[1] "On peut s'assurer de l'innocuitÉ de ce premier temps de l'expÉrience en examinant l'animal, qui n'est nullement troublÉ, qui marche et mange comme de coutume. En comptant le chiffre du pouls, on trouve quelquefois une lÉgÈre accÉleration, surtout dans les premiers instants; mais les mouvements du coeur sont toujours rÉguliers, et donnent, À l'auscultation, des bruits d'un caractÈre normal." (Marey, loc. cit. p. 63.)

[2] Experiments and Observations on the Gastric Juice, and the Physiology of Digestion, by William Beaumont, M.D.; Edinburgh, 1838.

[3] Reynolds' System of Medicine, vol. v., art. "Diabetes Mellitus."

[4] "An Account of the Bones of Animals being changed to a Red Colour by Aliment only," by John Belchier, F.R.S., Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc., 1735-36. There is a letter from Sir Hans Sloane, then President of the Royal Society, to M. Geoffroy, member of the French Academy:—"M. Belchier, chirurgien, membre de cette SociÉtÉ, dÎnant un jour chez un Teinturier qui travaille en Toiles peintes, remarqua que dans un Porc frais qu'on avoit servi sur table, et dont la chair Étoit de bon goÛt, les os Étoient rouges. Il demanda la cause d'un effet si singulier, et on lui dit que ces sortes de Teinturiers se servoient de la racine de Rubia Tinctorum, ou garence, pour fixer les couleurs dÉjÀ imprimÉes sur les Toiles de coton, qu'on appelle en Angleterre callicoes." This passage of dye into the bones of animals had been noted so far back as 1573, by Antoine Mizald, a doctor in Paris—Erythrodanum, vulgo rubia tinctorum, ossa pecudum rubenti et sandycino colore imbuit.

[5] From an address on Galen, given by Sir Victor Horsley before the Medical Society of the Middlesex Hospital. See Middlesex Hospital Journal, May 1899.

[6] This paper includes an Experimental Enquiry into the Action of these Muscles, giving an account of an experiment on the eye.

[7] When Flourens died, Claude Bernard was appointed to his place in the French Academy; and, in the Discours de Reception (May 27, 1869), said, "It is twenty-two years since the discovery of anÆsthesia by ether came to us from the New World, and spread rapidly over Europe. M. Flourens was the first man who showed that chloroform is more active than ether."

[8] A full account of this discovery, and of its relation to the experiments of Brown SÉquard, Waller, and Budge, is given by Sir Michael Foster in his life of Claude Bernard; and the question of priority between Bernard and Brown SÉquard need not be considered here, for the experimental method was the only way open to either of them. For an account of the work done, before Bernard, in this field of physiology, see Prof. Stirling's admirable and learned monograph, Some Apostles of Physiology (Waterlow & Sons, London, 1902), p. 104.

[9] For an account of Willis' work on the nervous system, see Sir Victor Horsley's Fullerian Lectures, 1891. Willis was the first, or one of the first, to recognise the fact that the cerebral ventricles are nothing more than lymph-cavities.

[10] That the surface of the brain is not sensitive of such stimulation, that it does not perceive its own substance, was known to Aristotle. The fact is so familiar that there is no need to quote evidence of it, beyond that of Sir Charles Bell: "I have had my finger deep in the anterior lobes of the brain, when the patient, being at the time acutely sensible, and capable of expressing himself, complained only of the integument."

[11] Horsley, Fullerian Lectures, 1891, loc. cit.

[12] See also the admirable Life of Pasteur, by M. VallÉry-Radot. Translation by Mrs. Devonshire, vol. ii. p. 20.

[13] This account of Semmelweis, reprinted by permission from the Middlesex Hospital Journal, is mostly taken from Dr. Theodore Duka's excellent paper on "Childbed Fever." (Lancet, 1886.)

[14] See Pasteur's Life, vol. ii. p. 89.

[15] Dr. Legge, in his Milroy Lectures, 1905, on Industrial Anthrax (Lancet, March and April 1905), gives a full account of Sobernheim's work up to March 1904, and a table of seventy-six cases, treated with Sclavo's serum.

[16] See Dr. Flexner's account of the disease, in volume xix. of Stedman's Twentieth Century Practice.

[17] "The reports for 1893 are at present too few to be utilised for this table."

[18] "In Zukunft wird man es im Kampf gegen diese schreckliche Plage des Menschengeschlechtes nicht mehr mit einem unbestimmten Etwas, sondern mit einem fassbaren Parasiten zu thun haben, dessen Lebensbedingungen zum grÖssten Theil bekannt sind und noch weiter erforscht werden. Es mÜssen vor allen Dingen die Quellen, aus denen der Infektionsstoff fliesst, so weit es in menschlicher Macht liegt, verschlossen werden."

[19] At the British Congress on Tuberculosis, London, 1901, Koch stated that bovine tuberculosis and human tuberculosis are not one and the same disease, and that the risk of milk-infection is so small that burdensome restrictions ought not to be enforced. In the general judgment of men well qualified to study the subject, he failed to prove his point.

[20] For references to this paper, and to evidence put forward against the validity of the test, and for criticism of such evidence, see Gould's Year-Book of Medicine and Surgery, 1902 (Philadelphia, W. B. Saunders & Company).

[21] After childhood, the disease is much less fatal.

[22] For an exhaustive and wise study of the diphtheritic paralyses, see Dr. Woollacott's essay in the Lancet, 26th August 1899: "The use of antitoxic serum in the treatment of diphtheria has, up to the present time, in the London fever hospitals, had two main results—the death-rate has fallen, while the paralysis-rate has risen. In the hospitals of the Metropolitan Asylums Board, the former has been reduced from 29 per cent. to 15.3 per cent., while the latter has risen from 13 per cent. to as high as 21 per cent. in 1896. This increase of paralysis is chiefly due to the fact that many more patients now recover from the primary disease, and live long enough for paralysis to show itself. During the last two years, however, the occurrence of paralysis has begun to diminish in frequency.... The earlier antitoxin is given in diphtheria, the less likely is paralysis to follow." It is to be borne in mind that post-diphtheritic paralysis, in the great majority of cases, affects only a very small group of muscles; of Dr. Woollacott's tabulated cases, 377 were of this kind, and 97 were severe. And "the type of paralysis has, on the whole, become less severe, or at all events less dangerous to life."

[23] This, of course, does not apply to two instances, in 1901, of accidental contamination of serum. See, for an account of these, The British Medical Journal, November 1901.

[24] This sentence was written before the publication of Professor Negri's observations (see Medical Annual, 1906, p. 418).

[25] It is satisfactory to know that rabbits affected with rabies do not suffer in the same way as dogs and some other animals, but become subject to a painless kind of paralysis.

[26] "In order to prove that this vibrio is the cause of Asiatic cholera, several tests upon themselves have been voluntarily made by investigators in laboratories. These were carried out in Munich and in Paris. The results to the experimenters were sufficiently severe to indicate positively the pathogenic character of the spirillum, and its capacity to produce cholera-like infections. Such experimentation is, of course, to be deprecated; indeed, the occurrence of accidental laboratory infections, one of which ended fatally, furnished the necessary final proof of the specificity of the cholera vibrio, and rendered unnecessary any exposure to the risks belonging to voluntary inoculation." (Dr. Flexner, Stedman's Twentieth Century Practice, vol. xix., 1900.)

[27] Mr. Hankin, whose name is had in remembrance by Cambridge men, is Chemical Examiner and Bacteriologist to the North-West Provinces and Oudh, and to the Central Provinces.

[28] For a summary of this report, see the Lancet, 8th August 1896. For more recent results, see Surgeon-Captain Vaughan and Assistant-Surgeon Mukerji, in the thirtieth annual report of the Sanitary Commissioner for Bengal (1897). Also the note published by Surgeon-Captain Nott, in the Indian Medical Gazette, May 1898.

[29] "The moving into camp, notwithstanding this example, is all the same an excellent measure of defence, and would with reason be adopted in every outbreak." (Simpson, loc. cit.)

[30] The exact number is 355, of whom 196 were inoculated; the coolies numbered 343, and the Goorkhas 12. (See Dr. Simpson's 1896 Report.)

[31] "As a field for testing the value of inoculation, the tea-factories of India possess many advantages. The labourers being under contract, the after-history of those inoculated is easily followed up. Each morning the adults are paraded for roll-call; and all sick must attend hospital, where a record is made of their disease and treatment." (Dr. Powell, Lancet, 13th July 1896.)

[32] "It is unfortunate that neither of the fatal cases among the inoculated was seen by any medical man, not even an unqualified doctor Babu." Dr. Powell does not think, from what was told him, that one of them was cholera.

[33] It is said that the Jains object to inoculations on the grounds of religion; and one or two witnesses before the Plague Commission gave evidence to the same effect. But, at Bombay, the high-priest of a great religious community addressed a meeting of 5000 in favour of the new treatment; and the rush of suppliants for inoculation at Hubli and Gaday proves that there is no real religious difficulty. Doctors have been assaulted, as at Poona, so at Oporto; in neither case can we say Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum.

[34] Compare the account of the inoculations at Gaday, in the Lancet, 11th February 1898: "To see the crowd waiting and struggling to pass the barrier is a strange sight; old men and women, young children, and mothers with babes in their arms, form a daily crowd numbered by hundreds, who wait for hours to get their chance of the day's inoculation."

[35] Compare the account given by the Rev. H. Haigh (Methodist Recorder, December 1898), of the plague at Bangalore: "The native population do all they can to elude the vigilance of the authorities. In order to escape segregation, the householders in many instances refrain from reporting plague, and not infrequently bury the corpse secretly. Not only is any spare piece of ground used as a burial-place, but the body is at times thrown into a well or tank, or dropped over the wall of some European compound. During one week three plague corpses were found, badly decomposed, in reservoirs commonly resorted to for drinking purposes."

[36] For the whole subject, see Lancet, 9th September 1899, paper by Surgeon-Major Birt and Surgeon-Captain Lamb. Two other cases of accidental inoculation occurred at Netley.

[37] For Dr. Graham's experiments at Beyrout, which seem to prove that the mosquito can also convey dengue or dandy-fever, see the New York Medical Record, 8th February 1902.

[38] Sir Patrick Manson, in the British Medical Journal, 29th September 1900, gives the following account of this experiment:—"A wooden hut, constructed in England, was shipped to Italy and erected in the Roman Campagna, at a spot ascertained by Dr. L. Sambon, after careful inquiry, to be intensely malarial, where the permanent inhabitants all suffer from malarial cachexia, and where the field-labourers, who come from healthy parts of Italy to reap the harvest, after a short time all contract fever. This fever-haunted spot is in the King of Italy's hunting-ground near Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber. It is waterlogged and jungly, and teems with insect life. The only protection employed against mosquito-bite and fever by the experimenters who occupied this hut was mosquito-netting, wire screens in doors and windows, and, by way of extra precaution, mosquito-nets round their beds. Not a grain of quinine was taken. They go about the country quite freely—always, of course, with an eye on Anopheles—during the day, but are careful to be indoors from sunset to sunrise. Up to 21st September, the date of Dr. Sambon's last letter to me, the experimenters and their servants had enjoyed perfect health, in marked contrast to their neighbours, who were all of them either ill with fever, or had suffered malarial attacks."

[39] This paper, by Dr. Stephens, gives also the reasons why equally good results were not obtained at Mian Mir, Punjab. The whole paper is of great interest.

[40] It is not denied here that he made five experiments on human beings. See Part IV. chap. ii.

[41] For a full statement of the great value of this study of strychnine, see Cl. Bernard, LeÇons de Physiologie OpÉratoire, 1879, p. 89.

[42] Daniel Carrion, born 1859 at Cerro de Pasco, proved, by self-inoculation, the identity of the two forms of the disease, 27th August 1885; died of the disease, 5th October. See Ann. de l'Inst. Past., Sept 1898.

[43] See Part IV., "Curare."

[44] In experiments performed under licence alone, the animal must during the whole of the experiment be under the influence of some anÆsthetic of sufficient power to prevent the animal feeling pain; and the animal must, if the pain is likely to continue after the effect of the anÆsthetic has ceased, or if any serious injury has been inflicted on the animal, be killed before it recovers from the influence of the anÆsthetic which has been administered.

Certificate C. allows experiments to be performed, under the foregoing provisions as to the use of anÆsthetics, in illustration of lectures.

Certificate B. exempts the person performing the experiment from the obligation to cause the animal on which the experiment is performed to be killed before it recovers from the influence of the anÆsthetic; and when the animal is a dog or a cat, Certificate EE. is also necessary.

Certificate A. allows experiments to be performed without anÆsthetics; and when the animal on which the experiment is performed is a dog or a cat, Certificate E. is also necessary.

Certificate F. is required in all cases of experiments on a horse, ass, or mule.

[45] These two societies have other purposes beside that of opposition to experiments on animals.

[46] Even the Zoophilist, which quotes this speech from the Clapham Observer, seems to feel that it might have been put more simply.

[47] I think it was two; it was either one or two.

[48] Mr. R. B. Cunninghame-Graham's variant on this theme, in the Daily News, Aug. 27, 1903, is really too filthy to be put here. Like Mr. Loraine, I dare not produce my brief.

[49] This should be 1899.