Anonymous

In the 36th page of the preceding Chronicle it is stated that “In this yere (1295) the kyng [Edward the first] was defraunded of his lond in Gascoigne in this manner, sothly: the kyng hadde yoven the forseyd lond of Gascoyne to the kynges suster of Fraunce, for that she schulde be yoyned to hym in fre mariage: and be some of his counseill enfeffed here in the sayd lond of Gascoigne, whiche lond of Gascoigne sche yaf to Charles here brother, and to other; and the matrymoigne betwen here and kyng Edward sche sette at noughte, and wolde noughte stonden therto.”—That circumstance is the subject of the following Fragment of a curious Poem preserved in the archives of the Corporation of the City of London, in the MS. entitled Liber Custumarium, fol. 84; from which it has been extracted by the obliging permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq. the Town Clerk. The leaf which contained the concluding stanzas has been lost; but judging from the number of those which remain, it originally consisted of about nine more verses. It is written in the hand of the period in which the events to which it alludes took place, and as the documents in the volume from which it is copied end in the succeeding reign, there is every reason to presume that it was entered in the Records of the City of London within a short period after it was composed. Every line of each verse contains the same letter in the middle of the line, and every line ends with the same letter: these two letters are placed in the middle and at the end of each verse, separated from the words to which they belong, but connected with them by lines in the manner in which the first verse of the Poem is here printed, and which has been considered sufficient to show the singular manner in which it was originally written.

HIC INCIPIT QUIDA’ RISMUS F’TUS DE P’DIC’ONE VASCON’ ET DE RIUSD’ CONQUESTU P’ R’ E’ FILIU’ REG’ H’.

poem

Satis novit seculum Qualiter fit speculum Quia p’ p’fidiam Jam p’dit Vasconiam Rex fidem adhibuit Egit quod non debuit Seriem composuit Que Regi transposuit Per verba credencie Q’d magnates Francie Qdq; Regi Anglie Natam Regis Gallie Ad hec dux Burgundie Ait q’d in flumine Perierunt pridie Additis hastucie Ut ergo concordia Et omnis discordia Celsitudo regia Q’d sibi vasconia Proponit brevissime De terra vasconie Ius v’r’m certissime Si q’d petit p’pere Si seisinam habeat Tunc mandare placeat Gens anglor’ faciat Pars utraq; deleat Ait vir considera Nova sunt non vetera Pulcram inter cetera Prout dicit littera Hoc audito Langetum Ad regem consilium Et Lacy p’ sompnium Quin eiusdem devium Puellam rex diligens Penitus consensiens Fieri precipiens Pro dolor nam nesciens Demum in Vasconia Litteras ab Anglia Ac sub manu Gallia Anglis inutilia Gallici Vasconiam Et in manum Anglicam Neq; regis filiam Regi dare quoniam Exp’tem Vasconie Magni pares Francie Regem n’r’m Anglie Nam causam malicie Audiens p’fidiam Quam habet p’ F’nciam Jurat p’ ecc’iam Quousq; Vasconiam Rex vocat Pontifices Et Anglorum Comites Quinq; Portus fomites Volant ut irundines Clerus et milicia Vovent cum leticia Parantur ad omnia Francie sunt noxia Rex Anglor’ nobilis Ferox est et stabilis Fortis et non debilis Senciet id flebilis

De lingua Gallorum Patens traditorum Pessimam ip’orum Princeps Anglicorum Dictus Gallicorum Nam fraus miserorum Quorumdam verborum Cetus nunciorum Nuncii dixerunt Simul tractaverunt Dare voluerunt Heu q’d hic venerunt Quidam nunciorum Multi Northmannorum Per nautas Anglorum Causis Bayonorum Pacis jam addatur Prorsus repallatur Francie precatur Totalis reddatur Vos tunc reseisire Nec quid deperire Potestis hoc scire Placet exaudire Per sex septimanas Q’d transire lanas Et sic causas vanas Res collando sanas Rex que petierunt Hec que tibi ferunt Tibi promiserunt Quam Galli miserunt Statim prosilivit Dedit sicut scivit Certe non dormivit Seisine nutrivit Vinculis amorum Dictis consultorum Litteras servorum Erat futurorum J. Lacy p’rexit Secumq; devexit Vascones contexit Heu’ q’d tot aspexit Sibi subjugarunt Dare recusarunt In spousam pararunt Ip’m subsannarunt Foris judicarunt Et exheredarunt Parum hunc amarunt Sibi demonstrarunt Rex exheredatus Satis est iratus Non erit letatus Fuerit lucratus Ad parliamentum Flores sapientum Barones p’ centum In mari p’ ventum Gentis Anglicane Q’d seroq; mane Que genti p’phane Nam sup’bit vane Vocatus Edwardus Tanq’m leopardus Velox et non tardus[135] Pomposus Picardus.

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P. 37. Anno 24 Edward I, 1296. “Also in this yere Sr. Thomas Turbevyle for treson was drawen and hanged.”

Of the conduct which caused Sir Thomas Turbeville’s execution, the following fragment of a curious contemporary poem in the Cottonian MS. Caligula A. xviij, presents perhaps the most accurate information which is extant. It immediately precedes, and is written in the same hand as, the only contemporary copy of the Roll of Carlaverock which is known to exist, and hence it is highly probable that it was composed by the same person. Under any circumstances, however, it cannot fail to be deemed to possess sufficient interest to render it a valuable illustration to the passage in the text.

Seignurs e dames estutez De un fort tretur orrez Ke aveit pur veu une treson Thomas Turbelvile ot a non A Charlys aveit p’mis E jure par seint Denys Ke il li freit tute Englet’e Par quentise e treson conquere E Charles li premist grant don Teres e bon garison Li treitre a Charlis dit Ke il aparillast sanz respit De bone nefs grande navie E de gent forte co’paignie E il le freit par tens garner Ou il dussent ariver En Engleter sodeinement Li traiture sanz targement en Englet’e tot se mit Au rei sire Edewars vint e dist Ke si apres li vodera fere Tutes ses choses deust co’quer Ki sire Charlis li aveit A force e a tort tollet Issi ke’ li losengur de ambe part fu t’tur Sire Edeward nentendi mie Del treitre sa tricherie Ke il aveit issi purveu A grant honur le ad receu E en sa curt fut grant mestre Q’nt ot espie tut son estre E le conseil de Engleter Li treitre feseit un bref fere A sire Charlis priveme’t On ariver devisse’t sa gent En Engletere e li pais prendre A sire Edeward fu fet entendre Cum den le ont destine E le bref ly fut mustre E tout ensemble la treson Li rei fit prendir cel felon Thomas le treitur deva’t dit Ke fist fere cel estrit A Lundres par mie la citee Treigner le fist en une coree De une tor envolupe Nul autreme’t ne fut arme Haume nont ne habergun Cillante pierres a g’nt fusui’ Aveit il entur son flanc Ke li raerent le sanc Apres fu li traiture pendu E le alme a la Belzebub rendu Je aveit autre gareson Issi deit len servir felon En furches peut li malurez Des chenes e de fer liez Nul home nel deit enterrer Tant cu’ son cors porra durer Iloec pendra cel trichur Ten garison ad pur son labour Ore puira Charles pur ver Apres li longem’t garder Einz kil venge pur sa treison Demander de li garison Sire Edeward pur la g’nt navye De France ne dona une aylle De vaillante gent fist la mer De tut part mut ben garder De Engleter sunt failliz Ly Franceys e sunt honiz En la mer grant tens flote’nt Li cors plusurs de eus tuere’t A Dovere firent sodoineme’t Une assaut e de lur gent Plus de v sent y perdirent Unkes plus de prou ne firent Ore sunt tuz ieo quide neez Ou en lur teris retornez E penduz pur lur servise Ke Engleter naveyent prise E ceo Charles lour p’mist Si nul de ens revenist Sire Charles bon chevaler Lessez ester ton guerrer Acordez a ton cosin E pur pensez de la fin Si Engleter guerirez James ben nes pleyterez Je ne firent voz ancestres Ke se tindrent si grant mestres Ly ducs Lowys ton parent E stace le moyne enseme’t E autres Franceys assez Ke ne sunt pas ici nomez Damne deu omnipotent Vo’ doynt bon acordement aviÉ.

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P. 57. “This same yere [anno 14th Edw. III. 1340] the kyng faught with the Frensshmen at Scluse, where there were sclayn of Frensshmen xxx ml; and the kyng toke and scomfyted at the sayd bataill of Scluse cccx schippes.” Of this passage, the following letter from king Edward the Third to Edward the Black Prince, giving an account of his victory over the French fleet at Sclyse, on Saturday the 24th of June 1340,—which, with the permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., the Town Clerk, has also been extracted from the City Archives, letter F. fol. 39,—is an interesting illustration. This document, which has escaped the attention of Historians, presents an authentic detail of that memorable event; and it is evident from it that Robert de Avesbury, the contemporary writer upon whom the greatest reliance has hitherto been placed, has fallen into some errors in his narrative of the transaction. He informs us that on the day after the battle a rumour of it reached London, but that it was discredited until the ensuing Wednesday, namely the 28th of June, when the Prince of Wales received a letter from the king informing him of his success, of which letter that writer asserts that the annexed was a copy:

“Edwardus Dei Gracia Rex AngliÆ et FranciÆ et Dominus HiberniÆ, &c. Effusam circa nos hiis diebus propiciacionis divinÆ clemenciam, ad vestri contemplacionem et lÆticiam, vobis ducimus intimandam. Scitis autem, immo vos et alios[136] fideles nostri quadam participacione sensitis, quantis fuimus et sumus guerrarum lacessiti turbinibus, et velut in mari magno procellosis fluctibus agitati. Sed licet sint mirabiles elaciones maris, mirabilior tamen in altis Dominus, qui procellam convertens in auram, jam inter tot adversa clementissime nos respexit. Nam cum pridem ordinassemus passagium nostrum necessarium versus partes FlandriÆ, Dominus Philippus de Valesio, persecutor noster infestissimus, hoc prÆvidens, classem maximam navium armatarum quam in expugnacionem nostram nostrorumque fidelium misit, ut vel sic nos caperet, vel nostrum transitum impediret. qui transitus si, quod absit, fuisset impeditus, ardua negocia, quÆ prosequimur, fuissent penitus in ruina: quinimmo nos et nostri fuissemus verisimiliter confusionis[137] magnÆ subjecti. Sed Deus misericordiarum, videns nos in tantis periculis constitutos, graciosius et cicius, quam humana racio judicare poterat, misit nobis magnum navale subsidium, et insperatum numerum armatorum, ac semper ventum prosperum juxta votum, et sic, sub spe coelestis auxilii, et justiciÆ nostrÆ fiducia, dictum portum navigio venientes, invenimus dictam classem et hostes nostros ibidem paratissimos ad prÆlium in multitudine copiosa; quibus, in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis BaptistÆ proximo prÆterito, ipse spes nostra Christus deus per conflictum fortem et validum nos prÆvalere concessit, facta strage non modica dictorum hostium, capta eciam quodammodo tota dicta classe, cum lÆsione gentis nostrÆ modica respective, sicque tucior de cetero patebit transitus nostris fidelibus supra mare, et alia bona plurima sunt ex hoc nobis et nostris fidelibus verisimiliter proventura, de quo spes pulcherima jam arridet. Nos autem, tantam coelestem graciam devotissime contemplantes, ipsi Salvatori nostro laudes et gracias humiliter exsolvimus, deprecantes, ut, qui jam et semper in oportunitatibus copiosis graciis[138] nos prÆvenit continuatis, nos auxiliis prosequatur, et nobis regere temporaliter sic concedat in terris, ut in eo lÆtemur Æternaliter in excelsis. Dileccionem vestram attente rogamus et per Dei misericordiam obsecramus, quatinus soli Deo vivo, qui tantum signum nobiscum fecit in bonum, in devotÆ laudis prÆconium assurgentes, nos, jam in remotis agentes, et nedum jura nostra recuperare, sed sanctam ecclesiam catholicam attollere, et in justicia populum regere cupientes, sibi devotis oracionum instanciis recomendare curetis, facientes pro nobis missas, et alia piÆ placacionis officia misericorditer exerceri, et ad hoc clerum et populum vestrÆ diocesis salutaribus monitis inducatis, ut Deus ipse, miseratus nobis, progressum felicem et exitum annuat graciosum, detque servo suo cor docile, ut recte judicare possimus et regere et sic facere quod prÆcipit, ut mereamur assequi quod promittit. Teste Edwardo duce CornubiÆ et Comite CestriÆ filio nostro carissimo Custode AngliÆ apud Waltham SanctÆ Crucis xxviiivo. die Junii, anno Regni nostri AngliÆ xiiiito. Regni vero FranciÆ primo.”

It is however manifest from that document having been tested by the Prince of Wales, that it was rather a proclamation issued in consequence of the dispatch from the king to the prince, than the dispatch itself, of which the letter now for the first time printed may be deemed the only copy which is extant. Nor must it be forgotten that the date affixed to the article given by Avesbury tends to excite a suspicion of its authenticity; for it is tested by the prince at Waltham Holy Cross upon the precise day, the 28th of June, on which the king’s letter was written, and which could not therefore possibly have arrived on the day in question at Waltham. It is somewhat singular that as the battle was concluded on the 25th of June, the king should not have written until the 28th; but this may perhaps be accounted for by those arrangements which his success would necessarily have required, and which may be supposed to have engaged the monarch’s whole attention for some days. The letter in Avesbury’s Annals gives no particulars of the battle, though that writer relates that the enemy were beaten; that more than thirty thousand of them were slain; that many leapt into the sea from fear and were drowned; and that their fleet consisted of two hundred large ships, on board of one of which four hundred dead bodies were found. The Royal dispatch, however, affords much more minute information, and corrects the statements both in Avesbury and in the preceding Chronicle. It asserts that the French fleet amounted to one hundred and eighty sail; that they were nobly defended the whole of a day and a night; that they were all captured in the engagement excepting twenty-four which took to flight, and part of them were subsequently taken at sea; that the number of the men at arms and other armed persons amounted to thirty-five thousand, of whom five thousand escaped; that the English ships captured by the French at Middleburgh were then retaken; and that among the prizes were three or four as large as ’the Christopher,’ which we may infer was then the largest ship of the English navy.

It is unquestionable from what has been said, that this document supplies some important facts in the history of the times, whilst its entry among the Records of the City of London tends to establish that the Mayor of the city was accustomed at that early period to receive an official account of every public transaction, and of which another example will be found in a subsequent page.

The events which led to the battle of the Swyne, or as it is more generally termed of the Scluse, are too familiar to require repetition.

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“Nota de Bello Aquatico:—
l’ra d’ni e’ dirett’
filio suo duci cornub’
de bello sup’ mare
p’cusso die nativit’
s’c’i joh’is bapt’

“Tresch’ fitz no’ pensoms bien q’ vo’ estes desirons assavoir bones novelles de no’ et coment il no’ est avenuz puys n’re aler Denglet’re si vo’ fesom savoir q’ le Joedi’[139] ap’s ceo q’ no’ dep’times du Port Dorewell,[140] no’ siglames tut le iou ret la nuyt suaunte, et le vendredi[141] en tour hour de noune no’ venismes s’ la costere de fflaundres devant Blankebergh ou no’ avioms la vewe de la fflote de nos enemys qi estoyent tut amassez ensemble en port del Swyne et p’ ceo q’ la Tyde nestoit mis adonges p’ assembler a eux no’ yherbergeasmes tut cel noet le samady le iour de seint Johan[142] bien ap’s houre de noune a la Tyde nous en noun de Dieu et en espoire de n’re droite querele entrames en dit port s’ nos ditz enemys qi avoyent assemble lours niefs en moult fort array et lesqu’x fesoient ml’t noble defens tut cel iour et la noet ap’s, mes dieu p’ sa puissaunce et miracle no’ ottroia la victorie de mesmes no? enemys de qai no’ m’cioms si devoutement come no’ poems. Et si vo’ fesoms savoir q’ le nombre des niefs galeyes et g’nt barges de nos enemys amounta a ixxx et ditz, lessqueles estoient toutz pris sauve xxiiij. en tut lesqueles senfuirent et les uns sont puye pris s’ mier et le nombre des gentz darmes et autres gentz armez amounta a xxxv Mill de quele nombre p’ esme cink’ Ml sont eschapees, et la remenaunt ensi come no’ est donc a entendre p’ ascuns gentz q’ sont pris en vie, si gissent les corps mortz et tut pleyn de lieux sr la costere de fflaundres. Dautre p’t totes nos niefs, cest assavoir Cristofre et les autres qi estoient p’dues a Middelburgh, sont ore regaignez, et il yount gaignez en ceste navie trois ou quatre auxi graundes come la Cristofre: les fflemengs estoient de bone volente davoir venuz a no’ ala bataille du commencement tanqe ala fin issint dieu n’re seignr ad assez de grace monstre de qei’ no’ et toutz nos amys sumes tut ditz tenutz de lui rendre grace et m’ciz. N’re entent est a demorer en pees en le ewe taunt qe no’ eoms pris c’teyn point ove no’ alliez et autres nos amys de fflandres de ceo q’ soit affaire. Trescher fitz dieu soit gardeyn de vo’. Don’ souz n’re secree seal en n’re nief Cogg[143] Thom’, le Mescredy en la veille seint Piere et seint Paoul.[144]

14o R. Edw. 3ii.”

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P. 63. “And in this yere, that is to seye the yere of oure lord a ml ccclvjto, the xix day of Septembre, kyng John of Fraunce was taken at the bataill of Peyters be the doughty prynce Edward, the firste sone of kyng Edward.” &c.

It would be difficult to name a more interesting document connected with English History than that by which, through the courtesy of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., Town Clerk of the City of London, the passage in the text will be illustrated; namely, a copy of the letter from Edward the Black Prince to the Mayor, Aldermen and Comonalty of London, acquainting them with the achievement of the battle of Poictiers. This important record, which has never before been printed, occurs among the archives of the city, in a contemporary MS. entitled Letter G. fol. 53b. and was, there can be little doubt, entered into that volume soon after the receipt of the original.

The greater part of the Prince’s letter is occupied by the detail of the proceedings of the army for some days previous to the battle, and in describing the efforts of the Cardinal Peregort to produce a peace or truce between the kings of France and England; whilst the conflict itself is mentioned in a few words. Independently of the particulars of the English forces and their rencontres with the enemy which this letter so minutely relates, its most important statement is that of the precise day when the battle took place, for historians have differed materially upon the point. The Prince, however, expressly says that it occurred on the eve of the feast of St. Matthew, i.e. the 20th of September. His letter was dated at Bordeaux on the 22nd of the following month, and was sent to the Mayor of London by the Prince’s chamberlain Sir Neel Loring; and the manner in which he refers the Mayor and Citizens to that distinguished knight for further information, cannot fail to be noticed, from its great similarity to the conclusion of a modern military dispatch. Another feature of this and other documents of the same nature in early periods, is the great simplicity and modesty with which they are written. An expression of gratitude to God alone interrupts the unadorned narrative; and the defeat of an army infinitely superior in numbers, and the capture of one of the most powerful sovereigns of the times together with his eldest son, are thus laconically related: “The battle took place on the eve of St. Matthew; and, praise be to God, the enemy were discomfited, and the king and his son were taken, and great numbers of other people taken and slain.” To present as many contemporary documents as could be collected relative to this memorable event, two other letters are introduced, as well as the affidavit of an individual who claimed to have been the person to whom king John of France surrendered himself.

One of the letters alluded to, which is printed in the ArchÆologia, vol. i. p. 213, is also from the Black Prince, to Reginald Bryan bishop of Worcester, dated at Bordeaux on the 20th of November, briefly informing him of his success, which he attributes in a great measure to the efficacy of that prelate’s prayers.

The other letter is from Robert Prite to some English nobleman, dated on the 8th of December 1356, whose clerk, or probably priest, he styles himself, and is taken from the original on vellum in the Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. f. 33. After mentioning the battle of Poictiers, the particulars of which he says he will learn from a knight whom the duke of Lancaster had sent into England to the king, the writer acquaints him with some other news of the time, as well as with what had occurred in some of his towns; and entreats him to come over as soon as possible. This letter, which is now for the first time printed, though not so important as the others, is nevertheless of interest, as connected with the battle of Poictiers, and with other public and private transactions of the period.

The third document on the subject is the solemn declaration of Bernard du Troy, a Gascon gentleman, made on his death-bed the 1st of July 1361, that he was the person who took the king of France prisoner at the battle of Poictiers; which point it is evident from this instrument, as well as from historians, had been much disputed. This very curious article, which also occurs in the Cottonian MS. just mentioned, is highly interesting; for it not only shows who were the claimants to the honour of having captured the king, but the ardour with which that claim was supported. It is however doubtful whether the love of fame or pecuniary interest prompted this declaration at so awful a moment; but his motive, like those of most other human actions, was probably of a mixed nature; for whatever might be the renown which was attached to the exploit, the ransom to which the true claimant would be entitled must have been an object of great consideration to him or to his heirs. Du Troy carefully provides, that those who would support his pretensions with their swords should partake of the benefits which might arise from their valour; and this circumstance presents a curious picture of the manners of the age. Sir Denys de Morbeque of whom he speaks, is thus noticed by Froissart. “There was much pressing at this time through eagerness of taking the king: and those that were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out ‘Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man.’ In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the king of England: his name was Denis de Morbeque, who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished in his younger days from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight, that he was at the time near to the king of France when he was so much pulled about. He by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd and said to the king in good French, ‘Sire, sire, surrender yourself.’ The king, who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked ‘To whom shall I surrender myself; to whom? Where is my cousin the Prince of Wales? if I could see him I would speak to him.’ ‘Sire,’ replied Sir Denys, ‘he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him.’ ‘Who are you?’ said the king. ‘Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois, but I serve the king of England because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there.’ The king then gave him his right-hand glove, and said ‘I surrender myself to you.’ There was much crowding and pushing about, for every one was eager to cry out ‘I have taken him.’”

Most of the witnesses to Du Troy’s declaration were celebrated peers and knights both of England and France.

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L’RA D’NI EDWARDI PRINCIPIS GALL’ MAIOR ALDR’S ET COM’ITATI CIVITATIS LONDON’ DIRECTA DE NOV’ BAT’I IUXta POYTERS.

Tresch’e et tres bien ameez endroit des novelles es p’ties ou nous sumes voillitz savoir qe puis l’eure qe nous certifiasmes a n’re tresredoute Sr et piere le Roi qe no’ estoions en p’pos de chivaucher env’s les enemis es p’ties de Fraunce no’ p’smes n’re chemyn p’ le pais de Peregort et de Lymosyn et tout droit v’s Burges en Were ou no’ entendismes davoir troues le fitz le Roi le counte de Peytiers et la sov’aigne cause de n’re aler v’s celles p’ties estoit qe nous entendismes davoir eu noveles de n’re dit Sr et piere le Roi come de son passage et puis q’ no’ ne trovasmes le dit counte ne nul autre g’unt poair illeosqes nous no’ treismes dev’s leyre et maundasmes noz gentz au chivaucher a conoistre si no’ p’uons nulle p’t avoir trovez passage lesqueles gentz encontrerent les enemis et avoient faire assemble si qe les uns des ditz enemys estoient mortz et pris les queuz p’soners disoient qe le Roi de France avoient envoiee Grismoton q’estoit encelle compaignie p’ lui faire asavoir c’teines novelles de no’ et de n’re poair et si avoit le dit Roi p’ mesmes le cause envoie en autre p’tie le Sr de Creon Monsr Busigaut le Mareschal de Clermount et aut’s et disoient les ditz p’soners qe le dit Roi avoit p’s certe in p’pos de combatre ovesq’ nous a quele heure nous estoioms sr le chymyn env’s Tours et encostoavit dev’s Orliens et lendemein la ou nous estoions loggiez aviens novelles qe les ditz Sire de Creon et Busigaut estoient en un chastel bien p’s de n’re loggiz et p’ismes p’pos de y aller et venismes loggier entour eux et acordasmes d’assailler le dit lieu lequel estoit gayne p’ force ou estoient tout plein de lo’r gentz p’s et mortz auxint les uns des n’res y furent mortz mes les ditz Sires de Creon et Busigaut se treerent en une fort Tour qil y avoit la quele se tenoit cynk jours avant qelle feust gaignee et la se rendirent ils et illeosqes estoions c’tifiez qe touz les pontz sr leyre estoient debruses et qe nulle p’t purriens avoir passage sr qei nous p’ismes n’re chemyn tout droit a Tours et la demourasmes devant la ville quatre iours deins quelle estoient le Counte Dangeo et le Mareschal de Clermount od g’nt poair des gentz. Et a n’re dep’tir d’illeoqs no’ p’ismes le chemyn p’ passer ascuns daung’ des eawes et en entente davoir encountree ovesqe n’re tres ch’ cosyn le ducs de Lancastre de qi no’ aviens certeins novelles qil se voillent afforcier de trere dev’s nous a quelle heure le Cardenal de Peregort vynt a nous a Monbezon a troiz lieues de Tours ou il no’ p’la tout plein des choses touchauntes trewes et pees sr quele p’lance no’ lui fesoiens respounse qe la pees ne avient poair a ffaire ne qe nous ent voloiens meller saunz le comaundement et le volunte de n’re tresch’ Sr et piere le Roi ne de trewe nestoiens al heure avisez qe se eust estee le meillo’ p’ noq de y avoir acordee car illeosqes estoiens non plus plenement c’tifiez qe le Roi se tailla p’ toutes voies de combatre ove nous si q’ nous no’ treismes dilleoqes v’s chastel Heraud sur le passage del eawe de la Vivane ou no’ desmourasmes quatre iors ettendauntz de savoir plus la c’tein de lui le quel Roi vint od son poair a chaveny a cynk lues de nous p’ passer mesme lewe v’s Poyters et sr ceo p’ismes p’pos de hastier dev’s lui sr le chemyn qil devereit passer p’ estre combatuz ove lui mes ses batailles estoient passeez devant qe no’ estoions venuz au lieu ou nous entendismes de lui avoir encountree hors pris p’tie des gentz de lour entour sept centz homes darmes qe se combatirent od les n’tres ou estoient p’s le countes de Soussoire et de Junhy le Sr de Chastillion et tout plein dautres pris et mortz p’ties de lour et des n’res et puis les p’suievrent noz gentz tanq’ a Chaveny bien a treis lieus loyns p’quoi il nous convienoit logger cel jour a plus pres de celle place qe nous poiens p’ recoiller noz gentz et lendemeyn p’ismes n’re chemyn tout droit dev’s le Roi et mandasmes noz descov’res qe troverent lui od son poair p’st bataille es champs a une lue de Peiters et alasmes a plus p’s de lui qe nos poiams p’ndre n’re places et nous mesmes a pie et en arraie de bataille et p’st de combatre ove lui ou vynt le dit Cardinal requerraunt molt entierment p’ une pettit suff’nce issint qe home purroit faire parler dasemble c’teins gentz des p’ties en atente d’acord et de bone pees quelle chose il emp’st qil amereit a bon fey sur quoi nous p’ismes avis et lui otreiasmes sa requeste sur quoi furent ordeyner c’teins gentz dune p’t e d’autre a tretir sur celle matirs lequel trete ne p’st nul exploit Et adonqes volleit le dit Cardinal avoir purchace une trewe en destourbaunce de la bataille a son gree a quel treve ne voilloit assentir Et demaunderent les Fraunceys c’teins chivalers d’une p’t et d’autre p’ prendre owelle place issint qe la bataille ne se purroit en nulle man’e failler et en tieu man’e estoit cel jour delaiee et demourerent les batailles d’une p’t et d’autre tote noet chescun en lour place et tanqe le demein entour un prime et p’ ascuns forces qe estoient p’ entre les ditz batailles nul ne voloit a autre taunte davauntage demp’ndre a venir l’un sur l’autre Et p’ defaute des vitailles si bien p’ aut’s enchessons acorde estoit qe nous deveriens prendre n’re chemyn encosteant p’ devant eux en tieu man’e q’ s’ils voilont la bataille ou trere dev’s nous en lieu q’ nestoit mye tres graundment a n’re desavauntage qe nous le preindreins et ensint estoit fait sr quoi le bataille se prist la surveile de seint Matheu et loiez ent soit dieux les enemys estoient desconfitz et pris le Roi et son fitz et tot plein des aut’s g’ntz pris et mortz si come n’re Tresch’ ame bach’r Monsr Neel Loereng n’re chaumberlein portr de cestes qu ent ad assetz pleine conisance vous sav’a plus pleinement dire a monstre come nous ne vous purroins escrire A qi voilletz pleine foi et credence doner Et n’re seignr vuis voille garder Donnez souz n’re secre seal a Burdeux le xxij jour d’Octobr’.

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LETTER FROM THE BLACK PRINCE TO THE BISHOP OF WORCESTER, DATED 20TH OCTOBER 1356, RELATING TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS, WHEREIN THE FRENCH KING WAS MADE PRISONER, &C. EX REGISTRO REGINALDI BRIEN WIGORN. EPISCOPI. FOL. 113. COMMUNICATED TO THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES BY DR. LYTTELTON, DEAN OF EXETER.

[ArchÆologia, Vol. I. No. XLIV. p. 213.]

L’RA D’NI PRINCIPIS WALL’ DE CAPCIONE R. FRANCIÆ PAR LE PRINCE DE GALES.

Reve’nt piere en Dieu, et tresch’ ami. Nous vous mercions entierement de ce que nous avons entendu q’ vous estes si bien et si naturelment porte dev’s nous, en p’ant Dieux p’r nous et p’r n’re exploit; et sumes tout certiens q’ p’r cause de vous devoutes p’eres et dautres, Dieu nous a en toutes nos besoignes be’ vueliz aide; de quoi nous sumes a touz jo’s tenuz de lui grazier, en p’ant que v’re part ancy vieullietz faire en continuant dev’s nous come devant ces heures avetz fait, de quoi nous nous tenons g’n’ment tenuz a vous. Et, rev’ent piere, endroit de n’re estat, dont nous penceons bien q’ vous desirez la v’re merci doier bones nouvelles, vuellietz entendre q’ a la faisance de cestes estions sains et heures et tout en bon point, loiez en soit Dieux q’ nous donit y ces mesmes de vous toutes soitz oir et saver, et de ce nous vueilletz certifier p’r vos l’res et p’ les entrevenantz a plus souvent q’ vous p’res bonement en droit de nouvelles ceandroitz. Vueilletz savoir q’ la veille de la translation Saint Thomas de Canterbire, nouz commenceasmes a chivauch’ ove n’re povar v’s les parties de France et souvraignement p’ cause q’ nous entendismes la venue de n’re treshonn’e seign’r et piere le Roy la endroit, et si neismes dev’s les parties de Burges en Berye, Orlions, et Tours, et avions nouvelles q’ le Roy de France ove g’nt povar bien pres de celles marches venoit p’ combattre ove no’s, et approcheasmes tant q’ la battaille se prist entre nous en tiele maniere q’ les ennemis estoient disconfitez, grace en soit Dieux, et le dit Roi et son fils et plusiers autres g’ntz pris et mortz, les noms de queaux nous vous envions p’ n’re tresch’ bachiler Mons’ Roger de Cottesford portoir de cestes. Rev’ent piere en Dieux, et n’re tresch’ ami, le Saint Esprit vous ait toute jours en sa guarde. Donne souz n’re seal a Birdeaux, le xxe jour d’ Octob’r.

[Tradita fuit ista l’ra Domino Reginaldo de Briene, Ep’o Wygorn, apud Alvech’, pr’mo die Decemb’, an’ Dom’ Mo. ccc. quinquagesimo sexto, cum cedula nomina continente capt’ et mortuorum in bello praedicto, cujus cedulae tenor insequitur p’ o’ia —— parte folii istius suprascriptus]

A Rev’ent Piere en Dieux Evesqe de Worcester, ces sont les noms de ceaux q’ estoient pris a la battaile de Poyters p’ le Prince de Gales fitz a noble Roi de Engleterre Edward Tierts.

A LETTER FROM ROBERT PRITE, CLERK, TO SOME ENGLISH NOBLEMAN, DATED 8th DECEMBER 1356, GIVING HIM INFORMATION OF THE BATTLE OF POICTIERS, AND OTHER INTELLIGENCE.

[Original on vellum in the Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. f. 33.]

Mon t’sg’nt et t’sredoute seign’. Nous tenons com’unement p’decea et p’ c’tein q’ le Roi de Fr’nce le duc d’Orliens deux filz du roi les deux mareschalx de [F’ance] et plusours autres g’ntz seign’s ont este mortz en la bataille q’ad este entre le P’nce de Gales et eux et dit ho’me q’ Monsr Loys v’re frere Monsr Martin [le] Roi les Navarrois ont en la p’m’e bataille et ceux descomfirent la busoigne et tua Monsr Martin le Roi et ce purrez vous savoir plus au plein p’ un Chivaler qi le duc de Lancastr’ ad envoie nadgaires en Englet’re dev’s le Roi. Et se p’ti de la busoigne le duc de Normandie qi sicome home dit est venuz a Paris et ad signifie ces novelles a Monsr Rob’t de Cleremont son lieutenant es p’ties de seint Loo. Des autres novelles de p’decea, plese vous savoir mon t’sredoute seignur q’ le poeple de ce paiis est molt esbay de la longe demoer q’ vous faites p’dela moemens les gentils genz; a qui Monsr Godefrey de Harecourt p’lemente touz les iours et les enhorte estre oveges lui et de lui faire hom[age] come a lieutenant le Roi d’Englet’re et especialement a ceux qi tenent p’decea fort’estes et fait pullier p’my voz villes q’ qicunqes voudra estre a lui obeissant il ne serra greve de taillee ne aut’s subsides p’ qeconqz affaire q’ ce soit et q’ ceux il gardera et defendera contre vous et aut’s dont plusours gentilz homes et autres bones villes lui ont entierement accordez sa volonte p’ sa petite puissance q’ils veient q’ vous avez et en outre ad fait le dit Godefrey mettre la main en la t’re qe feust vassailles Honriot de Pemot J de Chesnos et en plusours aut’s lieux et fait iniunccion q’ nul ne obbeisse a vous sr peine de la teste et tant d’autres choses plus g’nt q’si vous accordez a venir p’decea vous trouviez petit de voz gent qi pr’ vous face riens car de iour en iour. Il fait conu’tir le paiis et tiegne q’ a son poair. Il lev’a de voz gentes de la seint Michel la greigunure p’tie et navez ja p’sent officer a qi la people voille ore obeir p’ la doute de Godefrey, si vous voillez avancer sicome vous poez veer q’ busugne est et p’dela mettez tiel remede come vouz verrez q’ bon s’ra, car les Engleis p’decea tiennent sa p’tie, et si ne feust l’esp’ance, q’ iai de v’re brieve venue Je vous envoiasse p’chemement aucune finance. Mon t’sredoute Sr n’re Seignr vous doint bone vie et longe, et vous ait en sa seincte garde, t’stre a seint benet les viijne iour docenb’r.

V’re Clerc

Robt. Prite.

A DECLARATION OF BERNARD DU TROY, A GASCON GENTLEMAN, THAT HE WAS THE PERSON WHO TOOK KING JOHN OF FRANCE AT THE BATTLE OF POICTIERS.

[Lat. on vellum. Cottonian MSS. Caligula D. III. f. 74.]

In Dei Nomine Amen. Uniu’si nouerint p’ p’n’tes q’ Anno d’ni mill’imo cccmo. sexsagesimo primo die pima mens’ Julij Indict’one xiiija pontificat’ s’cissimi in xp’o p’ris et dni. d’ni Innocentij ppe. sexti anno nono inpresentia not’ et testiu’ subsc’ptor’ p’sonal’r constitut’. discretus vir Bernardus deu Troy scutifer de vasconia. licet infirm’ corpore mente t’n sanus et intellectu. Corpus sacatissimu’ ih’u x’p’i. q’d ut fidel’ xp’ian’ Recip’e volebat p’ ei’ Ai’e saluat’one in manu sacerdotis habens p’oc’lis in domo habitato’is sue London’ in Carreria et Rop’ia verba dixit et p’tulit que sequntur. Carissimi d’ni. q’ nil certius morte nec incertius hora mortis. Et quia tempus p’ic’losum est vt nulli lat’e possit Jus meu’. et cu’ctis notu’ fiat. Dico Ego Bernardus deu troy p’d’cs cor’ vob’ om’ib’. q’ in p’ic’lo Ai’e mee et p’ sacm corpus ih’u x’p’i q’d hic cor’ om’ib’ est sacatum et intendo Recip’e p’ saluato’e mee Ai’e pecaticis. q’ die belli de poitiers Ego cepi Rege’ francie. et se mi Reddidit Rex p’d’cs et meus ver’ pisionarius est et null’ ali’ ius habet in eo p’ter me de Jure u’l Rato’ne. Et querelam qam cora’ d’no n’ro Rege Anglie. Et ei’ consilio a d’co bello cita p’sequt’ sum sup’ d’to Rege francie pisionario meo est bona et in ea ut Attemptaui et p’sequt’ sum volo mori tanqam bona et iust’ querela. Al’ corpus ih’u xp’i sacatissimu’ quod ut supa dixi ut fidel’ xp’ian’ p’ salute Ai’e mee volo Recip’e sit ad dampnato’em mea’ q’d deus euertat. Et Rogo d’nm Geraldum de tartasia d’nm de poyana milite’ hic p’ntem Eo casu quo de hac infirmitate decederem q’ querela’ mea’ aucdacter Recipiat tanqa’ bona’ conta d’nm denisium de morbek milite’ et q’mcu’que aliu’ Jus meum sup’ d’co Rege francie vero pisionario meo vsurpar’ nitente’. qui conta deu’ et Justicia’. me et Jus meu’ absorbet. et p’ falsas suggestiones. et cautelas vsq’ inp’ntem die’ impediuit et impedit mi’ iuste et d’cam q’relam p’seqatur ad fine’ et bellu’ faciat si Judicet’ sup’ hoc sub p’ic’lo Ai’e mee qua’ quide’ q’rela’ d’c’s d’ns de poyana ibi p’ns p’seq’ndam et finiendam ac bellu’ si Indicetur aut Indicaret’ in se suscipiendum et faciend’ p’misit et fide sua media stipulauit. Eo Aute’ casu quo dict’ d’ns de poyana nollet d’cam querelam p’sequi aut no’ posset morte aut impedimento aliquo impedit’. volo Ego Bernardus deu troy p’d’cs q’ pelegin’ deu cause socius me’ in Armis d’cam q’relam p’seqatur et finiat Ac bellu’ Recipiat et faciat p’ d’ca q’rela si iudicatu’ fuit sub p’ic’lo Anime mee ut p’dixi de comodo aute’ et finantia qd’ p’ue’iat ex d’co Rege francie vero pisionar’ meo sup’ quo d’n’m n’r’m Rege’ eius Ai’am et conscientia’ onero, volo q’ deductis expen’ illi’ qui p’seq’t’ si bellu’ subseqatur exinde bellu’ faciens Ecia’ p’te, habeat duas alias p’tes inter hered’ meos, peleginu’ deu canse, et socios qui in Armis erant socij mei d’ca die, Rat’onab’l’r diuidant’ sicut ordinaret’ Rat’onab’l’r et Reperiretur ip’os Jus habere. si aute’ bellu’ non subseqatur ex querela p’d’ca qd’ absit. volo q’ de comodo qd’ p’ue’iat deductis expen’ p’seq’ut’ Recipiat ip’e p’sequens iuxta ei’ conscientia’. Residu’ ut supa dc’m est diuidat’. Sup’ d’co tamen p’ficus et emolume’to conscienta’ d’ci d’ni n’ri Regis onero ut p’dixi. Rogans et Reqirens magrm guill’m. de Wolneston’. et magr’m philipu’ de London’. et alios notarios hic p’ntes q’ sup’ hiis om’ibus faciant et Recipiant. Vnu’ duo v’l pl’a publica instr’a que concessim’ agenda in f—— et testimoniu’ p’missor’. Acta sunt hec sub anno indict’one pontificat’ mense die ... supad’cis. Test’ Nobiles viri d’ni Oliueri’ de Clisson. Guill’m’ de mont agut Bartholomeus de borearhs —— Rob’rt’ de holand’ thomas de Ros. Joh’n’s de br—— Joh’n’s —— ccl’ de london’ Berdus de Brotas. gerdus de menta R’ndus se —— —— p—— a—— a—— Berdus de la quinnada petrus de brassas Ardus de ——

P. 73. “And at the Tour hill they beheded maistre Simond Sudbury, than erchebisshop of Caunterbury and chaunceler of Englond; and frere Robert Hales priour of seynt Jones house, than tresorer of Engelond,” &c.

The rebellion noticed in the text is so important an event in the history of England as well as of the Metropolis, that no apology can be required for the insertion of an inedited document in any degree connected with it. In the Foedera, tom. vii. are several proclamations on the same subject, and among them one tested at London on the 15th June 1381, directed to the sheriff of Kent; but the following, dated at Chelmsford on the 5th of July in that year, has never, it is believed, been printed. It appears from it that the rebels had asserted that they were supported by the king’s authority; and His Majesty therefore, not merely denies the fact, but commands the earl of Warwick and the other persons in that county to whom the instrument is addressed, to use every possible effort to suppress the disturbance of the public peace, in places under their jurisdiction.

COPIA PROCLAMATIONIS R. RICARDI IIdi SUPER INSURRECTIONE JACK STRAW ET WAT TYLER.

[Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. super Membr. f. 100.]

Ricardus dei gr’a Rex Angl’ et Franc’ et Dominus Hib’n’ dil’cis et fidelib’ suis Thome Comiti Warr’ Joh’i Buttourt Joh’i de Bermyngeham Henr’ de Arden’ Will’o de Clynton Militib’ Rob’to Burgilon’ et Joh’i Catesby: sal’t’m Satis vob’ et aliis ligeis n’r’is credimus esse cognitum qualit’ qamplures malef’c’ores iam nouit’ conta pacem n’ra’ in diu’sis Com’ regni n’ri Angl’ in maximam turbaco’em fideliu’ ligeor’ n’ror’ in diu’sis congregac’o’ib’ et conuenticulis illicitis quasi hostilit’ insurrexerunt ven’abilem p’rem Simonem nup’ Archiep’m Cantuar’ tocius Angl’ Primatem Cancellar’ n’r’m et fr’em Rob’tum de Hales nup’ Priorem Hospitalis s’ci Joh’is Jer’l’m in Angl’ Thes’ n’r’m Joh’em Cauendish nup’ Capitalem Justic’ n’r’m et qamplures alios ligeos et s’uientes et fideles n’ros absq’ culpa crudelit’ occidendo arsuras incendia p’straco’es et varias alias destrucco’es eccl’iar’ Man’ior’ domor’ rer’ et aliar’ possessionu’ fideliu’ ligeor’ n’ror’ enormit’ et p’peram p’petrando Quia v’o malef’c’ores p’d’ci falso et mendacit’ asseruerunt et affirmarunt ip’os mala homicidia et dampna p’d’ca ex n’ris auctoritate et voluntate fecisse et p’petrasse vt ip’i sic maliciam suam continuare valeant et de p’missis licet indigni cicius excusent’ ad v’ram et alior fideliu’ ligeor’ n’ror’ quor’cumq’ volum’ p’uenire noticiam quod p’missa mala homicidia et dampna quecunq’ ex auctoritate et voluntate n’ris minime p’cesserunt neq’ fiunt set exinde vehemencius contristati ea in n’r’m maximu’ vitup’iu’ et Corone n’re p’iudiciu’ et tocius regni n’ri dampnu’ et turbac’o’em non modica redundare sentimus. Et ideo vob’ sup’ fide et ligeancia quib’ nob’ tenemini firmit’ munigendo mandamus qd’ p’sens mandatum n’r’m in singulis locis infra Com’ Warr’ tam infra lib’tates qam exta ubi melius expedire videritis ex p’te n’ra publice p’clamari et vlt’ius inhiberi fac’ ne qui cuiuscumq’ status seu condico’is fu’int infra Com’ p’d’c’m seu alibi insurg’e seu congregaco’es vel conuenticula huiusmodi fac’e vel levare seu quicqam aliud attemptare seu p’curare p’sumant seu p’sumat aliquis eor’ p’ quod pax n’ra ibidem infringi aut populus n’r inquietari aut turbari pot’it sub forisf’cura vite et membror’ et o’i’m alior’ que nob’ forisfac’e pot’unt in futur’ Damus eciam vob’ et cuil’t v’r’m et quibuscumq’ aliis fidelib’ n’ris tenore p’senciu’ potestatem et mandatum sp’ale quibuscumq’ malef’corib’ conta pacem n’ram et quietem p’p’li n’ri insurg’e seu huiusmodi congraco’es et conuenticula illicita fac’e volentib’ modis om’ib’ quib’ melius pot’itis vel sciu’itis eciam si oporteat manu forti tanqam rebellib’ et inimicis n’ris et tocius regni n’ri resistendi et que’l’t ip’or’ iuxta eor’ dem’ita et discreco’es v’ras castigandi et puniendi et insurrecc’o’es et turbac’o’es quascumq’. si que ibidem quod absit fiant pacificandi et sedandi et om’ia alia faciendi et exequendi que conseruaco’em pacis n’re et quietem p’p’li n’ri conc’nere pot’unt in Com’ p’d’co et p’tib’ eiusdem quibuscumq’. In cuius rei testimoniu’ has l’ras n’ras fieri fecim’ patentes T’ me ip’o apud Chelmersford’ quinto die Julij Anno R’ n’ quinto.

p’ ip’m Regem.

In pp. 99-102, as well as in pp. 157-159, an account is given of Henry the Fifth’s expedition into France in the year 1415, and of the battle of Agincourt. In the Harleian MS. No 565, from which the preceding Chronicle was transcribed, the following Poem occurs on the same subject, a correct copy of which has never been published, though at the end of Hearne’s edition of Elmham’s Life of Henry the Fifth, a poem is inserted so very similar to the annexed that it may be presumed to have been taken from another copy of the same. It is said to have been transcribed from the Cottonian MS. Vitellius D. xii., which is not now extant: but upon collating this piece with the one printed by Hearne, it appears, after allowing for the various readings which frequently occur in different copies of an early poem, that many words were erroneously given by that zealous antiquary. Notwithstanding that it possesses but little claim to poetical merit, it is highly curious, from its being nearly if not quite contemporary with the events which it relates; for there can be no doubt of its having been a production of the prolific pen of that “drivelling monk,” as he has been severely termed, the monk of Bury, John Lydgate, several of whose other pieces, from their presenting a faithful but rude picture of the manners and transactions of the times, are also inserted in this volume. The garrulous monk, in the article which is the subject of these remarks, particularly notices every circumstance in which the Mayor and Citizens of the Metropolis were concerned, and hence it is an appropriate illustration of a “Chronicle of London.” It is worthy of observation, that the story of the tennis-balls having been sent as a satirical present from the Dauphin to Henry the Fifth, and to which Shakspeare alludes, is frequently mentioned in the poem, and furnishes the writer with several metaphors.

Henry the Fifth, Act I. Scene II.

But besides the historical information with which the poem abounds, and which is corroborated by the best authorities, it cannot fail to be considered of much interest, from the description of the magnificent reception of the king into London, after his return from France.

A POEM BY JOHN LYDGATE, MONK OF BURY, DESCRIBING THE EXPEDITION OF HENRY THE FIFTH INTO FRANCE IN 1415, THE BATTLE OF AGINCOURT, AND THE KING’S RECEPTION INTO LONDON ON HIS RETURN.

[Harl. MSS. 565.]

God that all this world gan make
And dyed for us on a tre,
Save Ingelond for Mary sake,
Sothfast God in Trinyte;
And kepe oure kyng that is so free,
That is gracious and good with all,
And graunt hym evermore the gree,
Curteys Crist oure kynge ryall.
Oure kyng sente into France ful rathe,
Hys bassatours bothe faire and free;
His owne right for to have,
That is, Gyan and Normande;
He bad delyvre that his schulde be,
All that oughte kyng Edward,
Or ellys tell hym certeynle,
He itt gette with dynt of swerd.
Wot ye right well that thus it was,
Gloria tibi Trinitas.
And than answerde the dolfyn bold
To oure bassatours sone ageyn,
Me thinke youre kyng he is nought old,
No werrys for to maynteyn;
Grete well youre kyng, he seyde, so yonge
That is bothe gentill and small;
A tonne of tenys ballys I shall hym sende,
For to pleye hym with all.
Wot ye right well, &c.
A dien Sire, seide oure lordis alle,
For there they wolde no longer lende:
They token there leve, bothe grete and smalle,
And hom to Ingelond they gum wende;
And thanne they sette the tale on ende,
All that the Dolfyn to them gon say;
I schal hym thanke thanne, seyde our kynge,
Be the grace of God if that y may.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The kyng of Fraunce that is so old,
Onto oure kyng he sente on hy,
And prayde trews that he wolde hold
For the love of seynt Mary.
Oure Cherlys of Fraunce gret well, or ye wende,
The Dolfyn prowed withinne his wall,
Swyche tenys ballys I schal hym sende
As schall tere the roof all of his all.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Oure kyng ordeyned with all his myght,
For to amende that is amys,
And that is all for Engelond ryght,
To geten agen that scholde ben his;
That is, al Normandie forsothe y wys,
Be right of eritage he scholde it have,
Therof he seith he wyll nought mys,
Crist kepe his body sounde and save.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Oure kyng at Westmenster he lay,
And his bretheren everych on;
And other many lordes that is no nay,
The kyng to them seyde anon,
To Fraunce y thenke to take the way,
Sires, he seyde, be swete seynt John;
Of good counsaill y will yow pray,
Wat is youre will what y shall don?
Wot ye right well, &c.
The duk of Clarence, thanne seyd he,
My lord it is my right full will,
And other lordys right manye,
We hold it right reson and skyll,
To Fraunce we wolde yow redy bryng,
With gladder will than we kon say.
Gramercy, sires, seide our kyng,
I schall yow qwyte if that y may.
Wot ye right well, &c.
I warne yow he seyde bothe olde and yonge,
Make yow redy withoughte delay;
At Southampton to mete youre kynge,
At Lammas on seynt Petrys day;
Be the grace of God ant swete Mary
Over the see y thenke to passe:
The kyng let ordeyn sone in hy,
What y mene ye knowe the casse.
Wot ye right well, &c.
After anon, with right good chere,
Hyse gret gonnys and engynes stronge,
At London he schipped them alle in fere,
And sone fro Westmenster then sprongye,
With alle hyse lordys, sothe to saye:
The mair was redy and mette hym there,
With all the craftes in good araye,
It is ful soth what nede to swere.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Heyl, comely kyng, the mair gan say,
The grace of God now be with the,
And speed the well in thy jornay,
Almyghti God in Trinite,
And graunt the evermore the degre,
To felle thin enemys bothe nyght and day;
Amen, seyde alle the comunalte,
Graunt mercy, sire, oure kyng gan say.
Wot ye right well, &c.
To seynt Poulys he held the way;
He offred there full worthyly:
Fro thens to the quen that same day,
And tok his leve ful hendely;
And thorugh out London thanne gan he ryde;
To seynt George he com in hye,
And there he offred that iche tyde,
And other lordys that weren hym bye.
Wot ye right well, &c.
And fro thens to Suhthampton, unto that strond,
For sothe he wold no longer there dwell:
XV hundryd shippys redy there he fond,
With riche sayles and heye topcastell.
Lordys of this lond, oure kyng gan there sell,
For a milion of gold as y herd say,
Therfore there truayle was quyte them full well,
For they wolde a mad a queynte aray.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Therfore song it was wailaway;
There lyvys they lost anon right in hast:
And oure kyng with riall aray,
To the se he past.
And landyd in Normandye, at the water of Sayn,
At the pyle of Ketecaus, the sothe y yow say,
On oure lady even, the assumpcion, the thirdde yer of hys rayn,
And boldely hys baner there he gan display.
Wot ye right well, &c.
And to the town of Harflew there he tok the way,
And mustred his meyne faire before the town,
And many other lordys I dar well say,
With baners brighte and many penoun:
And there they pyght there tentys a down,
That were embroudyd with armys gay;
First, the kynges tente with the crown,
And all othere lordes in good aray.
Wot ye right well, &c.
My brother Clarence, oure kyng gan say,
The tother syde shull ye kepe,
With my doughter and hire maydyns gay,
To wake the Frensshmen of there slepe.
London he seyde shall with here mete,
My gonnys shall lyn upon this grene,
For they shall play with Harflete,
A game at tynes as y wene.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Mine engynes that bethe so kene,
They shull be sett be syde this hill,
Over all Harflewe that they may sene,
For to loke if they play well.
Go we to game be Godys grace,
Myne children ben redy everych on,
Every greet gonne that there was,
In his mouth he hadde a ston.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The Capteyn of Harflewe sone anon
To oure kyne he sente on hy,
To wyte what was his wille to don
That he was come with his navy;
Delivere me this toune, oure kyng gan say;
Nay sire, he seyde, be seynt Denys;
Thanne shall y it gete, if y may,
Be the grace of God and myn devys.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Myne pleyers that y have hedyr brought,
Their ballys beth of stonys round,
Be the helpe of hym that me dere bought,
They shall youre wall have to ground.
The Frensshmen cried ’Amound,’ ’Amound;’
This toun, they seyde, us moste kepe.
The kyng, seith he, will nought fro this ground
Or he have yolde this toun Harflete.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Tenys seyde the grete gonne,
How felawes go we to game,
Among the houses of Harflewe roune,
It dide the Frensshmen right gret grame;
Fyftene before, seyd London, tho
His ball wol faire he gan it throwe,
That the stepyll of Harflete and bellys also,
With his breth he dide down blowe.
Wot ye right well, &c.
XXXti is myn, seyd Messagere,
And smartly went his way;
Ther wallys that were mad right sure,
He brast them down the sothe to say.
The kynges doughter, seyde here, how thei play,
Herkenyth myne maydenys in this tyde;
Fyve and forty that is no nay,
The wallys wente doun on every syde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The engynes seide, to longe we abyde,
Let us gon to ben on assent;
Wherevere that the ball gan glyde,
The houses of Harflew they all to rent.
An Englyssh man the bulwerk brent,
Women cryed alas! that they were bore,
The Frensshmen seide now be we shent,
From us this toun now it is lore.
Wot ye right well, &c.
It is best now that we therfore,
That we beseche the kyng of grace,
That he asayle us now no more,
For to dystroye us in this place;
For but the Dolfyn us reskewe,
This toun to delivere wyl we sikerly,
Messagers thei let make newe,
And to the kyng they come in hy.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The lord Gaucourt certeynly,
For he was capteyn in that place,
And Gilliam Bocher com hym by,
And othere also bothe more and lasse;
To fore the kyng whan they com was,
I wot they sette them on there kne;
Heil comely kyng, thei seyde, in this plas,
The grace of God now is with the.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Of trews we wolde beseche the,
Unto it be Sounday atte non,
And but it thanne reskewyd be,
We shall to yow delyvere this toun:
The kyng thanne seyde to them ful son
I graunte you grace al this tyde,
Somme of yow go forth anon,
The remenaunt with me shall abyde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The capteyn hied hym with al his myght,
Unto Roon for to ryde,
He wende the Dolfyn have founde there right
But he was goon, durst he nought abyde.
Of helpe the capteyn besowte that tyde,
Harflew from us is lost for ay,
The wallys ben doun on every syde,
We may no longere it kepe, be God verray.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Of good counsaill I wolde yow pray,
What is youre will what shall y don,
Bataill us moste thene be Soneday,
Or ellys delivere hym the toun.
The lordys of Roon togydere gon rown,
And bad he sholde the town up yelde,
The kyng of Ingelond is fers as lyon,
We wil noughte mete hym in the felde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The capteyn went agen withoute lettyng,
Before the kyng on kneys gan fall,
Heyl, he seyde, comely kyng,
Most worthy prynce in this world riall,
Here y have brought yow the keyes alle,
Of Harflew that faire toun,
All is youre owne both towr and halle,
At your will Lord and at your croun.
Wot ye right well, &c.
I thanke God, thann eseyde oure kyng,
And Mary his modir that is so fre;
Myn uncle Dorset withoute lettyng,
Capteyn of Harflewe schall ye be.
And al that is in that toun,
Wot stille shall abyde,
To maken up that is adoun,
That hath ben fellyd on every syde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Meyne, I now shall with yow ride,
To se the toun there overall,
Wyff no child lett non abyde,
But have them ought bothe grete and small;
And let stuffe the toun overall,
With Englysshmen thereinne to be.
They left no Frenssh blod withinne the wall,
But hadde all oute the comunalte.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Four hundred women and children men myght se,
Whanne they wenten out sore gon they wepe;
The grete gonnes engynes to the trewle,
They were brought into Harflete,
Oure kyng unto the castell yede,
And restyd hym there as his will was
Sire, he seyde, so God me spede
To Caleys warde I thenke to pas
Wot ye right well that thus it was,
Gloria tibi Trinitas.

PASSUS SECUNDUS.

Whanne Harflete was getyn, that ryall toun,
Through the grace of God omnipotent;
Oure kyng he made hym redy bown,
And to Caleys ward full faire he went,
My brother Clarence verament,
Ye shall ryde al be my syde,
My cosyn York ye take entent,
For ye shall also this tyde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
My cosyn Huntyngdon shall with me ryde,
The erl of Suffolk that is so fre,
The erl of Oxenford shall not abyde,
He shall comen forth with his meyne,
Sire Thomas Erpyngham, that nevere dide faille,
And yit another so mote y thee,
Sire John the knyght of Cornewaille,
He dar abyde and that know yee.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Sire Gilbert Umfreville wil us avayle,
The lord Clyfford so God me spede,
Sire William Boucer that will not faille,
They will us helpe when we hav nede.
Toward Caleys full faire they yede,
In the cuntrey of Picardie,
And out of Normandie they gan ryde,
Now Crist save all the cumpanye.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Our kyng rood forth, blessed he be,
He sparid neither dale ne doun,
Be townes grete, and castell hyghe,
Til he com to the water of Som;
The brigge the Frensshemen hadde drawe a doun,
That over the water he myght nought ryde;
Oure kyng made hym redy bown,
And to the water of Turwyn he com that tyde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Oure kyng rood forth thanne full good sped,
Into the countrey of Turvyle,
To Agyncourt now as he is ride,
There as oure kyng dyd his bataile;
Be the water of Swerdys withoute faile,
The Frensshemen oure kyng thei did aspye,
And there they thought him to asaile,
All in that feld certeynlye.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The Frensshemen hadde oure kynge umbast
With bataill strong on every syde;
The duke of Orlions seyde in hast,
The kyng of Ingelond with us shall byde;
He gaf hym leve this way to ryde,
Be God, me thenke, he was not wys,
Therefore shall y now be hys gyde,
Or that he come to strong Caleys.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The duke of Braban answerd then,
And seyde, be God in Trinite
Ther be so fewe of thise Inglysshmen
I have no deynte them to se;
Alas! he seyde, what nedith us alle
To day so many for to comen here,
XXti of us it will befalle
Of them on prisonere.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The duk of Burbon sware be seynt Denys,
And other lordes many on,
We will goo pleye them at dys,
The lordys of Ingelond everych on,
Ther gentilmen seide, be swete seynt John.
Ther archers be sold full fayr plente,
And alle the beste bowemen ich on,
All for a blank of oure mone.
Wot ye right well, &c.
And thanne answerde the duke of Barrye,
With wordes that were full mochell of pryde,
Be God, he seyde, y wil not sparye,
Over the Englysshmen y thenke to ryde;
And if that they dar us abyde
We shall overthrowe them alle in fere,
Goo we and slee them in this tyde,
And come hom agen to oure dynere.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Oure gracious kyng, that is so good,
He batailyd hym ful rially;
Stakes he hewe doun in a wood,
Beforn our archers pyght them on hy;
Oure ordynaunce the Frensshemen gan aspy,
They that were ordeynyd for to ryde,
They lighted doun with sorwe and cry,
And on their feet their gon abyde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The duke of York thanne full son
Before oure kyng he fell on kne,
My liege lord, graunt me a bon,
For his love that on croys gan die,
The fore ward this day that ye graunt me,
To be before yow in this feld;
Be myn baner sleyn wil y be,
Or y will turne my backe, or me yelde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Gramercy, cosyn, seyde our kyng,
Thenk on the right of mery Ingelond;
And thanne he gaff hym his blessyng,
And bad the duke he sholde up stond;
Crist, he seyde, that shop bothe sone and sonde,
And art lord and kyng of myght,
This day hold over me thin holy hond,
And spede me well in al my right.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Help seynt George oure lady knyght,
Seynt Edward that is so fre,
Oure lady that art Godys modyr bright,
And seynt Thomas of Caunterbure;
He bad alle men blithe to be,
And seyde, Felas, well shall we spede,
Every man in his degre,
I shall yow quyte full well youre mede.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Oure kyng seyde, Felas, what tyme of day?
Sire, thei seyde, it is ner pryme:
Go we anon to this jornay,
Be the grace of God it is good tyme,
For alle the seyntes that lyn in shryne,
To God for us they be praieng;
The religious of Ingelond all benynge,
’Ora pro nobis’ for us they syng.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The kyng knelyd doun in that stounde,
And Englysshmen on every syde,
And thries there kyssyd the grounde,
And on there feet gon glyde:
Crist, seyde the kyng, as y am thi knyght,
This day me save for Ingelond sake,
And lat nevere that good Reme for me be fright,
Ne me on lyve this day be take.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Avaunt baner, withoute lettyng.
Seynt George before avowe we hyme,
The baner of the Trynyte forth ye bryng,
And seynte Edward baner at this tyme;
Over, he seyde, Lady Hevene Quene,
Myn own baner with hire shall be;
The Frensshman seyde al be dene,
Seynt George all over oure kyng they se.
Wot ye right well, &c.
They triumpyd up full meryly,
The grete bataille togyder yede;
Oure archiers shotte full hertyly,
And made Frensshmen faste to blede;
There arwes wente full good sped,
Oure enemyes therwith doun gon falle,
Thorugh bresplate, habirion, and bassonet yede,
Slayn there were xj thousand on a rowe alle.
Wot ye right well, &c.
Oure gracious kyng men myghte knowe,
That day he faught withe his owne hond,
He sparyd nother heigh no lowe,
There was no man his dynt myght stond;
There was nevere no kyng yit in this lond,
That evere dyd better in a day,
Therfore all Ingelond may synge oo song,
’Laus Deo’ we may well say.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The duk of Gloucestre, that is no nay,
That day full worthyly he wroughte,
On every syde he made good way,
The Frensshemen faste to grounde he brought.
The erl of Huntyngdon sparyd nought;
The erl of Oxenford layd on all soo;
The yonge erl of Devenshire he ne rought;
The Frensshmen faste to grounde gan goo.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The duk of Orlions thanne was woo,
That day was taken prisonere;
The erl of Ewe he was also;
The duke of Braband slayn was there;
The duke of Barre fast hym by;
The duke of Launson wente nevere away;
Ne the erle Neverse certeynly,
Ne many other lordes that y cannot say.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The erl of Rychemond certeynly,
That day was taken in the feld;
The erl of Vendue was right sory;
And Sir Bursegaunt he gan hym yeld.
And thus oure kyng conqueryd the feld,
Through the grace of God omnipotent;
He toke his prisoners yonge and olde,
And faire to Caleys ward thanne he went:
The yere of his regne the thridde this was.
Gloria tibi Trinitas.

PASSUS TERCIUS.

And there he restyd verrament,
At his owne will whilys that it was,
And shipped thanne in good entent,
And at Dovorr landyd y ges;
To Caunterbury full fair he past,
And offered at Seynt Thomas shryne;
Fro thens sone he rod in hast,
To Eltham he cam in good tyme.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The Mayr of London was redy bown,
With alle the craftes of that cite,
Alle clothyd in red thorugh out the town,
A semely sight it was to se:
To the Blak heth thanne rod he,
And spredde the way on every syde;
XXti Ml men myght well se,
Our comely kyng for to abyde.
Wot ye right well, &c.
The kyng from Eltham sone he cam,
Hyse presenors with hym dede brynge,
And to the Blak heth ful sone he cam,
He saw London withoughte lesynge;
Heil, ryall London, seyde oure kyng,
Crist the kepe evere from care;
And thanne gaf it his blessyng,
And praied to Crist that it well fare.
The Mair hym mette with moche honour,
With all the aldermen without lesyng;
Heil, seyde the mair, the conquerour,
The grace of God with the doth spryng;
Heil duk, heil prynce, heil comely kyng,
Most worthiest Lord undir Crist ryall,
Heil rulere of Remes withoute lettyng,
Heil flour of knyghts now over all.
Here is come youre citee all,
Yow to worchepe and to magnyfye,
To welcome yow, bothe gret and small,
With yow everemore to lyve and dye.
Grauntmercy, Sires, oure kyng gan say;
And toward London he gan ride;
This was upon seynt Clementys day,
They wolcomed hym on every syde.
The lordes of Fraunce, thei gan say then,
Ingelond is nought as we wen,
It farith be these Englisshmen,
As it doth be a swarm of ben;
Ingland is like an hive withinne,
There fleeres makith us full evell to wryng,
Tho ben there arrowes sharpe and kene,
Thorugh oure harneys they do us styng.
To London brigge thanne rood oure kyng,
The processions there they mette hym ryght,
’Ave Rex Anglor,’ their gan syng,
’Flos mundi,’ thei seyde, Goddys knyght.
To London brigge whan he com ryght,
Upon the gate ther stode on hy,
A gyaunt that was full grym of syght,
To teche the Frensshmen curtesye.
And at the drawe brigge, that is faste by,
To toures there were upright;
An antelope and a lyon stondyng hym by,
Above them seynt George oure lady knyght,
Besyde hym many an angell bright,
’Benedictus’ thei gan synge,
’Qui venit in nomine domin.’ goddes knyght,
’Gracia Dei’ with yow doth sprynge.
Into London thanne rood oure kyng,
Full goodly there thei gonnen hym grete;
Thorugh out the town thanne gonne they syng,
For joy and merthe y yow behete;
Men and women for joye they alle,
Of his comyn thei weren so fayn,
That the Condyd bothe grete and smalle,
Ran wyn ich on as y herde sayn.
The tour of Cornhill that is so shene,
I may well say now as y knowe,
It was full of Patriarkes alle be dene,
’Cantate’ thei songe upon a rowe;
There bryddes thei gon down throwe,
An hundred there flewe aboughte oure kyng,
’Laus ejus’ bothe hyghe and lowe
’In ecclesia sanctorum’ thei dyd syng.
Unto the Chepe thanne rood oure kyng;
To the Condyt whanne he com tho,
The XII apostelys thei gon syng,
’Benedict. anima domino’
XII kynges there were on a rowe,
They knelyd doun be on asent,
And obles aboughte oure kyng gan throwe,
And wolcomyd hym with good entent.
The Cros in Chepe verrament,
It was gret joy it for to beholde;
It was araied full reverent,
With a castell right as God wolde,
With baners brighte beten with gold.
And angelys senssyd hym that tyde;
With besaunts riche many a fold,
They strowed oure kyng on every syde.
Virgynes out of the castell gon glyde,
For joye of hym they were daunsyng,
They knelyd a doun alle in that tyde,
’Nowell,’ ’Nowell,’ alle thei gon syng.
Unto Poules thanne rood oure kyng,
XIIII bysshopes hym mette there right,
The grete bellys thanne did they ryng,
Upon his feet full faire he light.
And to the heighe auter he went right,
’Te Deum’ for joye thanne thei gon syng;
And there he offred to God almyght:
And thanne to Westminster he wente withoute dwellyng.
In xv wokes forsothe, he wroughte al this,
Conquered Harfleu and Agincourt;
Crist brynge there soules all to blys,
That in that day were mort.
Crist that is oure hevene kyng,
His body and soule save and se;
Now all Ingelond may say and syng,
’Blyssyd mote be the Trinite,’
This jornay have ye herd now alle be dene,
The date of Crist I wot is was,
A thousand foure hundred and fyftene.
Gloria tibi Trinitas.

Harflu fert Mauric Augincourt p’lia Crispin.

P. 119. [Ao 10 Hen. VI.]—“John Welles, grocer, maior. This same yere, the xvj day of Decembre, G beynge the dominical lettre, kyng Herry the vjte was crowned kyng of Fraunce at Parys, in the chirche of Notre Dame, with gret solempnite and rialte; and anoon after he turned ayen into Engelond, and landed at Dovorr the ix day of Feverer’, and come to London the xxj day of the same month, where he was ryally resceyved, alle the craftes rydynge ayens hym, all in white.”

The following poem by Lydgate presents a very minute account of the manner in which the young monarch was received into London after his coronation as king of France, and of the pageant upon the occasion. Two copies exist in MS. in the British Museum; one in the Harleian MS. 565, which has been literally transcribed; the other in the Cottonian MS. Julius B. II; and the variations between them will be found in the notes. About one third of this article, taken from the former of those MSS., is printed in Malcolm’s London, vol. ii. p. 89, but it conveys a very imperfect idea of the whole composition; for not only has the orthography of the extract been modernized, but the most interesting descriptions do not occur. The annexed is therefore, it is presumed, the only correct copy which has ever been published, and it cannot fail to be deemed an exceedingly curious illustration of the passage in “The Chronicle,” as well as of the manners of the period. Lydgate does not mention upon what day of the month the circumstance took place, but says that it was “upon a Thorsday” “toward the ende of wyndy Februarie:” and as the 21st of February in 1431 fell on a Thursday, there is little doubt that it was on that day that Henry entered London.

“THE COMYNGE OF THE KYNG OUT OF FRAUNCE TO LONDON.” BY JOHN LYDGATE “THE MONK OF BURY.”

[Harleian MS. 565, and Cottonian MS. Julius B. II.]

Toward the ende of wyndy Februarie,
Whanne Phebus was in the fysshe roune,[146]
Out of the signe which callyd is Aquarie,
Newe kalendas were entred and begonne,
Of Marches comyng, and the mery sonne,
Upon a Thorsday shed[147] hys bemys bright
Upon London, to make them glad and light.
The stormy reynes[148] of alle there hevynesse,
Were passyd away, and alle there[149] grevaunce,
For the sixte Henry, rote of there gladnesse,
Ther hertys joye, ther worldis suffissaunce,
Be trewe assent[150] crownyd kyng of Fraunce;
The even[151] rejoysyng the day of his repaire,
Made at his comynge the wedir to be so faire.
A tyme, y trowe of God, for hym provydyd,
In alle the hevenes there was no clowde sayne;
From other daies that day was so devydyd,
And fraunchisyd from mystys and from rayn;
The erthe[152] attempred, the wyndes smothe and playne,
The Citezeines thorugh out the Citee,
Halwyd that day with gret solempnyte.
And lyk for David after his victorie,
Rejoysyd was al Jerusalem,
So this Cite with laude, pris, and glorie,
For joye mustred lik the sonne bem,
To geve ensample thorugh out this Reem;
Al of assent who so can conceyve,
There noble kyng were glad to resceyve.
There clothyng was of colour ful covenable;
The noble Mair clad in red velwet,
The Shireves, the Aldermen, ful notable,
In furryd clokes, the colour of scarlet;
In statly wyse whanne they were met,
Ich on were wel horsyd, and mad no delay,[153]
But with there Maire rood forth in there way.
The Citezeyns ich on of the Citee,
In there entent that they were pure and clene;
Ches them of whit a ful faire lyvere,
In evry craft as it was wel sene;
To shewe the trowthe that they dede mene,
Toward the kyng hadde mad them feithfully,
In sundry devyses embrowdyd richely.
And for to remembre of other alyens,
First Geneweys, thorugh thei were strangers,
Florantynys, and Venyciens,
And Esterlyngs, clad[154] in there manere,
Conveyd with seriaunts and othere officers,
Statly horsyd, after the Mair ridyng,
Passyd the subbarbes to mete with the kyng.
To the Blake heth whanne they dyd atteyne,
The Mair of prudence in especialle,
Made them hove in renges tweyne,
A strete betwen ech party lik a walle,
Alle clad in whit, and the most principalle,
A fore in red, with the[155] Mair rydyng,
Til tyme that he saw the kyng comyng;
Thanne with his sporys, he tok his hors anone,
That to beholde it was a noble sight,
How lyk a man he to the kyng is gone,
Right well cheryd of herte, glad, and light;
Obeienge to hym, as hym ought of right:
And after that he cunningly abraid,
And to the kyng even thus he sayd;

“Sovereigne lord and noble kyng, ye be wolcome out of youre rem of Fraunce, into this youre blessyd rem of Ingelond, and in especial unto youre most notable Citee of London, otherwise callyd youre chambre, we thankynge Almyghty[156] God of the good and gracious athenyng of youre crowne of Fraunce, besechynge of his mercyful grace to sende yow prosperite and many yeris, to the comfort of alle your lovyng pepill.”

But for to tellen alle the circumstauncys,
Of every thyng shewed in centencs,
Noble devyses, diverse ordinauncys,
Conveid be scripture with ful gret excellence;
Al to declare, y have non eloquence,
Therfore y pray to alle tho that it schal rede,[157]
For to correcte where as they se nede.
First, whan they[158] passyd was the fabour,
Entring the brigge of this noble town,[159]
There was a peler reysyd lik a tour,
And theron stod a sturdy champyone,
Of look and chere, stern as a lyone;
His swerd uprered, prowdly gan manace,
Alle foreyn enemyes from the kyng to enchace;
And in defens of his estat riall,
The geaunt wolde abyde ech aventure,
And alle assautes that were marcyall,
For his sake he proudly wolde endure;
In tokenynge wher of, he hadde a long[160] scripture,
On either syde declaryng his entent,
Whiche sayde thus, be good avisement.

“Alle tho that ben enemys to the kyng,
I schal them clothe with confucione;
Make hym myghti be vertuos levyng,
His mortall fou to oppressen and bere a downe,
And hym to encresene as Cristes champione;
Alle myschevys from hym to abrigge,
With the grace of God, at the entryng of this[161] brigge.”
Too antilopis stondyng on either syde,
With the armes of Ingelond and of Fraunce,
In token that God schall for hym provide,
As he hath title be juste eneritaunce,
To regne in pees, plente, and alle plesaunce;
Cesyng of werre, that men myghte ryden and[162] gone,
As trewe liegis, there hertys mad bothe oone.
Forthermore, so as the kyng gan ryde,
Middes of the brigge there was a toure on lofte;
The lord of lordes beynge ay his gyde,
As he hath be and yit wil be ful ofte.
The tour araied with velwetty softe,
Clothys of gold, silk, and tapicerie,
As apperteynyth to his regalye.
And at his comyng, of excellent beaute,
Benygne[163] of port, most womanly of chere,
There issued out, empresses thre;
There here displaied, as Phebus in his[164] spere,
With crownettys of gold and stones clere;
At whos out comyng thei gaf swyche a light,
That the beholders were stonyed in there sight.

The first of them was callyd[165] Nature,
As sche that hath undyr here demayne,
Man, beest, and foul, and every creature,
Withinne the bondys of here goldyn cheyne;[166]
Eke hevene, and erthe, and every creature,[167]
Grace.This empresse of custum doth enbrace:
And next here com here suster callyd Grace.
Passyng famous, and of gret reverence,
Most desyryd in alle regions;
For where that evere shewith here presence,
She bryngeth gladnes to citees and to townys.
Of alle welle fare she halt[168] the possessionys,
For y dar sey, prosperite in no place,
No while abidith, but if there be grace.
In tokene that Grace shal[169] longe continue,
Fortune.Unto the kyng, she shewyd here ful benygne;
And next here com the empresse Fortune,
To hym aperyng with many a noble signe,
And riall tokenys, to shew that he was digne,
Of God disposyd as lust[170] ordeygne,
Upon his hed to were crownes tweyne.

These thre ladies, al of on entent,
Thre goostly gyftes, hevynly, and devyne,
Unto the kyng anon they dyd present;
And to his hignesse they dyd anon enclyne,
And what they weren pleynly to determyne;
Grace gaf hym first at his comynge,
Two riche gyftes, sciens and cunnynge.
Nature gaf hym eke strengthe, and fayrnesse,
For to be lovyd and dred of every wight;
Fortune gaf hym eke prosperite, and richesse;
With this scripture aperyng in ther sight,
To hym applied of verey due right,
Intende prospere procede et regna.“First undirstonde and wilfully procede,
And longe to regne,” the scripture seide in dede.
This is to mene, who so undirstondith aright,
Thow shalt be fortune have long prosperite;
And be nature thow shalt have strengthe, and myght,
Forth to procede in long felicite;
And grace also hath grauntyd unto the,
Vertuously longe in thi roiall citee,
With septre and crowne to regne in equyte.
On the right hand of these Empresses,
Stode thir[171] maydenys verey celestialle;
Like Phebus bemys shone there golden tresses,
Upon there hedes ech havyng a crownalle,
Of port and chere semyng immortalle:
In sight transsendyng alle erthely creatures,
So angelik they weren of there figures.
Al clad in white, in tokene of clennesse,
Liche pure virgynes as in there ententys,
Schewynge outward an hevenly fresshe brightnesse;
Stremyd with sonnys weren alle there garmentys,
Aforne provyded for pure innocentys:
Most colombyne of chere and of lokyng,
Meekly roos up at the comyng of the kyng.
They had on bawdrikes al on saphire hewe,
Goynge outward gan the kyng salue,
Hym presentyng with ther gyftes newe,
Lik as thei[172] thought it was to them due;
Whiche gostly giftes, here in ordre suwe,
Down descendyng as silver dewe from hevene,
Al grace includyd[173] withinne the giftes sewene.
These riall giftes ben of vertu most
Goostly corages, most soveraygnely delite,
The[174] giftes callyd of the Holy Goost,
Outward figuryd be seven dowys white;
Seyenge[175] to hym, lik as clerkes write,
“God the fulfille with intelligence
And with a spirit of goostly sapience

God sende also to thi moost availe,
The to preserve from alle hevynesse;
A spirit of strenghthe, and of good counsaile,
Of cunnyng, drede, pite, and of lownesse:”
Thus thise ladies gan there gyftes dresse,
Graciously at there out comyng,
Be influence light upon the kyng.
These Empresses hadde on there left syde,
Othere vij virgines, pure and clene,
Be attendaunce continually to abyde,
Al clad in whit, smete ful of sterrers shene;
And to declare what they wolde mene,
Unto the kyng with fulle gret reverence,
These weren there gyftes shortly in sentence;

God the endue with a crowne of glorie;
And with a[178] septre of clennesse and pite;
And with a sheld of right,[179] and victorie;
And with a mantel of prudence clad thow be;
A sheld of feith for to defende the;
An helm of helthe wrought to thin encres;
Girt with a girdell of love and perfight pees.
These vij virgynes of sight most hevenly,
With herte, body, and handys reioysyng,
And of there[180] cheres aperid murely,
For the kynges gracious hom comyng;
And for gladnesse they began to synge,
Most angelik with hevenly armonye,
This same roundelle which y shal now specifie.
Soverayne lord, Wolcome to youre Citee;
Wolcome oure joye, and oure hertys plesaunce;
Wolcome oure gladnes, Wolcome oure suffisaunce;
Wolcome, Wolcome, right Wolcome, mote ye be;
Syngyng to fore thi riall mageste,
We seye of herte, withoughten variaunce,
Soverayn lord, Wolcome, Wolcome, oure[181] joye;
Meir, Citezeins, and al the Comonte,
At youre hom comyng newe out of Fraunce,
Be grace relevyd of al ther olde grevaunce,
Syng this day with gret solempnyte.
Thus resceyvyd, an esy paas rydyng,
The kyng is entred into this Citee;
And in Cornhull anon at his comynge,
To do plesaunce to his mageste,
A tabernacle surmontyng of beaute,
There was ordeyned, be full fresshe entaille,
Richely arraied with rialle apparaille;
This tabernacle of moost magnyfycence,
Was of this byldyng verrey imperiall,
Mad for the lady callyd dame Sapience.

To for whos face moost statly and rialle,
Were the vij sciences callyd liberalle;
Rounde aboughte as makyd is memorie,
Which never departyd from his[182] consistorie,
Septem sciencie liberales.Frist ther was Gramer, as y reherce can,
Chef founder[183] and rote of al connyng,
Whiche hadde afore here old Precian;
And Logyk hadde afore here ek[184] stondyng,
Aristotill so clerkly disputyng;
And Retoryk hadde eke in her presence,
Tullius, callyd myrrour of eloquence;
And Musyk hadde royde of all discorde,
Boice, here clerk, with hevenly armonye,
And instrumentis al of on acorde;
For to practyse with sugryd melodye,
He and his clerkes[185] there wittes dyd applye,
With touche of strengys, on orgons we[186] playeng,
There craft to shewe at the[187] comynge of oure kyng;
And Arsmetrik, be castynge of nombrarie,
Ches Pictogoras for here partye,
Callyd chief clerk to governe here liberarie.
Euclude tok mesures be craft of gemetrie,
And al ther heighest[188] stod Astronomye;
Albunisar last with here of vije,
With instrumentis that raught up into hevene;
The chief princesse callyd dame Sapience,
Hadde to fore here wrete[189] this scripture,
Kynges, quod she, moost of excellence,

Be me thei regne, and moost in joye endure,
For thorugh myn helpe, and my besy cure,
To encrese ther glorie and high renone,
They shull of wisdome have ful possession.
And in the front of this tabernacle,
Sapiens, a scripture gan devyse,
Able to be reed withoughten a spectacle,
To yonge kynges seying in this wyse,
Undirstondith and lernyth of the wyse,
On right remembryng the highe lord to queme,
Sith ye be juges other folk to deme;
Forthermore the matir doth devyse.
The kyng procedyng forth upon his way,
Com to the Condyte mad in sercle wyse;
Whom to resceyve, ther was mad no delay,
And myddys above in ful riche aray,
There sat a child of beute procellyng,
Middys of a[190] trone raid like a kyng,
Domina misericord’ a dextris et domina veritat’ a sinistris et cum clemencia roborabit’ thronus eius.
Misericordia et Veritas custodiunt Regem.Whom to governe, there were assygned tweyne,
A lady, Mercy, sat on his right syde;
On his lefte honde yf y shall nought feyne,
The lady Trouthe, his domys to provyde;
The lady Clemence on loft dyd a byde,
Of God ordeyned in the same place,
The kynges throne strongly to enbrace;
For be the sentence of prudent Salamon,
Mercy and Right kepen every kyng,
And Clemence kepit be reson,
His myghti throne from myschief and fallyng,
And makith it strong with longe abydyng;
For y dar say these ladies thre,
A kyng preserve in long felicite.[191]
Iudiciu’ et Iusticiam.Thanne stod afore[192] also[193] the sayd kyng,
Two juges, with ful highe noblesse;
Viijte seriauntes ich on representyng;
For comon profith doom and right wisnesse:
Honor Regis iudiciu’ diligt. Deus iudiciu’ tuum Regi da, et justiciam tuam filio Regis.Withe this scripture, whiche shalle expresse,[194]
Honour of kyng is in every mannys sight,[195]
Of comone custom lovyth equyte and right,
Kyng Davyd wrot, the sawter berith witnes,
Lord God, quod he, thi dome yif us[196] to the kyng,
And yif thi trouthe, and thi right wysnes,
To the kynges sone here in his levynge,
To us declaryng, as be ther wrightyng,
That kynges, prynces, sholde aboughte hym drawe,
Folk that ben trewe, and wel expert in lawe.
The kyng forthe rydyng entred Chepe anone,
A lusty place, a place of alle delitis,
Com to the Condyte, wher as cristalle ston,
The water ran, like welles of Paradys:
The holsome licour, ful riche and of gret pris,
Lik to the water of Archedeclyne,
Thetis est dea aquar’.Whiche be meracle were turnyd to[197] wyn:
Thetes, which that is of waters chief goddesse,
Bachus est deus vini.Hadde of the wellys power non nor myght,
For Bachus shewyd ther his fulsomnesse,
Of holsome wynes, to every maner wight:
For wyn of nature makith hertys light,
Wherfore Bachus, atte reverence of the kyng,
Shedde out his plente at his hom comyng.
Wyn is a lycour of[198] recreacione,
That day presentyd in tokne of[199] gladnes,
Into the kyngges famous highe renone,
From[200] to exile al maner hevynes,
For with his comyng, the dede berith witnes,
Out of this[201] lond he put away al trowble,
And made of newe oure joyes to be dowble.
Eke at thise welles, there were virgines thre,
Whiche drew[202] up[203] wynes of joye and of plesance;
Mercy, and Grace, there ther sustre eke Pite,
Mercy mynystred wynes of attemperaunce;
Grace shed here licour of good governaunce;
And Pite preferryd with ful good foysone,
Wynes of comfort and consolacione;
The wyn of Mercy stanchith of[204] nature,
The gredy thristes of cruelle hastynes;
Grace with here licour cristallyn and pure,
Differith vengeaunce of furious wodnes,
And Pite blemsyght the swerd of rightwysnes,
Covenable welles, most holsome of savour,
For to be tasted of every governour.
O how thise wellys who so tok good hede,
With there licours moost homsome to ataine,
Afore devysyd notably in dede,
For to accorde with the Mairis name,[205]
Whiche be report of his worthy fame,
That day was besy in all his governaunce,
Unto the kyng for to done plesaunce.
There were ek trees, with levys fresshe of hewe,
Al tyme of the yer ful of frutes lade,
Of colour hevenly and evere eliche newe.
Orenges, almondys, and the pomegarnade,
Lymons, dates, there colours fresh and glade,
Pypyns, quynces, blaundrellys to disport,
And the pom cedre, corageus to recomfort:
Eke othere frutes, whiche that more comown be,
Quenyngges, peches, costardes, and wardons,
And othere manye ful faire and freshe to se.
The pome water, and the gentil ricardouns,
And agaynes hertes for mutegacions,[206]
Damasyns, whiche with there tast delite,
Ful gret plente bothe of blak and white.
And besydes this gracious paradis,
Al ioghe[207] and gladnesse for to multiplie,
Two olde men, ful circumspect and wys,
Ther did apere, like folkys faire:[208]
The ton was Ennok, that[209] other Elye,
The kyng presentyng ther gyftes ful notable;
Nichil proficiat inimicus in eo Et filius iniquitatis non apponat nocere ei.That God conferme his state ay to be stable,
The firste seide, withe benynge chere,
Gretly desyryng his prosperite,
That non enemy have on hym powere,
Nor no[210] child be fals inequyte,
Perturble nevere his felicite;
Thus old Ennok, the processe gan welle telle,
And preid for the kyng as he rood be the welle.
After Elias with his lokkes hore,
Dominus conservet eum vivificet eum et beatum faciet eum &c.Wel devoutly seyde,[211] lokyng on the kyng,
God conserve the and kepe the evermore,
And make hym blessyd in erthe here levyng,
And preserve hym in al manere thyng,
And special among kynges alle,
In enemyes handes that he nevere falle.
Haurietis aquas in gaudio de fontibus salvatoris.And at the[212] frontour of these welles clere,
Ther was a scripture comendyng ther[213] licour;
Ye shall drawe waters with good chere,
Out of wellys of oure savyour,
Whiche han vertu to curyne al langour,
Be influence of ther grete swetnesse,
Hertys avoidyng of al ther hevynesse.
Than from thise welles of fulsome abundaunce;
With ther licours as any cristalle clere,
The kyng rood forthe with sobre continaunce,
Toward a castell, beldyd[214] of jasper grene,
Upon whos toures the sonne shone ful[215] shene;
Ther clerly shewyd be notable remembraunce,
The[216] kynges title of Ingelond and of Fraunce.
To grene trees ther grew upright,
From seynt Edward and from seynt Lowys,
The roote etake,[217] palpable to the sight,
Conveyd be[218] kynges of gret prys,
Some bare lebardes, some bar flour de lys;
In nowthir armes founde was ther no lak,
Whiche the sixte Henry may now bere on his bak;
The pedegre be iuste successione,
As trewe cronycles trewly determyne,
Unto the kyng is now descendyd down,
From eyther party, right as any lyne:
Upon whos hed now freshly done shyne,
Two riche crownes, moost soverayne of plesaunce,
To brynge in pees betwen Ingelond and Fraunce.
Upon this castelle, on the tother syde,
Ther was a tree, whiche sprang out of Jesse,
Ordeyned of God ful longe to abyde,
Davyd first[219] crownyd[220] for his humylyte,
The braunches conveide, as men myghte se,
Lynyally, and[221] the genelogye,
To Crist J’hu, that was borne of Marie;
And whi the Jesse was sett on that partye,
This was the cause in especialle;
For next to Powlys y dar well specyfie,
Is the party moost chief and principalle,
Callyd of Londone, the chirche cathedralle,
Whiche oughte of resone the devys for[222] to excuse,
To alle tho that wolde agen it frowne or muse.
And fro that castelle the kyng forth gan hym dresse,
Toward Poules chief chirche of this citee;
And at the[223] Conduyt he[224] light and a liknesse,
Indyvysyble mad of the Trinite,
A throne compassyd of his riall se;
Aboughte whiche shortly to conclude,
Of hevenly angelles was[225] a gret multitude,
To whom was gevyn a precept in scripture,
Wreten in the front of the highe stage,
That thei shuld do there besy cure,
To kepe the kyng sure[226] from al damage,
In his lyf here, duryng alle his age,
His highe renone to shyne,[227] and sprede[228] ferre,
Longitudinem dierum replebo eum et ostendam illi salutare meum.Of hise too remes to sese the mortall werre.
And last was wreten in the frontours,
I shall fulfille hym with yoye and abundaunce
And with lengthe of many[229] holsom yers;
And y shalle shewe hym my helthe[230] with al plesaunce,
And of his lieges feithfull obeisaunce,
Multiplie and encrese his lyne,
And make his noblesse thorugh out[231] the world to shyne;
Love of his peple, favour of alle strangers,
In both hise remes, pees, reste, and unyte,
Be influence of the nyne spers;
Longe to contynue in his riall se,
Grace to cherisshe the Mair and the Citee,
Longe in his mynde to be conceyved,
With how good will[232] that day he was resceyvyd.
Comynge to Poules, there he light a down,
Entred the chirche ful demure of chere,
And there to mete hym with processione,
Was the archebisshope and the chaunceler,
Lincolne, and Bathe, of hol hert and entier,
Salesbury, Norwych and Ely,
In pontificall arayed richely;
There was the bysshope of Rouchestre also,
The deen of Poules, the chanons everyich on,
Of dute as they oughte to do,
On processione with the kyng to gone,
And though y can nought reherce them on be one,
Yit dar y seye in[233] there entent,
To done ther dever ful trewly they ment;
Lyk ther estates forthe thei gan precede,
With observaunces longyng for a kyng,
Solempnely gan hym conreye in dede,
Up in to the chirche, with ful devout syngyng;
And whanne he had mad his offryng,
The Mair, the Citezeins, abood, and lefte hym nought,
Unto Westmynster til thei hadde hym brought;
Where, all the covent in copis richely,
Mette with hym of custome as they ought;
The abbot after moost solempnely,

Among the relikes, the scripture[234] out he[235] sought,
Of seynt Edward, and to the kyng he brought;
Though it were longe, large, and of gret weighte,
Yit on his shuldres the kyng bar it on heighte,
In the mynstre, whiles alle the bellys ronge,
Til that[236] he come to the heighe auter;
And ful devoutly Te Deum there was songe.
And all[237] the peple, glad of look and cher,
Thankynge[238] God with alle there hertys entier,
To se there kyng with too crownes shyne,
Ex duabus arboribus viz s’c’i Edwardi et s’c’i Lodewyci.From too trees treuly fet the lyne:
And aftyr this,[239] it ys verrey sothe,
Unto his palys of kyngly apparaile,
With his lordes the kyng anon forth goth,
To take his reste after his travaile;
And thanne of wysdom, whiche[240] may so moche availe,
The Meir, the Citezeins, which al this[241] thing ded se,
Be hom repaired in to there Citee.
The Shirreves, the Aldermen in fere,
The Satyrday alther next suyng,
There Mair presentyd with all there hertes entere,
Goodly to be resceyved of the kyng;
And at Westmenster confermed there[242] a thyng,
The Mair and they with ful hol entent,
Unto the kyng a gyfte gan[243] present;
The whiche gifte, thei goodly han disposyd,
Tok an hamper of gold that shene shone;
A thousand pound of gold ther inne closyd:[244]
And there with alle to the kyng they gone,
And fill on knees to fore hym everych on,
Ful humbly the trouthe to devyse,
And to the Kyng the Mair seide in this wyse;

Moost cristen prince and noble kyng, the goode folke of youre moost notable Citee of London, other wyse callid[245] youre Chambre, besechyn in there moost lowly wyse they mow be recomaundyd to youre highnesse, and that it can like unto youre noble grace to resceyve this litel gyfte gevyne with as good a wille, trouthe,[246] and lounesse, as ever any gift was gevyn to any erthely prynce.

Be glad, O Londone, be glad ant make gret joye,
Citee of Citees, of noblesse procellyng;
In thi begynnyng called Newe Troye,
For worthynesse thank God of all thing,
Whiche hast this day resceyved so the[247] kyng,
With many a signe and many an observaunce,
To encrese thi name be newe remembraunce.
Swyche joye was[248] in the consistorie,
Mad for the tryumple with al the surpluage,
Whan Cesar Julius com hom with his victorie,
Ne for the conquest of Stepyon[249] in Cartage,
As Londone made in every maner age,
Out of Fraunce at his[250] hom comyng,
In to this Citee of there noble kyng.
Of vij thinges y preyse this Citee;
Of trewe menyng, and feithfull obeisaunce,[251]
Of rightwysnesse, trouthe, and equyte,
Of stabilnesse, ay kept in alegiaunce,
And for of vertu, thou hast suche suffisaunce
In this land here, and othere londes alle,
The kynges Chaumbre, of custom men the calle.

L’ENVOYE.

O noble Meir, be it into[252] youre plesaunce,
And unto[253] alle that duellithe in this Citee,
On my rudenes and on myn ignoraunce,
Of grace and mercy for to have pite,
My symple makyng for to take at gre;
Considere this that in the[254] moost lowly wyse,
My wille were good for to do[255] servyse.

Here endith the makyng of the Comynge of the Kyng out of Fraunce to Londone, Be the monk of Bery.—Deo gracias.[256]

P. 139. Ao 36 Hen. VI. “In this yere was a grete watch in London, and al the gates kepte every nyght, and ij aldermen watchyng: and withynne a while after the kyng and lordes were accorded, and went a procession in Paulis.”

The temporary reconciliation between the adherents of the King and of the Duke of York, so briefly alluded to in the text, and which is best illustrated by the following extract from a contemporary letter, served, like every other event of his times, for the exercise of Lydgate’s pen; but his description of it in the following ballad is infinitely more valuable from its historical accuracy, than its poetical merit. Of this article there are two copies extant; one in the Cottonian MS. Nero A. vi. and the other in the Cottonian MS. Vespasianus B. xvi.: the latter copy has been printed, though very erroneously, and with the orthography modernized, by Mr. Sharon Turner; but the former has not been before noticed. As they differ in some places from each other, and are very short, it has been thought advisable that both transcripts should be inserted.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN BOKKING TO SIR JOHN FASTOLF: DATED ON THE WEDNESDAY AFTER MID LENT SUNDAY, i.e. 15 MARCH, 1457.

[Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 154.]

“Lyke it your maistership to wyte, that as for tidings, the Counsell is, the fornone, at the blake Frires, for the ease of resortyng of the Lordes that ar withinne the toun; and at afternon at the white Frirers in Fletstrete, for the Lordis with owte the town; and all things shall come to a good conclusion with God is grace; for the Kyng shall come hidre this weke, and the Quene also, as some men sayn, and my Lord Buk and Stafford with hire, and muche puple. My Lord of Caunterbury takith grete peyne up on hym daily, and will write unto yow the certeynte of suche tidings as falle; and shuld have doon or this tyme, saf for that he wolde knowe an ende of the mattre.”

UPON THE RECONCILIATION OF THE LORDS OF THE YORKIST FACTION WITH THE KYNG AND HIS ADHERENTS.

[Cottonian MS. Nero A. vi.]

Whan Charyte ys chosen with stats to stonde,
Stedfast and styll, with oute distaunce,
Then wreth may be exilid out of thys londe,
And God oure gide to have governaunce;
Wysdom and welthe with all plesaunce,
May ryghtfulle reigne, and prosperite,
For love hath underleyde wrethfull vengeaunce;
Reioyse Enlond the lords acordid bee.
Reioyse, and thonke God, and sorw no more,
For now shal encrese thi consolacone;
Oure enemes quake for drede ful sore,
That pees ys made that was divisione,
Whiche ys to them grete confusione,
And to us joy and felicite;
God hold them longe in every seasone,
That Englond may reioyce, the concord and unite.
Now ys sorw with shame fled yn to Fraunce,
As a felon that hath forsworne thys lond;
Love hath put owte malicius governaunce,
In every place both fee and bonde;
In Yorke, in Somersett, as y undyrstonde,
In Warwikke also ys love and charite,
In Salisbury eke, and yn Northumberlond,
That every man may reioyce the concord and unite.
Egremond,[257] and Clyfford,[258] and other forseyd,
Ben sett yn the same opynyone;
In every quartre love is thus leide,
Grace and wisdome hath the dominacione;
Awoke welth, and welk in thys regione,
Rewnde abowte in towne and cite,
And thonke them that brought it to thys conclusion;
Reioyse Englond the concord and unite.
At Poules in London, with grete renowne,
On oure Lady day the pes was wrought;
The kyng, the quene, with lords many one,
To worshyppe that virgine as they oght,
Went a prosession, and sparyd right noght,
In sight of alle the comonialte,
In tokyn that love was in hert and thoght;
Reioice Englond the concord and unite.
There was by twene them lovely countenaunce,
Whyche was grete yoy to alle that there were,
That long tyme hadd ben in variaunce,
As frynds for ever they went yn fere,
They went togedre, and made good chere;
O Fraunce and Bretayne, repent shall ye,
For the bergeyne shalle ye bye fulle dere;
Reioice Englond the concord and unite.
Our sovereyn lord the kyng, God kepe alway,
The quene and the bisshope of Canterbury,[259]
And other that have labored to thys love day,
God preserve them we pray hertly;
And Londone for they fulle diligently,
Kept the pees in trobull and in adversite;
To brynge yn rest they labored ful treuly;
Reioice Englond the peas and unite.
Off thre things, y preys thys worshypfull Citee:
The ferst, of trewe feythe that they owe to the kyng;
The secounde, of love of eache comonialte;
The thyrde, of good rule evermore kepyng;
The whyche God mayntene ever long durynge,
And save the Maire and all the hole Citee,
And that ys amys brynge to amendyng,
That Englond may reioice the pees and unite.

IBID.

[From the Cottonian MS. Vespasianus B. xvi.]

Whan Charite is chosen with states to stonde,
Stedfas and stille without distaunce,
Than wrathe may be exiled out of this londe,
And God oure gide to have the governaunce.
Wisdom and wellthe with alle plesaunce,
May rightful regne and prosperite,
For love hath underlaide wrathful veniaunce;
Reioise Anglond oure lordes acorded to be.
Reiose and thanke God, for evermore;
For now shal encrese thi consolacion,
Oure enemyes quaken and dreden fulsore,
That peas is made ther was division,
Whiche to them is a gret confusion,
And to us ioy and felicite;
God hold them longe in every season:
That Anglond may reioise concord and unite.
Now is sorowe with shame fled in to Fraunce,
As a felon that hath forsworn this londe;
Love hath put out malicious governaunce,
In every place bothe fre and bonde;
In Yorke, in Somerset as I understonde,
In Warrewik also is love and charite,
In Sarisbury eke, and in Northumbrelande;
That every man may reioise concord and unite.
Egremown, and Clifford, with other forsaide,
Ben set in the same opynyon;
In every quarter love is thus laide,
Grace and wisdom hath thus the dominacion:
Awake Welthe, and walke in this region,
Rounde aboute in toun and cite,
And thanke them that brought hit to this concluson;
Reioise Anglond to concorde and unite.
At Poules in Londone, with gret renoun,
On oure Ladi day in Lente this peas was wrought;
The kinge, the quene, with lordes many oone,
To worship that virgine as thei ought,
Wenten a procession, and spariden right nought,
In sighte of alle the comynalte,
In token that love was in herte and thought;
Reiose Anglond in concorde and unite.
Ther was bytwyn them lovely contynaunce,
Whiche was gret ioy to alle that ther were,
That long tyme hadden be in variaunce;
As frendes for ever that had be in fere,
Thei wenten togeder, and made goud chere;
France and Britayn repente shul thei,
For the bargayn shul thei abye ful dere;
Reiose Anglond in concorde and unite.
Oure soveraigne lord kyng God kepe alwey,
The quene, and the archbisshope of Canterbury,
And the bisshop of Wynchestre chanceller of Anglond,
And other that han labured to this love day.
God preserve them we pray hertly,
And London for thei ful diligently,
Kepten the peas in trowbel and adversite,
To bryng in reste thei labured ful truly;
Reioise Anglond in concorde and unite.
Of thre thynges I praise the worshipful Cite;
The first, the true faithe that thei have to the kyng;
The seconde, of love to the comynalte;
The thrid, goud rule for evermore kepynge;
The whiche God maynteyn evermore durynge,
And save the Maier and alle the worthi Cite;
And that is amys God brynge to amendynge,
That Anglond may reioise to concord and unite.

Neither of the ensuing articles, the whole of which are the production of the indefatigable Lydgate, can possibly be assigned to its proper date; and they are therefore arranged in the following order.

1. A Balade sent by a Poursyant to the Shirreves of London, acompanyed with theire Bretherne upon Mayes Daye, at Busshopes Wod, at an honurable Dyner, ech of them bringginge his Dysshe.

This Ballad, which occurs in Ashmole’s Collection of Manuscripts, is introduced from its having been addressed to the Sheriffs of London; but it contains little that is worthy of attention.

2. London Lickpenny.

Of the numerous Ballads composed by ’The Monk of Bury,’ this is perhaps the most curious and the best known; and, from its presenting a great deal of information relative to the Metropolis in the fifteenth century, it is of considerable interest. Two copies exist in MS. in the British Museum; one in the Harleian MS. 367, which is printed in Noorthouck’s and Dr. Pugh’s History of London, as well as in several other works; the other, in Stow’s hand-writing, in the Harleian MS. 542: and as they differ very materially from each other, a copy of each is inserted. To this Ballad, it has been thought right to add another, by the same writer, which has never been before printed, on a very similar subject; namely,

3. Upon the Emptiness of his Purse,—

In which he treats this, perhaps the greatest of all human misfortunes, since it prevents the alleviation of almost all others, with singular address. The subject seems to have been a favourite one with our early poets; for there is a Ballad with nearly the same title by Chaucer; and another is printed in ’The Boke of St. Albans.’

4. On Forked Head Dresses.

The head-dresses of females in the reign of Henry the Sixth closely resembled the cauchoises still worn by those of Normandy; and which excited the displeasure of Dan John in so great a degree as to have induced him to invoke the aid of his Muse in effecting their abolition. It seems no subject escaped that eternal scribbler’s attention; and if his abilities had equalled his disposition, he would probably have become the Juvenal of his age. Upon this occasion, however, he appears to have soared on rather a higher wing than usual; and the moral of his lay is the truism which has since been so beautifully expressed, that loveliness

“Is when unadorn’d, adorn’d the most.”

5. On Fraudulent Millers and Bakers.

This short Ballad would appear, from the following passage in Fabian’s Chronicle, to have been written in the 15th of Edw. IV. Ao 1475, if it were not, that though the date of Lydgate’s death has never been precisely ascertained, yet it is scarcely possible he could have lived to that year.

“This yere this mayer [Robert Bassett] dyd sharpe correccion upon bakers, for makynge of lyght brede; in so moche thatt he sett dyverse upon the pillory,” &c.

A similar circumstance might however have occurred some years before, notwithstanding that it is not noticed by the writers of the period.

A BALADE MADE BY LYDEGATE, SENT BY A POURSYANT TO THE SHIRREVES OF LONDON, ACOMPANYED WITH THEIRE BRETHERNE UPON MAYES DAYE, AT BUSSHOPES WOD, AT AN HONURABLE DYNER, ECHE OF THEM BRINGGINGE HIS DYSSHE.

[Ashmole’s MSS. No. 6943. Vol. 59. 2.]

Mighty Flourra, goddes of freshe floures,
Whiche clothed hast the soyle in lousty grene;
Made buddes springe with his swete showres,
By influence of the sonnes so sheene,
To do plesaunce of entent ful clene,
Unto the states whiche that now sitte here;
Hath veere doune sent hir owen doughter dere,
Making the vertue that dured in the roote,
Called of clerkes, the vertue vegytable,
For to trascend moste holsome and moste sweete,
Into the crope this saysoun so greable.
The bawmy lykour is so comendable,
That it rejoythe with the fresshe moysture,
Man, beeste, and foole, and every creature,
Whiche hathe repressed, swaged, and bore doune,
The grevous constreinte of the frostes heere;
And caused foolis for joye of this saysonne,
To cheese their mates, thane by natures loore,
With al gladnesse theire courage to restore,
Sitting on bowes fresshly nowe to synge,
Veere for to save at his home comynge;
Ful pleinly meninge in theire ermonye,
Wynter is goone, whiche did hem gret peyne;
And with theire sweete sugre melodye,
Thanking Nature theire goddesse sovereyne,
That they nowe have no mater to compleyne,
Hem for to proygne every morowneynge,
With lousty gladnesse at Phebus uprysinge;
And to declare ye hys magnifysence,
Howe vere inbringethe al felicytee,
After wynter’s mighty prevolence
Avoydinge stormys of al adversytee.
For shee hathe brought al prosperitee
To alle the states of this regyoun,
At his comynge to fore youre hye renoun,
To the mighty prynces, the palme of theire victorie;
And til knighthode nowe, she dothe presente
Noblesse in armes, laude, honnour, and glorie;
Pees to the people, in al hir best entente,
With grace and mercy fully to consente,
That provydence of hys discressioun,
Avoyde discorde and al derysyoun.
Wynter shal passe of hevynesse and trouble;
Flowres shal springe of perfite charite;
In hertes there shal be no meninge double;
Buddes shal of trouthe and unytee;
Plenty for to exyle duplicytee;
Lordes to regne in theire noble puissance;
The people obeye with feythful obeyssaunce;
Of alle estates there shal bee oone ymage;
And princes first shal ocupye the hede;
And prudent juges to correcte outrages,
Shal trespassours consteynen under drede,
That innosentes in theire lowlyhede,
As truwe comunes may bee theire socour,
Truwly contune in theire faithful labour;
And by the grace of oure lorde Jhesu,
That holly chirche may have parseveraunce,
Bee faythfull founde in al pertinaunce,
Mayre, provost, shirreff, eche in his substaunce,
And aldremen, whiche have the governaunce
Over the people, by vertue may abyde,
That noone oppression bee done to the pourayle.
Thus as the people of prudent pollycye,
Prynces of the right shal governe;
The chirche preye; the juges justefye;
And knighthode, manly, and prudently discerne,
Til light of trouthe so clerely the lanterne,
That rightewysnesse throughe this regyoune,
Represse the darknesse of al extorcyoune.
Thes be the tythinges wheeche that wee have brought:
Troubles exylinge of wynters rude derknesse;
Wherfore rejoye yowe in hert, wille, and thought;
Somer shal folowe to yowe, of al gladnesse;
And sithen she is mynistre of lustynesse,
Let her be welcome to yowe at hir comyng;
Sith she to yowe hathe brought so glad tythinge,
The noble princesse of moste magnifisence,
Qweene of al joye, of gladde suffisaunce,
May I be nowe comen to youre hye excellence,
Presenting yowe prosperous plesaunce,
Of al welfare moste foulsome haboundaunce;
As shee that hathe under hir demayne,
Of floures fresshe, moste holsome, and sovereraine.

L’ENVOYE TO ALLE THE STATES PRESENT.

This Princesse hathe by favour of nature,
Repared ageine that wynter hathe defade,
And foolis loustely reviv ——
Theire lusty notes, and theire ermenye glade;
And under braunches, under plesant shade,
Rejoyssing theire with many swete odours,
And Zepherus with many fresshe odours,
Copirted fayre, with motleye whyte and rede,
All hilles, pleynes, and lusty bankes grene,
And made hir bawme to fleete in every mede;
And fury Tytane shewe oute heer tresses sheene,
And upon busshes, and hawthornes kene,
The nightingale with plesant ermonye,
Colde wynter stormes nowe she dothe defye.
On Parnoso, the lusty Muses nyene,
Citheera with hir sone nowe dwellis,
This sayson singe, and theire notes tuwyne,
Of poetrye, besyde the cristal wellis,
Calyope the dytes of hem tellis;
And Orpheus with hees stringes sharpe,
Syngethe a roundell with his temperd herpe.
Wherfore to alle estates here present,
This plesant tyme, moste of lustynesse,
May, is nowe comen to fore yowe of entent,
To bringe yowe alle to joye and fresshnesse,
Prosparitee, welfare, and al gladnesse;
And al that may youre hyenesse qweerne and pleese,
In any parte or doone youre hertes eese.

LONDON LICPENYE.

[From the Copy in the Autograph of John Stow, in the Harleian MS. 542, f. 102.]

In London ther I was lent,
I saw myselfe where trouthe shuld be ateynte;
Fast to Westminstar ward I went,
To a man of lawe to make my complaynt;
I sayd for Maris love, that holy seynt,
Have pity on the powre that would procede;
I would gyve sylvar, but my purs is faynt,
For lacke of money I may not spede.
As I thrast thrughe out the thronge,
Among them all my hode was gonn;
Netheles I let not longe,
To Kyngs benche tyll I come;
Byfore a juge I knelyd anon,
I prayd hym for Gods sake he would take hede;
Full rewfully to hym I gan make my mone,
For lacke of money I may not spede.
Benethe hym set clerks a great rowt,
Fast they writen by one assent;
There stode up one and cryed round about,
Richard, Robert, and one of Kent:
I wist not wele what he ment,
He cried so thike there indede,
There were stronge theves shamed and shent,
But they that laked money mowght not spede.
Unto the Comon place y yowde thoo,
Where sat one with a sylker houde;
I dyd hym reverence as me ought to do;
I tolde hym my case as well as I coude,
And sayd all my goods by nowrd and by sowde,
I am defrawdyd with great falshed;
He would not geve me a momme of his mouthe,
For lake of money I may not spede.
Then I went me unto the Rollis,
Before the clerks of the Chauncerie;
There were many qui tollis,
But I herd no man speke of me;
Before them I knelyd upon my kne,
Shewyd them myne evedence, and they began to reade.
They seyde trewer thinge might there nevar be,
But for lacke of money I may not spede.
In Westminster hall I found one,
Went in a longe gown of ray;
I crowched and kneled before them anone,
For Marys love of helpe I gan them pray;
As he had be wrothe, he voyded away,
Bakward his hand he gan me byd,
I wot not what thow menest gan he say,
Ley downe sylvar, or here thow may not spede.
In all Westminstar hall I could find nevar a one,
That for me would do, thowghe I shuld dye;
Without the dores were Flemings grete woon;
Upon me fast they gan to cry,
And sayd, Mastar, what will ye cepen or by?
Fine felt hatts, spectacles for to rede;
Of this gay gere a great cawse why,
For lake of money I might not spede.
Then to Westminster gate y went,
When the sone was at highe prime;
Cokes to me, they toke good entent,
Called me nere, for to dyne,
And proferyd me good brede, ale, and wyne;
A fayre clothe they began to sprede,
Rybbes of beffe bothe fat and fine;
But for lacke of money I might not spede.
In to London I gan me hy;
Of all the lond it bearethe the prise,
Hot pescods, one gan cry,
Strabery rype, and chery in the ryse;
One bad me come nere and by some spice,
Pepar, and saffron, they gan me bede,
Clove, grayns, and flowre of rise;
For lacke of money I might not spede.
Then into Chepe I gan me drawne,
Where I sawe stond moche people;
One bad me come nere, and by fine cloth of lawne,
Paris thred coton and umple;
I seyd there upon I could no skyle,
I am not wont there to in dede,
One bad me by an hewre my hed to hele;
For lake of money I might not spede.
Then went I forth by London stone,
Thrught out all Canywike strete;
Drapors to me they called anone,
Grete chepe of clothe they gan me hete;
Then come ther one, and cried hot shepes fete;
Risshes faire and grene, anothar began to grede,
Bothe melwell and makarell I gran mete;
But for lacke of money I myght not spede.
Then I hied me into Est Chepe;
One cries ribes of befe, and many a pie;
Pewtar potts they clatteryd or a heape;
Ther was harpe, pipe, and sawtry;
Ye by cokke, nay by cokke, some began to cry;
Some sang of Jenken and Julian, to get themselves mede;
Ful fayne I wold hadd of that mynstralsie,
But for lacke of money I cowld not spede.
Into Cornhill anon I yede,
Where is moche stolne gere amonge;
I saw wher henge myne owne hode,
That I had lost in Westminstar amonge the throng;
Then I beheld it with lokes full longe,
I kenned it as well as I dyd my crede,
To be myne owne hode agayne; me thought it wrong,
But for lacke of money I might not spede.
Then came the Taverner, and toke me by the sleve,
And seyd Ser, a pint of wyn would yow assay?
Syr, qwod I, it may not greve,
For a peny may do no more then it may:
I dranke a pint, and therefore gan pay;
Sore a hungred away I yede,
For well London lykke peny for ones eye,
For lake of money I may not spede.
Then I hyed me to Byllingesgate,
And cried wagge wagge gow hens;
I praye a barge man, for Gods sake,
That they would spare me myn expens;
He sayde, ryse up, man, and get the hens,
What menist thow, I will do on the no almes dede,
Here scapeth no man byneth ij pens,
For lacke of money I myght not spede.
Then I conveyed me into Kent;
For of the law would I medle no more,
By caus no man to me would take entent,
I dight me to the plowe even as I did before.
Thus save London that in Bethelem was bore,
And every trew man of law God graunt hymsels med,
And they that be othar, God theyr state restore;
For he that lacketh money with them he shall not spede.

EXPLICIT LONDON LIKKE PENY.

LONDON LYCKPENY.

A BALLADE COMPYLED BY DAN JOHN LYDGATE MONKE OF BERY, ABOUT —— YERES AGOE, AND NOW NEWLY OVERSENE AND AMENDED.

[Harleian MSS. 367, f. 126, 127.]

To London once, my stepps I bent,
Where trouth in no wyse should be faynt:
To Westmynster ward I forthwith went,
To a man of law to make complaynt.
I sayd, for Mary’s love that holy saynt,
Pity the poore that would proceede;
But for lack of mony I cold not spede.
And as I thrust the prese amonge,
By froward chaunce my hood was gone;
Yet for all that I stayd not longe,
Tyll at the kynge bench I was come.
Before the judge I kneled anon,
And prayd hym for Gods sake to take heede;
But for lack of money I myght not spede.
Beneth them sat clarkes a great rout,
Which fast dyd wryte by one assent;
There stoode up one and cryed about,
Rychard, Robert, and John of Kent;
I wyst not wele what this man ment:
He cryed so thycke there indede,
But he that lackt mony myght not spede.
Unto the common place I yode thoo,
Where sat one with a sylken hoode;
I dyd hym reverence, for I ought to do so,
And told my case as well as I coud,
How my goods were defrauded me by falshood.
I gat not a mum of his mouth for my meed,
And for lack of mony I myght not spede.
Unto the Rolls I gat me from thence,
Before the clarkes of the chauncerye,
Where many I found earnyng of pence,
But none at all once regarded mee:
I gave them my playnt uppon my knee;
They lyked it well when they had it reade,
But lackyng mony I could not be sped.
In Westmynster hall I found out one,
Which went in a long gown of raye;
I crouched and kneled before hym anon:
For Maryes love, of help I hym praye.
I wot not what thou meanest, gan he say;
To get me thence he dyd me bede,
For lack of mony I cold not speed.
Within this hall, neithere ryche nor yett poor,
Wold do for me ought, although I shold dye;
Which seing, I gat me out of the doore,
Where Flemynge began on me for to cry,
Master, what will you copen or by,
Fyne felt hatts, or spectacles to reede?
Lay down your sylver, and here you may spede.
Then to Westmynster gate I presently went,
When the sonn was at hyghe pryme;
Cokes to me, they tooke good entent,
And profered me bread with ale and wyne,
Rybbs of befe both fat and ful fyne;
A fayre cloth they gan for to sprede,
But wantyng mony I might not be speede.
Then unto London I dyd me hye,
Of all the land it beareth the pryse;
Hot pescods one began to crye,
Straberry rype, and cherryes in the ryse:
One bad me come nere, and by some spyce,
Peper, and sayforne, they gan me bede;
But for lacke of money I myght not spede.
Then to the Chepe I began me drawne,
Where mutch people I sawe for to stande;
One ofred me velvet, sylke, and lawne,
An other he taketh me by the haunde,
Here is Parys thred, the fynest in the launde.
I never was used to such thyngs in dede,
And wanting mony I myght not spede.
Then went I forth by London stone,
Throughout all Canwyke streete;
Drapers mutch cloth me offred anone:
Then comes me one, cryd hot shepes feete,
One cryde makerell, ryshes grene, another gan greete,
One bad me by a hood to cover my head;
But fore want of mony I myght not be sped.
Then I hyed me into Estchepe;
One cryes rybbs of befe, and many a pye;
Pewter potts they clattered on a heape,
There was harpe, pype, and mynstrelsye;
Yea by cock, nay by cock, some began crye,
Some songe of Jenken and Julyan for there mede;
But for lack of mony I myght not spede.
Then into Cornhyll anon I yode,
Where was much stolen gere amonge;
I saw where honge myne owne hoode,
That I had lost amonge the thronge;
To by my own hood I thought it wronge,
I knew it well as I dyd my crede;
But for lack of mony I could not spede.
The Taverner took mee by the sleve;
Sir, sayth he, wyll you our wyne assay?
I answerd, that can not mutch me greve,
A peny can do no more than it may:
I dranke a pynt, and for it dyd pay;
Yet sore a hungerd from thence I yede,
And wantyng my mony I cold not spede.
Then hyed I me to Belyngsgate;
And one cryed hoo, go we hence;
I prayd a barge man for Gods sake,
That he wold spare me my expence.
Thou scapst not here, quod he, under ij pence,
I lyst not yet bestow my almes dede:
Thus lacking mony I could not speede.
Then I convayed me into Kent;
For of the law wold I meddle no more,
Because no man to me tooke entent,
I dyght me to do as I dyd before.
Now Jesus that in Bethlem was bore,
Save London, and send trew lawyers there mede,
For who so wants mony with them shall not spede.

EXPLICIT LONDON LYCKPENY.

UPON THE EMPTINESS OF HIS PURSE:

BY JOHN LYDGATE.

[Harleian MSS. 2255, f. 45b.]

Riht myhty prynce, and it be your wille,
Condescende leiser for to take,
To seen the content of this litil bille,
Which whan I wrot, myn hand I felte quake;
Tokne of mornyng weryd clothys blake,
Cause my purs was falle in gret rerage;
Lynyng outward, his guttys wer out shake,
Oonly for lak of plate, and of coignage.
I souhte leechys for a restoratiff,
In whom I fond no consolacione;
Appotecaryes for a confortatiff;
Dragge nor dya was noon in Bury tone,
Botme of his stomak was tournyd up so done;
A laxatif did hym so gret outrage,
Made hym slendre by a consumpcione,
Oonly for lak of plate, and of coignage.
Ship was ther noon, nor seilis rede of hewe,
The wynd froward to make hem ther to londe;
The flood was passyd, and sodeynly of newe,
A lowh ground ebbe was faste by the stronde;
No maryneer durste take on honde,
To caste an ankir for streihtnesse of passage,
The custom skars, as fow may undirstonde,
Oonly for lak of plate, and of coignage.
Ther was no tokne sent done from the Tour,
As any gossomer the countirpeys was liht,
A fretyng etyk causyd his langour,
By a cotidian which heeld hym day and nyht:
Sol and Luna wer clypsyd of ther liht,
Ther was no cros nor preent of no visage,
His lynyng dirk, ther wer no platys briht,
Oonly for lak, and scarsete of coignage.
Harde to likke hony out of a marbil stoon,
For ther is nouthir licour nor moisture;
An ernest grote, whan it is dronke and goon,
Bargeyn of marchauntys stant in aventure.
My purs and I be callyd to the lure
Off indigence, our stuff leyd in morgage;
But ye, my lord, may al our soor recure,
With a receyt of plate, and of coignage.
Nat sugre plate maad by thappotecarye,
Plate of briht metal yevith a mery sone,
In Boklerys bury is noon such letuary;
Gold is a cordial, gladdest confeccione,
Ageyn etiques of oold consumpcione,
Auru’ potabile, for folk ferre ronne in age,
In quynt essence best restauracione,
With silver plate, enprentyd with coignage.
O seely bille! why art thu nat ashamyd,
So malapertly to shewe out thy constreynt;
But povert hath so nyh thy tonne attamyd,
That nichil habet is cause of thy compleynt.
A drye tisyk makith oold men ful feynt;
Reediest weye to renewe ther corage,
Is a fresshe dragge of no spycis meynt,
But of a briht plate, enpreentyd with coignage.
Thu mayst afferme, as for thyn excus,
Thy bareyn soyl is sool and solitarye;
Of cros nor pyl ther is no reclus,
Preent nor impressione in al thy seyntuarye.
To conclude breefly, and nat tarye,
Ther is no noyse herd in thyn hermytage;
God sende soone a gladdere letuarye,
With a cleer sone of plate, and of coignage.

EXt. Qd. LYDGATE.

[Harleian MSS. 2255, f. 6.]

Off God and kynde procedith al bewte:
Crafft may shewe a foreyn apparence,
But nature ay must have the sovereynte:
Thyng countirfet hath noon existence,
Twen gold and gossomer is gret difference;
Trewe metal requerith noon allay,
Unto purpoos by cleer experyence;
Bewte wyl shewe, thouh hornes wer away.
Riche attires of gold, and perre,
Charbonclis, rubies of moost excellence,
Shewe in dirknesse, liht wher so they be,
By ther natural hevenly influence.
Doubletys of glas yeve a gret evidence;
Thyng contirfet wil faylen at assay:
On this mateer concludyng in sentence,
Bewte wyl shewe, thouh hornys wer away.
Aleyn remembryth his compleynt, who lyst see
In his book of famous eloquence;
Clad al in floures and blosmys of a tree,
He sawh Nature in hir moost excellence,
Upon hir hed a keverchef of Valence,
Noon othir richesse of countirfet array;
T’exemplefye by kyndly providence,
Bewte wil shewe, thouh hornys wer away.
Famous poetys of antiquyte,
In Grece and Troye, renoumyd of prudence,
Wroot of queen Helene, and Penelope,
Off Polyceene with hir chaast innocence:
For wyves trewe calle Lucrece to presence,
That they wer fayr, ther can no man sey nay;
Kynde wrouht hem with so gret dilligence,
Ther bewte couthe, hornys wer cast away.
Clerkys recorde by gret auctorite,
Hornys wer yove to beestys for diffence;
A thyng contrary to femynyte,
To be maad sturdy of resistence:
But arche wyves egre in ther violence,
Fers as tygre for to make affray,
They have despyt ageyn conscience,
Lyst nat of pryde, ther hornys cast away.

L’ENVOYE.

Noble Pryncessys, this litel shoort ditee,
Rewdly compiled, lat it be noon offence,
To your womanly merciful pitee,
Thouh it be rad in your audience:
Peysed ech thyng in your iust advertence,
So it be no displesaunce to your pay,
Undir support of your pacience,
Yevyth example, hornys to cast away.
Grettest of vertues is humylite,
As Salomon seith, sone of sapience,
Moost was accepted to the Deite.
Takith heed heer of yeuyth, to this woord credence,
How Maria, whiche hadde a premynence
Above alle women, in Bedleem whan she lay,
At Cristes birthe no cloth of gret dispence,
She weryd a keverche, hornys wer cast away.
Off birthe she was hihest of degre,
To whom alle aungelis did obedience;
Of David is lyne which sprang out of Jesse,
In whom alle vertues by iust convenience,
Maad stable in God, by goostly confidence:
This roose of Jerycho, ther greuh noon suych in May,
Poore in spirit, parfight in pacience,
In whoom alle hornys of pryde wer put away.
Moodir of J’hu, myrour of chastite,
In woord nor thouht that nevir did offence,
Trewe exemplaire of virginite,
Heedspryng and welle of parfit contynence,
Was nevir clerk, by rethoryk nor science
Kowde alle hir vertues reherse to this day;
Noble Pryncessys of meeke benyvolence,
B’example of hir, your hornys cast away.

ON FRAUDULENT MILLERS AND BAKERS.

[Harleian MSS. 2255.]

Put out his hed lyst nat for to dare,
But lyk a man upon that tour to abyde,
For cast of eggys wil not conys spare,
Tyl he be quaylled body, bak, and syde;
His heed endooryd, and of verray pryde,
Put out his armys, shewith abrood his face,
The fenestrallys be made for hym so wyde,
Cleymyth to been a capteyn of that place.
The bastyle longith of verray dewe ryght,
To fals bakerys it is trewe herytage;
Severelle to them, this knoweth every wight,
Be kynde assyngned for ther sittyng stage,
Wheer they may freely shewe out ther visage,
Whan they take oonys there possessione,
Owthir in youthe or in myddyl age,
Men doon hem wrong yif they take hym done.
Let mellerys and bakerys gadre hem a gilde,
And alle of assent make a fraternite;
Undir the pillory a litil chapell bylde,
The place amorteyse and purchase liberte,
For alle thoo that of ther noumbre be;
Whatevir it coost afftir that they wende,
They may cleyme be just auctorite,
Upon that bastile to make an ende.

EXPt. Q’ LYDGATE.

THE END.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR.

ALERE FLAMMAM.