ix., pp. 53-123. Barahona de Soto's best known work is La primera parte de la AngÉlica (Granada, 1586) which, in the colophon, has the alternative title of Las lÁgrimas de AngÉlica. There is a famous allusion to this work in Don Quixote (Part I., chap. vi.):—"I should have shed tears myself," said the curate when he heard the title, "had I ordered that book to be burned, for its author was one of the famous poets of the world, not to say of Spain, and was very happy in the translation of some of Ovid's fables." As Mr. Ormsby observed:—"The anti-climax here almost equals Waller's:— 'Under the tropic is our language spoke, See vol. iii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), p. 53, n. 3. It has often been questioned whether Barahona de Soto ever wrote a Second Part of the AngÉlica. Since the publication of the DiÁlogos de la MonterÍa (Madrid, 1890) by the Sociedad de BibliÓfilos EspaÑoles, under the editorship of Sr. D. Francisco R. de UhagÓn, it seems practically certain that he at all events began the Second Part, if he did not finish it. The DiÁlogos de la MontÉria contain numerous passages quoted from the Second Part; and in a biographical, bibliographical and critical study, which Sr. D. Francisco RodrÍguez MarÍn is now correcting for the press, it will be shown that Barahona de Soto was, in all probability, himself the author of these DiÁlogos. [177] A sonnet by Francisco de Terrazas figures in Pedro Espinosa's Floresta de poetas ilustres de EspaÑa: three more sonnets by Terrazas will be found in Gallardo, vol. i., op. cit., cols. 1003-1007. [178] Barrera does not help us to discover anything of MartÍnez de Ribera, who may have published in the Indies. [179] Barrera vaguely infers from the text that Alonso Picado was a native of Peru. [180] Alonso de Estrada is conjectured by Barrera to have been born in the Indies. [181] Nothing seems to be known of Avalos y de Ribera. [182] I have never met with any of Sancho de Ribera's writings: a sonnet to him is found among GarcÉs's translations from Petrarch: see note 68. [183] A sonnet by Pedro de Montesdoca, El Indiano, is prefixed to Vicente Espinel's Diversas rimas (1591). [184] A sonnet by Diego de Aguilar precedes GarcÉs's translation of CamÕes's Lusiadas: see note 68. I presume him to be the author of another prefatory sonnet in LÓpez Maldonado's Cancionero. [185] No information is forthcoming as to Gonzalo FernÁndez de Sotomayor or his works. [186] Henrique GarcÉs published Los sonetos y canciones del Poeta Francisco Petrarcha (Madrid, 1591), and Los Lusiadas de Luys de Camoes (Madrid, 1591). [187] The vena inmortal of Rodrigo FernÁndez de Pineda does not seem to have expressed itself in print. [188] The name of Juan de Mestanza recurs in the Viaje del Parnaso (cap. vii.). [189] An American, so Barrera thinks: there is no trace of his writings. [190] Another American, according to Barrera; there is no trace of his writings either. [191] BartolomÉ Cairasco de Figueroa was born at the Canaries in 1540, became Prior of the Cathedral there, and died in 1610. His Templo militante, flos santorum, y triumphos de sus virtudes was issued in four parts: (Valladolid, 1602), (Valladolid, 1603), (Madrid, 1609), and (Lisbon, 1614). Selections are given in Juan JosÉ LÓpez de Sedano's Parnaso espaÑol (Madrid, 1768-1778), vol. v., pp. 332-363, and vol. vi., pp. 191-216. Cairasco de Figueroa wrote a prefatory poem to Carranza's Libro de las grandezas de la espada: see note 47. According to the Spanish annotators of Ticknor's History, Cairasco left behind him a version (unpublished) of Ariosto's Gerusalemme. [192] Barrera states that a sonnet by DamiÁn de Vega is prefixed to Juan Bautista de Loyola's Viaje y naufragios del Macedonio (Salamanca, 1587). I do not know this work. [193] The celebrated scholar, Francisco SÁnchez, usually called El Brocense from his native place, was born at Las Brozas (Extremadura) in 1523, became professor of Greek and Rhetoric at Salamanca, and died in 1601. He edited Garcilaso (Salamanca, 1581), Juan de Mena (Salamanca, 1582), Horace (Salamanca, 1591), Virgil (Salamanca, 1591), Politian's Silvae (Salamanca, 1596), Ovid (Salamanca, 1598), Persius (Salamanca, 1599). To these should be added the Paradoxa (Antwerp, 1582), and a posthumous commentary on Epictetus (Pamplona, 1612). A Practical Grammar of the Latin Tongue, based on SÁnchez, was published in London as recently as 1729. El Brocense was prosecuted by the Inquisition in 1584, and again in 1588. The latter suit was still dragging on when SÁnchez died. See the ColecciÓn de documentos inÉditos para la historia de EspaÑa (Madrid, 1842, etc.), vol. ii., pp. 5-170. [194] The lawyer Francisco de la Cueva y Silva was born at Medina del Campo about 1550. His verses appear in Pedro Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres de EspaÑa; he wrote a prefatory poem for Escobar Cabeza de Vaca's Luzero de la tierra sancta, and is said to be the author of a play entitled El bello Adonis. Lope de Vega's Mal Casada is dedicated to Cueva whose high professional reputation may be inferred from the closing lines of a well-known sonnet by Quevedo:— Todas las leyes, con discurso fuerte Cueva is mentioned, together with BerrÍo (see note 58), in the Dorotea (Act. iv. sc. ii.): "Don Francisco de la Cueva, y BerrÍo, jurisconsultos gravÍsimos, de quien pudiÉramos decir lo que de Dino y Alciato, interpretes consultÍsimos de las leyes y poetas dulcÍsimos, escribieron comedias que se representaron con general aplauso." [195] The famous mystic writer and poet Luis Ponce de LeÓn was born at Belmonte (Cuenca) in 1527, joined the Augustinian Order in 1544, and was appointed professor of theology at Salamanca in 1561. He became involved in an academic squabble and was absurdly suspected of conspiring with the professors of Hebrew, MartÍn MartÍnez de Cantalapiedra and Juan Grajal, to interpret the Scriptures in a rabbinical sense. A plot seems to have been organized against him by BartolomÉ de Medina, and, perhaps, by LeÓn de Castro, the professor of Greek at Salamanca. Luis de LeÓn was likewise accused of having translated the Song of Songs in the vernacular, and it has hitherto been thought that this charge told most heavily against him in the eyes of the Holy Office. It now appears that the really damaging accusation in the indictment referred to the supposed heterodoxy of Fray Luis's views as to the authority of the Vulgate: see a learned series of chapters entitled Fray Luis de LeÓn; estudio biogrÁfico y crÍtico published by the Rev. Father Francisco Blanco GarcÍa (himself an Augustinian monk) in La Ciudad de Dios (from January 20, 1897 onwards, at somewhat irregular intervals). Luis de LeÓn was arrested in March 1572 and imprisoned till December 1576, when he was discharged as innocent. In 1579 he was appointed to the chair of Biblical History at Salamanca, his chief competitor being Fray Domingo de GuzmÁn, son of the great poet Garcilaso de la Vega. In 1582 Fray Luis was once more prosecuted before the Inquisition because of his supposed heterodoxy concerning the question de auxiliis: see the Segundo proceso instruÍdo por la InquisiciÓn de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de LeÓn (Madrid, 1896), annotated by the Rev. Father Francisco Blanco GarcÍa. In 1591 Fray Luis was elected Provincial of the Augustinian Order: he died ten days later. While in jail he wrote what is, perhaps, the noblest mystic work in the Spanish language, Los Nombres de Cristo, the first two books of which were published in 1583—the complete work (including a third book) being issued in 1585. In 1583 also appeared his Perfecta casada. Fray Luis, in a fortunate hour for mankind, edited the writings of Santa Teresa, rescuing from the rash tamperings of blunderers works which he instantly recognized as masterpieces. His verses were published by Quevedo in 1631: they at once gave Fray Luis rank as one of the great Spanish poets, though he himself seems to have looked upon them as mere trifles. [196] MatÍas de ZÚÑiga, whose genius Cervantes here declares to have been divine, does not appear to have published anything. [197] Certain poems ascribed to Damasio de FrÍas are given by Juan JosÉ LÓpez de Sedano in El Parnaso EspaÑol (Madrid, 1768-1778), vols. ii. and vii. [198] Barrera merely states that AndrÉs Sanz del Portillo resided in Castilla la Vieja: his writings have not reached us. [199] Possibly this writer may be identical with the Pedro de Soria who contributed a sonnet to JerÓnimo de Lomas Cantoral's Obras: see note 83. [200] The Obras of JerÓnimo de Lomas Cantoral appeared at Madrid in 1578. They include translations of three canzoni by Luigi Tansillo. [201] JerÓnimo Vaca y de QuiÑones contributed a sonnet to Pedro de Escobar Cabeza de Vaca's Luzero de la tierra sancta, y grandezas de Egypto, y monte Sinay (Valladolid, 1587): see note 77. [202] Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola was born in 1559, and died in 1613 at Naples, whither he had accompanied the Conde de Lemos three years earlier. His admirable poems, and those of his brother, were issued posthumously in 1634: see note 86. His Isabela, FÍlis and Alejandra are praised in Don Quixote as "three tragedies acted in Spain, written by a famous poet of these kingdoms, which were such that they filled all who heard them with admiration, delight, and interest, the ignorant as well as the wise, the masses as well as the higher orders, and brought in more money to the performers, these three alone, than thirty of the best that have since been produced": see vol. iv. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), p. 214. The FÍlis seems to be lost. The Isabela and Alejandra, neither of them very interesting, were first published in 1772 by Juan JosÉ LÓpez de Sedano in El Parnaso EspaÑol (Madrid, 1768-1778), vol. vi., pp. 312-524. There may be a touch of friendly exaggeration in Cervantes's account of their success on the boards. At all events, the author of these pieces soon abandoned the stage, and, when the theatres were closed on the death of the Queen of Piedmont, he was prominent among those who petitioned that the closure might be made permanent. A Royal decree in that sense was issued on May 2, 1598. In the following year Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola was appointed chief chronicler of AragÓn. The Isabela and Alejandra are reprinted in the first volume of the Conde de la ViÑaza's edition of the Argensolas' PoesÍas sueltas (Madrid, 1889). [203] BartolomÉ Leonardo de Argensola was born in 1562 and died in 1631. He took orders, became Rector of Villahermosa, and succeeded his brother as official chronicler of AragÓn. He published the Conquista de las Islas Malacas (Madrid, 1609), and the Anales de AragÓn (Zaragoza, 1631)—the latter being a continuation of JerÓnimo de Zurita's Anales de la Corona de AragÓn (1562-1580). The poems of both brothers were issued by Lupercio's son, Gabriel Leonardo de AlbiÓn, in a volume entitled Las Rimas que se han podido recoger de Lupercio, y del Doctor BartolomÉ Leonardo de Argensola (Zaragoza, 1634). Lope de Vega had a great esteem for the Argensolas whose polished diction, rare in men of Aragonese birth, he regarded as an antidote to the extravagances—the frases horribles, as he says—of culteranismo. The very considerable merits of the Argensolas were likewise appreciated by Cervantes who, however, seems to have cooled somewhat towards the brothers when the Conde de Lemos, on his appointment as Viceroy of Naples, attached them to his household. It is said that Cervantes himself hoped to form part of Lemos's suite, and that he was annoyed with the Argensolas for not pushing his claims as vigorously as he expected of them. At this distance of time, it is impossible for us to know what really happened; but a passage in the Viaje del Parnaso (cap. iii.) does appear to imply that Cervantes had a grievance of some kind against the Argensolas:— Que no sÉ quien me dice, y quien me exhorta, [204] The writings of Cosme Pariente are unknown to Barrera, and to later bibliographers. [205] Diego Murillo was born at Zaragoza about 1555, joined the Franciscans, and became a popular preacher. He is the author of the Instruccion para enseÑar la virtud Á los principiantes (Zaragoza, 1598), the Escala espiritual para la perfecciÓn evangÉlica (Zaragoza, 1598), the Vida y excelencias de la Madre de Dios (Zaragoza, 1610), and six volumes of Discursos predicables, published at Zaragoza and Lisbon between 1602 and 1611. The most accessible of Murillo's works are the FundaciÓn milagrosa de la capilla angÉlica y apostÓlica de la Madre de Dios del Pilar (Barcelona, 1616), and a volume entitled Divina, dulce y provechosa poesÍa (Zaragoza, 1616). His verse (some specimens of which are given in BÖhl de Faber's Floresta de rimas antiguas castellanas) is better than his prose, but in neither does he fulfil the expectations raised by Cervantes's compliments. [206] Juan Coloma, Conde de Elda, is responsible for a DÉcada de la PasiÓn de Jesu Christo (CÁdiz, 1575). [207] Pedro Luis GarcerÁn de Borja is also introduced by Gil Polo in the Canto del Turia: see note 94. He held the appointment of Captain-General of Oran, where Cervantes may have met him: at the time of his death in 1592 he was Captain-General of Catalonia. [208] Alonso GirÓn y de Rebolledo is likewise introduced by Gil Polo in the Canto del Turia: see note 94. His PasiÓn de nuestro SeÑor Jesu Christo segÚn Sanct Joan (Valencia, 1563) met with considerable success. It contains a complimentary sonnet by Gil Polo: in the following year GirÓn y de Rebolledo repaid the attention by contributing a sonnet to Gil Polo's Diana enamorada. [209] Jaime Juan de Falcon, like GarcerÁn de Borja and GirÓn y de Rebolledo, figures in Gil Polo's Canto del Turia: see note 94. He was born in 1522 and died in 1594, having (as he believed) squared the circle. Amongst other works he published the Quadratura circuli (Valencia, 1587): his Obras poÉticas latinas (Madrid, 1600) appeared posthumously. [210] AndrÉs Rey de Artieda was born in 1549 and died in 1613. His youth was one of rare promise. Though not yet fourteen years old when Gil Polo wrote the Diana enamorada, he is introduced to us as a poet in the Canto del Turia:— y prometernos han sus tiernas flores This phrase may have been in Cervantes's mind when writing of his own play, La Confusa: "la cual, con paz sea dicho de cuantas comedias de capa y espada hasta hoy se han representado, bien puede tener lugar seÑalado par buena entre las mejores" (see the Adjunta al Parnaso). Artieda graduated in arts at the University of Valencia in 1563, and studied later at LÉrida and Tolosa, taking his degree as doctor of both civil and canonical law at the age of twenty. This brilliant academic success was received con aplauso y pronÓsticos extraÑos, and a great future seemed to await him. However, he was something of a rolling stone. He practised for a short while at the bar, but abandoned the profession in disgust and entered the army. Here, again, he seemed likely to carry all before him. In his first campaign he was promoted at a bound to the rank of captain, but his luck was now run out. Like Cervantes, he received three wounds at Lepanto. He was present at the relief of Cyprus, and served under Parma in the Low Countries. His intrepidity was proverbial, and he is said to have swum across the Ems in midwinter, his sword gripped between his teeth, under the enemy's fire. These heroic feats do not appear to have brought him advancement, and, in the Viaje del Parnaso (cap. iii.), Cervantes, who would seem to have known him personally, speaks of Artieda grown old as— MÁs rico de valor que de moneda. Artieda is said to have written plays entitled El PrÍncipe vicioso, AmadÍs de Gaula, and Los Encantos de MerlÍn: he is the author of a mediocre tragedy, Los Amantes (Valencia, 1581) which may have been read by Tirso de Molina before he wrote Los Amantes de Teruel. Artieda published an anthology of his verses under the pseudonym of Artemidoro: Discursos, epÍstolas y epigramas de Artemidoro (Zaragoza, 1605). Some passages in this collection express the writer's hostility to the new drama, and betray a certain pique at the success of his former friend, Lope de Vega. Lope, however, praises Artieda very generously in the Laurel de Apolo (silva ii.). [211] Gaspar Gil Polo published the Diana enamorada at Valencia in 1564. The Priest in Don Quixote decided that it should "be preserved as if it came from Apollo himself": see vol. iii. of the present edition (Glasgow, 1901), p. 51. It is unquestionably a work of unusual merit in its kind, but some deduction must be made from Cervantes's hyperbolical praise: he evidently succumbed to the temptation of playing on the words Polo and Apollo. Gaspar Gil Polo is said by Ticknor to have been professor of Greek at Valencia. There was a Gil Polo who held the Greek chair in the University of that city between 1566 and 1574: but his name was not Gaspar. NicolÁs Antonio and others maintain that the author of the Diana enamorada was the celebrated lawyer, Gaspar Gil Polo, who appeared to plead before the Cortes in 1626. This Gaspar Gil Polo was a mere boy when the Diana enamorada was issued sixty-two years earlier. He was probably the son of the author: see Justo Pastor Fuster, Biblioteca Valenciana de las escritores que florecieron hasta nuestros dÍas (Valencia, 1827-1830), vol. i., pp. 150-155, and—more especially—Professor Hugo Albert Rennert, The Spanish Pastoral Romances (Baltimore, 1892), p. 31. As already stated in note 91, Gil Polo contributed a sonnet to GirÓn y de Rebolledo's PasiÓn, which appeared a year before the Diana enamorada. Another of his sonnets is found in Sempere's Carolea (1560). In the Serao de Amor, Timoneda speaks of him as a celebrated poet; but, as we see from the Canto de CalÍope itself, these flourishes and compliments often mean next to nothing. It is somewhat strange that Gil Polo, who is said to have died at Barcelona in 1591, did not issue a sequel to his Diana enamorada during the twenty-seven years of life which remained to him after the publication of the First Part in 1564. At the end of the Diana enamorada he promised a Second Part as clearly as Cervantes, after him, promised a Second Part of the Galatea: "Las quales (fiestas) ... y otras cosas de gusto y de provecho estÁn tratadas en la otra parte deste libro, que antes de muchos dÍas, placiendo Á Dios, serÁ impresa." Gil Polo is believed to have been absorbed by his official duties as Maestre Racional of the Royal Court in the Kingdom of Valencia. His Canto del Turia, inserted in the third book of the Diana enamorada, is one of the models—perhaps the chief model—of the present Canto de CalÍope. Cervantes follows Gil Polo very closely. [212] The dramatist, CristÓbal de ViruÉs, was born in 1550 and died in 1610. Like Cervantes and Artieda, he fought at Lepanto. His Obras trÁgicas y lÍricas (Madrid, 1609) are more interesting than his somewhat repulsive Historia del Monserrate (Madrid, 1587-1588) which Cervantes praises beyond measure: see note 2. [213] I have failed to find any example of Silvestre de Espinosa's work. [214] GarcÍa Romeo (the name is sometimes given as GarcÍa Romero) appears to have escaped all the bibliographers. [215] Romero in Spanish means rosemary. A. B. W. [216] The Jeromite monk, Pedro de Huete, contributed a sonnet to the Versos espirituales (Cuenca, 1597) of the Dominican friar, Pedro de Encinas. [217] Pedro de LÁinez joined with Cervantes in writing eulogistic verses for Padilla's JardÍn espiritual: see note 27. Examples of his skill are given in Pedro Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres de EspaÑa (1605). FernÁndez de Navarrete, in his biography of Cervantes, states (p. 116) that LÁinez died in 1605: he is warmly praised by Lope de Vega in the Laurel de Apolo (silva iv.). His widow, Juana GaitÁn, lived at Valladolid in the same house as Cervantes and his family: she is mentioned, not greatly to her credit, in the depositions of some of the witnesses examined with reference to the death of Gaspar de Ezpeleta; but too much importance may easily be given to this tittle-tattle. Luisa de Montoya, a very respectable widow, corroborated the evidence of other witnesses who assert that the neighbours gossiped concerning the visits paid to LÁinez's widow by the Duque de Pastrana and the Conde de Concentaina—"que venian a tratar de un libro que habÍa compuesto un fulano Laynez, su primer marido." The contemptuous phrase—un fulano Laynez—would imply that Luisa de Montoya was not a person of literary tastes: she was, however, widow of the chronicler, Esteban de Garibay Zamalloa, author of the Ilustraciones genealogicas de los catholicos reyes de las EspaÑas, y de los christianissimos de Francia, y de los Emperadores de Constantinopla, hasta el Catholico Rey nuestro SeÑor Don Philipe el II y sus serenissimos hijos (Madrid, 1596). The words—su primer marido—which are likewise used by another witness (Cervantes's niece, Costanza de Ovando), might be taken, if construed literally, to mean that LÁinez's widow had married again shortly after her husband's death: for the evidence was taken on June 29, 1605. But, apparently, the inference would be wrong. When examined in jail, to which she was committed with Cervantes and others, Juana GaitÁn described herself as over thirty-five years of age, and as the widow of the late Pedro LÁinez. She accounted for Pastrana's visits, which had given rise to scandal, by saying that she intended to dedicate to him two books by her late husband, and that Pastrana had merely called to thank her in due form. A reference to Pastrana in the Viaje del Parnaso (cap. viii.) seems to suggest that Pastrana was a munificent patron:— Desde allÍ, y no sÉ cÓmo, fuÍ traÍdo It is a little unlucky that these works by LÁinez, concerning the publication of which the author's zealous widow consulted Pastrana, should not after all have found their way into print. For details of the evidence in the Ezpeleta case, see Dr. PÉrez Pastor's Documentos Cervantinos hasta ahora inÉditos (Madrid, 1902), vol. ii., pp. 455-527. [218] Francisco de Figueroa, el Divino, was born at AlcalÁ de Henares in 1536 and is conjectured to have died as late as 1620. Very little is known of this distinguished poet. He is said to have served as a soldier in Italy where his verses won him so high a reputation that he was compared to Petrarch. He married DoÑa MarÍa de Vargas on February 14, 1575, at AlcalÁ de Henares, and travelled with the Duque de Terranova through the Low Countries in 1597. After this date he disappears. He is stated to have died at Lisbon, and to have directed that all his poems should be burned. Such of them as were saved were published at Lisbon in 1626 by Luis Tribaldos de Toledo. As noted in the Introduction (p. xxxi. n. 2) to the present version, Figueroa is the Tirsi of the Galatea. There is a strong family likeness between the poems of Figueroa and those of the Bachiller Francisco de la Torre, whose verses were issued by Quevedo in 1631. So marked is this resemblance that, as M. Ernest MÉrimÉe has written:—"Un critique, que le paradoxe n'effraierait point, pourrait, sans trop de peine, soutenir l'identitÉ de Francisco de la Torre et de Francisco de Figueroa." See his admirable Essai sur la vie et les oeuvres de Francisco de Quevedo (Paris, 1886), p. 324. [219] Brasa, f., means red-hot coal. The word for 'charcoal' is carbÓn, m. [220] The Spanish for 'letter' is carta, f.; for a 'pack of cards' pliego de cartas, m. [221] i.e. a riddle. The Spanish is ¿quÉ es cosa y cosa? a phrase equivalent to our 'What may this pretty thing be?' END OF GALATEA. GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO. |