GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE CLASSIFICATION, GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION, STRUCTURE, AND AGE OF ANCIENT SCOTTISH LAKE-DWELLINGS.

In the foregoing chapters I have recorded nearly all the facts hitherto derived from the explorations of Scottish Lake-Dwellings, together with a few meagre notices of their former existence supplied by historical research. Notwithstanding the variety and number of objects found in these remains, and the copiousness of details with which the investigations are described, it may still be doubted whether the time has arrived for applying to them the rigid principles of induction, with the view of materially enlarging our knowledge of the early inhabitants of this country. However much variety or novelty may add to the interest attached to antiquarian discoveries, it must never be forgotten that their scientific value is to be determined by the extent to which they can be made to enrich our knowledge of the past phases of human civilisation. While, therefore, fully conscious, on the one hand, of the danger of drawing a series of inferences from too limited an experience, on the other, I feel that to ignore altogether such oft-recurring questions as—When did these lake-dwellings flourish? For what purpose were they constructed? And what grade of civilisation characterised their occupiers?—would be tantalising, if not uncourteous, to general readers who have so far perused the mass of dry details here presented to them. In attempting, therefore, to deal with the scientific aspect of these discoveries, I do not for a moment profess such a minute acquaintance with the science of archÆology as to entitle me even to attempt a full exposition of the inferences that may be derived from their careful study and comparison with other antiquarian remains; nor, indeed, do I believe that it is within the province of any one man to give a final decision, as it were ex cathedra, on a group or groups of remains that include such comprehensive materials as the products of the art, industry, culture, and social economy of a people existing during an undefined period of time, and lying, in a large measure, outside the pale of our historical records. My purpose therefore is, while endeavouring to gratify the laudable curiosity of general readers, to present archÆologists with a rough skeleton, which they are invited, piecemeal fashion, to mould into a shapely figure by their combined and varied experience.

To accomplish this object there are certain historical and other collateral phenomena which, I think, help to circumscribe the general sphere of the problems at issue, and which, therefore, fall to be discussed alongside of the inductions derived from the actual materials now before us. In consequence of the diversity of the phenomena thus appealed to, I have grouped their details under the following sections, by means of which I hope to bring the general effect of their chronological bearing into greater prominence:—

1. Classification and geographical distribution of ancient Scottish lake-dwellings.

2. Historical and traditional phenomena associated with their area of distribution.

3. Mechanical skill displayed in the structure of the wooden islands.

4. Topographical changes in the lake-dwelling area during or subsequent to the period of their development.

5. Chronological, social, and other indications derived from the relics.

Section I.

Classification and Geographical Distribution of Ancient Scottish Lake-Dwellings.

The notices of artificial islands in Chapter II. are confined to such as were found to be constructed on timber or surrounded by stockades. There are, however, many others still extant in several of our Scottish lakes, which appear to be entirely composed of stones and earth irregularly heaped together. In the absence of any historical knowledge as to their age there is no prima facie reason why some at least should not be contemporary with the former, as it cannot be assumed that the crannog-builders made wood a sine qua non in the structure of islands. There were, no doubt, certain stagnant marshes and small lochs in which a wooden foundation was essential for the formation of an island, owing to the softness and yielding nature of the mud; but, on the other hand, there were others with compact, rocky, or gravelly beds, in which any solid materials, as stones, earth, turf, etc., would be equally suitable. The outlets of the larger lakes, more especially of such as were formed in glacial and rock-cut basins, were more adapted for the latter, and as far as my observations have enabled me to form an opinion, these are the very situations in which the stone islands are now found to prevail. Some of them are mere shapeless cairns, without any indications of having been formerly inhabited, while on others are to be found some remains of stone buildings. As to wooden huts or houses, had such structures been erected over them, it is not likely that they could, for any length of time, have resisted the decaying tendencies of a Scottish climate, so that all traces of them would have disappeared long ago.

The social or military exigencies that led people to construct artificial islands would also lead them to take advantage of such natural ones as would be found most suitable, and we may reasonably infer that it is in the absence of the latter that the former would be resorted to. We have therefore no prima facie grounds for dis-associating chronologically the artificially-formed islands of wood or stone, either from each other or from such natural islands as may furnish evidence of early occupancy. The great and primary object of the island-builder was the protection afforded by the surrounding lake or morass, the securing of which has continued to be a ruling principle in the erection of defensive works down to the Middle Ages, long after the wooden islands ceased to be constructed. The transition from an island fort to the massive mediÆval castle, with its moat and drawbridge, is but another step in the progressive march of civilisation.

When the greater advantages of stone buildings became generally recognised, the old wooden refuges, so liable to decay, so easily destroyed by fire, and so unsuitable for supporting heavy buildings of masonry, would be gradually superseded. It would then be found easier and better to conduct the water to the stronghold than to construct the stronghold in a natural basin of water, however convenient its locality might be. To the transitional period preceding this great change, which culminated in the almost impregnable moated and mediÆval castle, may be assigned many of the remains of stone forts, castles, etc., still abundantly found in bogs, drained marshes, and natural or, maybe, artificially built islands.

While it is therefore possible to assign the wooden islands to a fairly well-defined period, which, speaking generally, precedes that when stone and lime were used for building purposes in this country, the claims of all other island homes to great antiquity must be judged of by their special peculiarities.

The annexed tabular statement comprises not only all the known artificial islands, whether constructed of wood or other materials, but also some natural ones known to have been artificially strengthened or fortified, as well as a few examples of other structural remains, such as camps, castles, etc., now or formerly located in bogs or lakes. The first column of numbers in this table contains only the crannogs proper, i.e. islands constructed on wood and surrounded by piles; while the second includes all the remaining classes. The characteristic or differential features of all these examples, when not referred to in the text, will be found in the marginal notes or references, so that a mere glance gives a general idea of their number, character, and geographical distribution.

TABLE showing Geographical Distribution of Lake-Dwellings, Artificial Islands, etc., in Scotland, with Notes and References. Those to which no reference is given will be found described in the text.

Notes and References.

[1] Island, with castle of Saxon and Gothic architecture. Several canoes found near it in the loch.—New Stat. Account, vol. v. p. 337.

[2] Old castle on an island, near Castle Semple (ibid. vol. xv. p. 69). Canoes also found in the loch.—New Stat. Account, Renfrew, p. 97.

[3] Old castle surrounded by a fosse and morass, with access by a stone causeway and a drawbridge.—Old Stat. Account, vol. ix. p. 191.

[4] Circular earthen mound, having formerly a wooden castle.—New Stat. Account, vol. xii. p. 1089.

[5] Square camp 42 yards each side.—New Stat. Account, vol. ii. p. 171.

[6] Small island strongly fortified.—Old Stat. Account, vol. xi. p. 281.

[7] Artificial island formed of stones and earth.—Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. p. 175.

[8] Small island with remains of stone walls.—Old Stat. Account, vol. ii. p. 342.

[9] Strong castle in impassable bogs.—Ibid. vol. iv. p. 224.

[10] Old castle formerly surrounded by a lake; canoe and bronze tripod found in bed of lake.—Phil. Trans. 1756, p. 521; also Antiq. of Scotland, Grose, vol. i. p. 150.

[11] Curious wooden structures in moss.—Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. p. 163.

[12] Old castle, near which canoe was dug up; also a small copper camp kettle and copper teapot.—New Stat. Account, vol. iv. p. 96.

[13] Castle in marshy ground.—Old Stat. Account, vol. ii. p. 418.

[14] Regular fortalice situated in a bog, with ditch and drawbridge.—New Stat. Account, vol. ix. p. 365.

[15] Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. 176.]

[16] Small island, with traces of stone castle.—New Stat. Account, vol. xiv. p. 65.

[17] In Loch Moy are two islands, on one of which stands the old residence of the family of Mackintosh. The other is merely a heap of stones, probably artificial, and was used by the Lairds of Mackintosh as a prison. It is called Ellan-na-glach.—Ibid. vol. xiv. p. 100.

[18] Fort surrounded by water. In the drained lake fragments of spears and a silver coin found.—New Stat. Account, vol. iv. p. 54.

[19] Artificial lake, with two islands, said to be seats of Fergus Lord of Galloway.—Old Stat. Account, vol. xi. p. 25.

[20] On the north-west border of Loch Spinie there are standing on an artificial mound, surrounded by a fosse and drawbridge, the walls of a strong castle called Old Duffus.—Old Stat. Account, vol. viii. p. 395.

[21] Contains an island said to be one of the strongholds of the Wolf of Badenoch; also called Loch-an-Eilean.—New Stat. Account, vol. xiii. p. 137.

[22] Castle situated in a swamp.—Old Stat. Account, vol. iv. p. 399.

[23] A small island, mostly artificial, with ruins of an old castle.—Old Stat. Account, vol. ix. p. 231.

[24] Near each end there is a small artificial island with ruins.—Ibid. vol. xi. p. 180.

[25] Small island, with ruins of castle.—Ibid. vol. x. p. 130.

[26] Middle of loch a cairn of stones.—Ibid. vol. xviii. p. 327.

[27] Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. p. 176.

[28] Island, partly artificial.—Old Stat. Account, vol. ii. p. 475.

[29] Several islands.—Old Stat. Account, vol. xvii. p. 465, and Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. pp. 173, 175, and 176; also New Stat. Account, vol. x. p. 465.

[30] Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. p. 173.

[31] In the middle of one of the lakes is a small island, with the remains of an old building.—Old Stat. Account, vol. xvii. p. 195.

[32] Castle stood in lake, now drained, with vestiges of a causeway.—Old Stat. Account, vol. v. p. 69.

[33] Mr. Robertson's notes.—Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. p. 177.

[34] Ibid. p. 172.

[35] Castle anciently surrounded by water.—Old Stat. Account, vol. viii. p. 570.

[36] Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. vi. pp. 172 to 177.

[37] Small island near the lower end artificially constructed of stones, with ruins.—Old Stat. Account, vol. x. p. 303, and New Stat. Account, vol. xv. p. 151.

[38] Small island near lower end artificially formed of stones.—Old Stat. Account, vol. i. p. 282.

[39] Immense cairn of stones in the midst of an extensive and deep morass. Old castle of Yetholm Loch.—New Stat. Account, vol. iii. p. 164.

[40] Contains an island of stones and oak stakes, and mossy bogs on south shore, and a peninsula at north-west, with a double row of stakes.—Rev. W. Wilson, Glenluce.

[41] See Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. vol. x. pp. 737-8.

[42] Ibid. vol. ix. p. 397.

[43] Ibid. vol. ix. p. 368.

[44] Mr. Faed examined its two islands and found them artificial.—Ibid. p. 378.

[45] "On the east shore, opposite Fern Island, I found an oak in the peat, with an axe-mark. My companion waded to the island and reported the remains of a paved ford for 20 or 25 feet next the island."—Ibid. p. 378.

[46] "Three crannogs, one with ford to one shore and annular stone heap, the others with a ford to each shore.—Rev. W. Wilson.

It is manifest, however, that a table of this kind can have no permanent value, beyond giving a full and accurate statement of discoveries up to date, as further researches may not only change its numerical data, but give a totally different aspect to inferences based on the existence or absence of these remains in certain districts. Thus it is only within the last few years that Ayrshire could be included in the lake-dwelling area, so that, previously, the conflicting statement made by Chalmers,[40] that Galloway was colonised by the Irish about the eighth century, derived some countenance from the archÆological discoveries in Loch Dowalton, and other lakes in the neighbourhood, when taken in conjunction with the prevalence of analogous remains in Ireland. Though we cannot, therefore, argue definitely from the present geographical distribution of Scottish Lake-Dwellings, the indications are so clearly suggestive of their having been peculiar to those districts formerly occupied by Celtic races that the significance of this generalisation cannot be overlooked. Thus, adopting Skene's division of the four kingdoms into which Scotland was ultimately divided by the contending nationalities of Picts, Scots, Angles, and Strathclyde Britons, after the final withdrawal of the Romans, we see that of all the crannogs proper, none have been found within the territories of the Angles;[41] ten and six are respectively within the confines of the Picts and Scots; while no less than twenty-eight are situated in the Scottish portion of the ancient kingdom of Strathclyde. Nor is this generalisation much affected by an extension of the list, so as to include those stony islets so frequently met with in the Highland lakes. On the other hand, that they have not been found in the south-eastern parts of Scotland may suggest the theory that these districts had been occupied by the Angles before Celtic civilisation—or rather the warlike necessities of the times—gave birth to the island dwellings. In that case we would suppose that their development dates back to the unsettled events which immediately followed the withdrawal of the Roman soldiers, to whose protection the Romano-British population in the south-west of Scotland had been so long accustomed. But this leads me to notice some of the historical phenomena associated with the localities thus referred to.

Section II.

Historical and Traditional Phenomena associated with their Area of Distribution.

(Compiled chiefly from Dr. Skene's works.)

In the year A.D. 79, Julius Agricola, with his legions, entered that portion of Britain afterwards known as the kingdom of Scotland by way of the Solway Firth, and, quickly subjugating the tribes occupying its northern shore, garrisoned the country as he advanced. The work of the following winter is thus described by Tacitus:—

"To introduce a system of new and wise regulations was the business of the following winter. A fierce and savage people, running wild in the woods, would be ever addicted to a life of warfare. To wean them from these habits, Agricola held forth the baits of pleasure, encouraged the natives, as well by public assistance, as by warm exhortations, to build temples, courts of justice, and commodious dwelling-houses. He bestowed encomiums on such as cheerfully obeyed; the slow and uncomplying were branded with reproach; and thus a spirit of emulation diffused itself, operating like a sense of duty. To establish a plan of education, and give the sons of the leading chiefs a tincture of letters, was part of his policy. By way of encouragement he praised their talents, and already saw them, by the force of their natural genius, rising superior to the attainments of the Gauls. The consequence was, that they, who had always disdained the Roman language, began to cultivate its beauties. The Roman apparel was seen without prejudice, and the toga became a fashionable part of dress. By degrees the charms of vice gained admission to their hearts; baths, and porticos, and elegant banquets grew into vogue; and the new manners, which, in fact, served only to sweeten slavery, were by the unsuspecting Britons called the arts of polished humanity."—(Vit. Agric. chap. 21.)

During the following summer, A.D. 80, Agricola pursued his journey northwards and entered on a country hitherto unknown to the Romans, and described by Tacitus as occupied by new nations, which he laid waste as far as the Firth of Tay. During the six following years this general was engaged in bringing the wild Caledonians under subjection. In the year 81 he erected a chain of forts between the Firths of Forth and Clyde. Subsequently he visited Argyll and Kintyre, as well as the eastern counties, and explored the interior as far as the Grampian range of mountains. At the same time, the fleet, sailing northwards along the east coast, circumnavigated the island and returned by the straits of Dover to its former station. These exploits roused the warlike spirit of the Caledonians, and all the northern tribes combined to resist the progress of the invaders, the result of which was the famous battle of Mons Grampius (A.D. 86), in which 30,000 Caledonians were totally routed. Tacitus in his description of the battle states that the Caledonians were arranged in lines along the slopes of the rising ground, having their charioteers and cavalry in front, and that their weapons were arrows, long pointless swords, and small targets; whereas the Romans used large shields and short pointed swords, which gave them the advantage at close quarters. As soon as the battle was known at Rome, Agricola was recalled through the jealousy of the Emperor Domitian, so that no advantage was taken of the campaign, and the result was that the northern tribes beyond the Tay retained their independence.

From the recall of Agricola till the accession of the Emperor Hadrian, A.D. 117, nothing is known of the condition of this part of the island. Hadrian visited Britain in the year 120, and appears to have put down a threatened insurrection by giving up Agricola's line of forts, and limiting the frontier of the province to a line right across the territory of the Brigantes from the Solway Firth to the river Tyne. Along this line he constructed an immense barrier consisting of, first, on the north side, a ditch, then a stone wall, and then an earthen rampart. Between the two latter were roads for the transmission of troops, with stations, castles, and watch-towers. But this barrier did not act for a long time as a check to the independent section of the Brigantes, who, early in the reign of Antoninus, crossed the wall and overran portions of the Roman Province. But Lollius Urbicus, who was sent to Britain, quickly subdued these hostile tribes (A.D. 139), and again extended the Province to its former limit, viz., the line between the Firths of Forth and Clyde, where he constructed an earthen rampart—"Alio muro cespiticio submotis barbaris ducto."

In A.D. 162 an attempt on the Province by the northern tribes was quelled by Calphurnius Agricola.

Twenty years later they made another formidable irruption into the Province, but were repelled by Marcellus Ulpius.

In A.D. 208 the Emperor Severus found it necessary to come in person to repel these frequent and formidable attacks of the northern barbarians, whom we now find under the names of MÆatÆ and Caledonii. The former occupied the lower lands next the wall, and the latter the mountainous regions beyond, but notwithstanding the difference in name, they appear to have been virtually the same people.

"The manners of the two nations are described as the same, and they are viewed by the historians in these respects as if they were but one people. They are said to have neither walls nor cities, as the Romans regarded such, and to have neglected the cultivation of the ground. They lived by pasturage, the chase, and the natural fruits of the earth. The great characteristics of the tribes believed to be indigenous were found to exist among them. They fought in chariots, and to their arms of the sword and shield, as described by Tacitus, they had now added a short spear of peculiar construction, having a brazen knob at the end of the shaft, which they shook to terrify their enemies, and likewise a dagger. They are said to have had community of women, and the whole of their progeny were reared as the joint offspring of each small community. And the third great characteristic, the custom of painting the body, attracted particular notice. They are described as puncturing their bodies, so as, by a process of tattooing, to produce the representation of animals, and to have refrained from clothing, in order that what they considered an ornament should not be hidden."—(Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. i. p. 83.)

Severus opened up the country by cutting down woods, throwing bridges across the rivers, clearing the jungles, and making roads in various directions, and in this manner, after great loss of human life, but without fighting a single battle, he penetrated as far north as the shores of the Moray Firth. Returning through the heart of the Highlands he concluded a peace with the Caledonians, from whom he received hostages. He then rebuilt the wall between the Clyde and the Forth and returned to York. Soon afterwards the MÆatÆ and Caledonii again revolted, and thus a second time drew forth the ire of the aged Emperor, but, while he was preparing a severe revenge, death overtook him.

Little is known of the subsequent relative positions of the Romans and Caledonians till A.D. 306, when Constantius Chlorus is said to have penetrated into the low country beyond the wall, and defeated the Picts.

For upwards of fifty years there is again a complete silence as to the conduct of the natives beyond the Roman boundary, and it is not till A.D. 360 that they reappear on the historic field. Then the comparative security and prosperity enjoyed by the provincial Britons during the last 150 years was broken, and the inroads of the barbarians into the province became so formidable that they appeared to be deliberate attempts to drive the Romans entirely out of Britain. The Picts were now joined by a new nation which emerged from Ireland, and became known to the Romans under the name Scoti. The effect of this combination of hostile tribes is thus described by Mr. Skene:—

"We learn from the account given by the historian of their eventual recovery, that the districts ravaged by the Picts were those extending from the territories of the independent tribes to the wall of Hadrian between the Tyne and the Solway, and that the districts occupied by the Scots were in a different direction. They lay on the western frontier, and consisted of part of the mountain region of Wales on the coast opposite to Ierne, or the island of Ireland, from whence they came.... During four years the invading tribes retained possession of the districts they had occupied, and were with difficulty prevented from overrunning the province; but in the fourth year a more formidable irruption took place. To the two nations of the Picts and the Scots were now added two other invading tribes—the Saxons, who had already made themselves known and dreaded by their piratical incursions on the coast; and the Attacotti, who, we shall afterwards find, were a part of the inhabitants of the territory on the north of Hadrian's wall, from which the Romans had been driven out on its seizure by the independent tribes. They now joined the Picts in invading the province from the north, while the attack of the Saxons must have been directed against the south-eastern shore; and thus assailing the provinces on three sides—the Saxons making incursions on the coast between the Wash and Portsmouth, afterwards termed the Saxon Shore, where they appear to have slain Nectarides, the Count of the maritime tract, the Picts and Attacotts on the north placing Fallofandus, the Dux Britanniarum, whose duty it was to guard the northern frontier, in extreme peril, and the Scots penetrating through the mountains of Wales—the invading tribes penetrated so far into the interior, and the extent and character of their ravages so greatly threatened the very existence of the Roman government, that the Emperor (Julian) became roused to the imminence of the danger, and, after various officers had been sent without effect, the most eminent commander of the day, Theodosius the elder, was despatched to the assistance of the Britons. He found the province in the possession of the Picts, the Scots, and the Attacotts, who were ravaging it and plundering the inhabitants in different directions. The Picts, we are told, were then divided into two nations, the 'DicalidonÆ' and the 'Vecturiones,' a division evidently corresponding to the twofold division of the hostile tribes in the time of Severus, the 'Caledonii' and the 'MÆatÆ.' The similarity of name and situation sufficiently identifies the first-mentioned people in each of the twofold divisions. The MÆatÆ had been obliged to cede a part of their territory to the Romans, so that part of the nation had passed under their rule, and a part only remaining independent probably gave rise to the new name of 'Vecturiones.' The 'Attacotti,' we are told, were a warlike nation of the Britons, and the epithet applied to the 'Scoti' of ranging here and there shows that their attacks must have been made on different parts of the coast."—(Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. i. pp. 98-100.)

Theodosius, with a powerful army, soon drove back the invaders, and restored the province to its former integrity; but his success was without any permanent result. During the next forty years, till the final withdrawal of the Roman troops in A.D. 410, the provincial Britons, especially those inhabiting the district between the two walls, became a prey to the surrounding hostile nations as often as the increasing demands on the military resources of the Empire at home caused a temporary retirement of its troops. Thus, during the short period here referred to, the portion of the Province was overrun and desolated no less than three different times, and as often restored by the Roman legions. At length, however, a time came when these were destined never to return, and the semi-Romanised Britons were allowed to struggle with the northern barbarians as best they could. What took place in North Britain after this great event, or how the contending nationalities settled the country among them, can only be gleaned by the uncertain voice of tradition; nor was the veil of darkness which thus fell on the country removed till a new source of historical records sprung up by means of the civilising influence of the early Christian Church and her learned emissaries.

"When the page of history once more opens to its annals, we find that the barbaric nations whom we left harassing the Roman province till the Romans abandoned the island, had now effected fixed settlements within the island, and formed permanent kingdoms within its limits. South of the Firths of Forth and Clyde we find her containing a Saxon organisation, and tribes of Teutonic descent, hitherto known by the general name of Saxons, in full possession of her most valuable and fertile districts, and the Romans of the old British provincials confined to the mountains of Wales and Cumbria, the western districts extending from the Solway to the Clyde, and the peninsula of Cornwall. North of the Firths we find the barbarian tribes of the Picts and Scots, which had so often harassed the Roman province from the north and west, formed into settled kingdoms with definite limits; while Hibernia or Ireland now appears under the additional designation of Scotia."—(Skene, Celtic Scotland, vol. i. p. 115.)

The settlements of these four nationalities were as follows:—The Angles occupied the south-eastern district, and ultimately formed the kingdom of Northumbria, which extended from the Firth of Forth to the river Humber. The provincial Britons were divided into several petty states, which originally belonged to two varieties of the British race. Those in the northern districts, corresponding to the Damnonii of Ptolemy, and occupying the modern shires of Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr, are said to have belonged to the Cornish variety; while the Cymric branch extended as far north as Dumfriesshire. The battle of Ardderyd[42] (Arthuret, west side of the Esk near Carlisle), in A.D. 573, which ended in the defeat of the Angles, consolidated these petty states into the kingdom of Cumbria or Strathclyde under Rhydderch with the fortress of Alclyde (Dumbarton) as its capital. (573-601 Rodercus filius Totail regnavit in Petra Cloithe.—Adamnan.)

The counties of Wigtown and Kirkcudbright were occupied in the second century by the NovantÆ, having two towns called Rerigonium and Leucopibia. The ancient Celtic name of the district was in Irish Gallgaidhel (i.e. foreign Gael), and in Welsh Galwydel, and hence in Latin Gallovidia, Galloweithia, now Galloway. Its inhabitants were called by Bede "Niduari Picti," and they were known as the Galloway Picts as late as the twelfth century. The most puzzling statement about this district is that of Chalmers (Caledonia, i. p. 358), who states that Galloway was colonised in the eighth century by the Cruithne from Ireland. Cruithne is the Irish equivalent to Picti, and a people known by this name occupied the larger portion of Ulster. According to Skene, however, Chalmers's statement is not supported by any evidence.

The Scots forming the kingdom of Dalriada occupied that portion of the west of Scotland corresponding to Argyllshire, and had the fortress of Dunadd as their chief stronghold.

The rest of Scotland, with the exception of a portion of the low country near the Roman wall, which became a debatable territory, and often the theatre of wars amongst the four surrounding nations, constituted the so-called Pictish kingdom.

Christianity was introduced into Scotland from two different sources. The Southern Picts were converted to the Faith by St. Ninian, who derived his teaching direct from Rome, and founded a church at Candida Casa (Whithorn) as early as A.D. 397; while St. Columba, the Apostle of the Northern Picts, came from Ireland in A.D. 563, and developed the Columban branch of the Church, having its headquarters at Iona. The more important of the subsequent events of these four kingdoms are here briefly arranged in chronological order:—

A.D. 573. Battle of Ardderyd.

A.D. 575. Aidan becomes king of the Scots.

A.D. 603. Angles of Bernicia defeat a combined army of Britons and Scots under the command of Aidan at Degsastane, now Dawstone, in Liddesdale.

A.D. 606. Death of Aidan, king of Dalriada; Aedilfrid conquers Deira and expels Aeduin.

A.D. 617. Aeduin regains the kingdom of Northumbria, and eleven years afterwards he and his people are converted to Christianity by Paulinus.

A.D. 642-670. Angles, under King Oswy, subdue and make tributary to him the Britons of Strathclyde, as well as the greater portion of the Picts and Scots.

A.D. 672. Unsuccessful attempt of the Picts to throw off the yoke of the Angles.

A.D. 684. Ecgfrid, king of Northumbria, sends an army to Ireland, and lays waste part of that country. In the following year he invades the kingdom of the Picts, but is defeated and slain at Dunnichen. The Picts, Scots, and Britons of Strathclyde, etc., now regain their freedom, but the Angles still retain possession of Galloway.

A.D. 740. Alpin, king of the Scots of Dalriada, invades Galloway, but is slain near Kirkcudbright.

A.D. 744. Battle between Angus, king of the Picts, and the Britons of Strathclyde. Soon afterwards the former is joined by Eadberct of Northumbria, and a combined attack on the kingdom of Strathclyde is made, with the result that the latter adds the whole of Ayrshire to his Galloway possessions. (Eadbertus campum Cyil cum aliis regionibus suo regno addidit.—Bede, Chron.)

A.D. 795. First appearance of Norwegian and Danish pirates in the western seas.

A.D. 802. Iona burned by Norsemen.

A.D. 806. Iona again plundered by Norsemen, and sixty-eight men of the monastery slain.

A.D. 844. Kenneth mac Alpin, king of the Scots, becomes also king of the Picts.

A.D. 853. Arrival of Olaf the White in Ireland. He seizes Dublin, and establishes himself there as king, after which he makes an expedition into Scotland, besieges, and takes Alclyde after a siege of four months.

A.D. 946. Kingdom of Cumbria ceded to Malcolm, king of the Scots. (Strat Clut vastata est a Saxonibus.—Hist. Brit.)

Section III.

Structure of the Wooden Islands.

In my Introductory Chapter I have remarked that none of the Irish writers appear to have paid much attention to the mechanical principles on which the wooden islands were constructed. A similar remark is equally applicable to the writers on Scottish crannogs. Dr. Stuart had got hold of the general idea that the mortised transverses were used for the purpose of steadying the uprights, and that the outer structures were adapted to resist the action of the surrounding water. The following are his words: "Of the first class, or the crannog proper, the ordinary construction was by logs of wood in the bed of the lake supporting a structure of earth or stones, or of a mixture of both, the mass being surrounded by piles of young oak-trees in the bed of the lake, the inner row of which kept the island in shape, and the external rows acted as defences and breakwaters."[43] But these views convey only a partial notion of a more comprehensive system, the meaning of which I was only able to perceive after my experience at Buston. Notwithstanding that I made the structural arrangements of the Lochlee crannog a particular point of study, I failed to adduce a satisfactory theory for the details recorded; and, beyond showing that the two inner circles of uprights, with their radial and circumferential transverses which immediately surrounded the log pavement, formed a kind of breastwork or wall some 3 feet high, I made no advance on Dr. Stuart's theory. I could offer no explanation of the other large mortised beams found external to this circle, nor of the network of oak beams—some with mortised holes, and others with tenons to fit into continuous beams—which became manifest on making the deep shaft, and appeared to permeate the whole structure of the island. The advantage of carefully recording every fact, however trivial or obscure, has never been better illustrated than in this very article (that on the Lochlee crannog), as, with the more recent light thrown upon the subject, there can be no doubt that these structures, as well as the mortised beams (one of which contained three holes) lying on the western margin of the crannog, were some of the radial beams of an encircling girdle, still in situ, which surrounded and knit together the island in a precisely similar manner to that at Buston, as described at page 197. At Buston also, the inner circle, as evidenced by its mural remains, formed part of the enclosure surrounding the log pavement, and thus corresponded with, and served the same purpose as, the breastwork at Lochlee. Again, on the south side of both crannogs, the circles were more numerous, and occupied a larger area than on the north side, but with this difference,—that at Lochlee the midden covered the greater portion of this space, which at Buston was converted into an open and partially paved promenade.

In the incidental notices of these islands, given in Chapter II., the narrators sometimes describe them as having been built on a framework of oak, as at Lochrutton, Loch Kinder, etc. At other times the only evidence of a crannog consists in fishing up oak beams from the bottom of a lake, or their discovery under its surface inextricably mortised into others, as at Loch Lomond, Lochmaben, Loch Lochy, etc., while in drained lakes and morasses the chief indications are the tops of upright piles surrounding a flat mound. But all these accounts, as well as the more recent notices of crannogs, are characterised by two prominent structural features, viz., (1) upright piles in the form of one or more circles; and (2) the remains of flat beams containing large square-cut holes at their extremities.

The quotations from the Irish writers, given at pp. 6-11, will also show that the same structural features characterise many of the descriptive notices of the crannogs of Ireland. Dr. Stuart also draws particular attention to similar beams at Dowalton, some of which were of "great size and length (one of them 12 feet long), with three mortised holes in the length, 7 inches square." These indications, as well as a careful study of the structural details recorded in my reports of the explorations made at Lochlee, Lochspouts, and Buston, have led me to believe that all the wooden islands were constructed after one uniform plan, and that this plan was actually the outcome of the highest mechanical principles that the circumstances could admit of. Indeed, I am prepared to maintain that were the same problem submitted to modern engineers, they could make no improvement either on the principle or mechanism displayed in these singular structures. Let me therefore, in the first place, note the conditions that called forth such high mechanical and engineering qualities. For defence and protection, which, I presume, no one will doubt were the primary objects of these islands, a small mossy lake, with its margin overgrown with reeds and grasses, and situated in a secluded locality amidst the thick meshes of the primeval forests of those days, would present the most desirable topographical conditions. Having fixed on such a locality, the next consideration would be the selection of materials for building the island. In a lake containing the soft and yielding sediment due to decomposed vegetable matter, it is manifest that any heavy substances, as stones and earth, would be totally inadmissible owing to their weight, so that solid logs of wood, provided there was an abundant supply at hand, would be the best and cheapest material that could be used. To construct in 10 or 12 feet of water, virtually floating over an unfathomable quagmire, a solid compact island, with a circular area of 100 feet or more, and capable of enduring for centuries as a retreat for men and animals, would, I daresay, be the means of eliciting from many an engineer of the present day a more frequent manifestation of the proverbial symptom of a puzzled Scotchman than from these early brothers of the craft—the crannog-builders.

This is how they worked:—

(1.) Immediately over the chosen site a circular raft of trunks of trees, laid above branches and brushwood, was formed, and above it additional layers of logs, together with stones, gravel, etc., were heaped up till the whole mass grounded.

(2.) As this process went on, upright piles, made of oak, and of the required length, were inserted into prepared holes in the structure, and probably also a few were inserted into the bed of the lake.

(3.) The rough logs forming the horizontal layers were made of various kinds of wood, generally birch, it being the most abundant. These were occasionally pinned together by thick oak pegs, and here and there at various levels oak-beams mortised into one another stretched across the substance of the island, and joined the surrounding piles.

(4.) When a sufficient height above the water-line was attained, a prepared pavement of oak-beams was constructed, and mortised beams were laid over the tops of the encircling piles which bound them firmly together as already described. The margin of the island was also slantingly shaped by an intricate arrangement of beams and stones, constituting in some cases, according to Dr. Stuart, a well-formed breakwater.

(5.) When the skeleton of the island was thus finished, probably turf would be laid over its margin where the pointed piles protruded, and a superficial barrier of hurdles, or some such fence, erected close to the edge of the water.

(6.) Frequently a wooden gangway, probably submerged, stretched to the shore, by means of which secret access to the crannog could be obtained without the use of a canoe. (For the mode of structure of gangway, see page 101.)

Bearing in mind that all these structures were solidly put together without nails or bolts, and that the gangways, which have remained permanently fixed to the present time, had neither joint nor mortise, we may fearlessly challenge modern science to produce better results under these, or indeed any, circumstances.

That future discoveries may show slight deviations from the exactness of these details I am quite prepared to believe, as the mechanical knowledge of the age was too thorough not to be readily adapted to varied circumstances. What I do however maintain is, that the general principles of structure here laid down, being the outcome of a sound knowledge of mechanics, varied during the whole period of their practical application as little as the essential laws of architecture do in the structure of different styles of our modern houses.

Not only do these wooden islands evince much mechanical and technical skill on the part of their founders, but, what is still more singular, their area of distribution appears to have been co-extensive with the districts formerly occupied by Celtic races. Hence we have here another proof of the extraordinary vigour, intense individuality, and plastic character of early Celtic civilisation, in thus developing, from its own inherent resources, a unique form of stronghold, simple in structure, but yet admirably adapted to the unsettled conditions of life and military requirements of the period.

Section IV.

Topographical Changes in the Lake-Dwelling Area during or subsequent to the Period of their Development.

Supposed Change in Climate, and its effects.—The arguments in support of the theory that a material deterioration has taken place in the climate of Britain since the Roman period are generally based on the following considerations:—

(1.) Historical Statements.

Roman historians agree in representing the climate as humid, but so mild that the natives went about in a semi-nude condition, favourable to luxuriant vegetation, and not so cold as that of Gaul. Thus CÆsar expressly states that all kinds of trees grew in Britain, except the fir and the beech, and that the climate was more temperate than in Gaul. Tacitus describes the climate as always damp with rains, and overcast with clouds, without, however, intense cold being even felt. In the speech attributed to Galgacus, previous to the battle of Mons Grampius, he says that their "bodies and limbs were worn out by cutting down woods, draining bogs, stripes, and outrages;" and the same historian, in describing the result of a previous engagement in Fifeshire, in which the Caledonians were beaten, states that "had not the woods and marshes favoured their retreat, this victory in all probability would have put an end to the war." Another writer (Dion Cassius) describes the Caledonians as dwelling in tents, naked, and without shoes; enduring hunger, cold, and all manner of hardships with wonderful patience; and capable of remaining in bogs for many days immersed up to the neck, and without food. In the woods they lived on the bark of trees and roots, and had a certain sort of food always ready, of which, if they took but the quantity of a bean, they would neither be hungry nor dry for a long time after. Herodian also describes them as going about partially naked to prevent the beautiful figures painted on their bodies from being hidden. According to him, they used iron as other barbarians did gold, both as an ornament and sign of wealth. They wore neither coat of mail nor helmet to prevent being encumbered in their marches through bogs and mosses, whence such a quantity of vapours was exhaled that the air was always thick and cloudy.

(2.) The numerous remains of forest trees found in bogs and mosses in localities where, at the present time, no such trees are found to grow.

As indicating the kind of evidence brought forward in support of this argument, the following extracts will suffice:—

"Of old, in the parish of Croy, Inverness-shire, and before the records of the kingdom, there were extensive forests of oak, birch, fir, and hazel, which have been converted into moss, in some places upwards of 20 feet deep. In a moss 400 feet above the level of the sea, oaks of extraordinary size are dug up, some of them measuring from 50 to 60 feet, and of proportional thickness; and even at the height of 800 feet, where the parish joins the Strathdearn hills, large blocks of fir are found, where now, from cold and storm, the dwarf willow can scarcely raise its downy and lowly head."—(New Stat. Account, vol. xiv. p. 449.)

A writer in the Old Stat. Account (vol. xv. p. 484) referring to moss in the parish of Kilbarchan, Renfrewshire, from 7 to 9 feet deep, says:—

"The soil below is a deep white clay, where has formerly been a forest. The oak is perfectly fresh; the other kinds of timber are rotten. The stumps in general are standing in their original position. The trees are all broken over at about the height of 3 feet, and are lying from south-west to north-east. So, wherever you see a stump, you are sure to find a tree to the north-east. How an oak-tree could break over at that particular place, I never could understand. But we may be allowed to form a conjecture, that before the tree fell, the moss had advanced along its stem and rotted it there."

Mr. Aiton, in an excellent introduction to his treatise on Moss Earth, thus writes:[44]—

"Trees of enormous dimensions have grown spontaneously in many parts of Britain, where it would baffle the ingenuity of man to rear a tree to the tenth part of the size. The mosses in all parts of the island abound with trees of much greater dimensions than any now to be found growing in this country. The late Mr. Browning found an oak-tree under a moss in his lands of Benthall, in East Kilbride, of such size and preservation as to floor a garret 20 feet long by 16 wide. The boards, more than an inch in thickness, may still be seen at Benthall. Another oak-tree may be seen there upwards of 60 feet in length. It has evidently been broken at both ends, and the lower end not being completely covered with moss, has rotted so much that the dimensions of the tree cannot now be ascertained, but the upper end is more than 4 feet in circumference.

"At Thriepwood, in Dalserf parish, and county of Lanark, the trunk of an oak-tree 65 feet in length was a few years ago dug from under moss. It was as straight as the mast of a ship, and so equal in thickness at both ends, that it was not easy to say which was the root. Both these trees had grown at 500 feet of altitude above the level of the sea, and on ground on which it would be difficult to rear an oak to the twentieth part of the size.

"Many fir-trees 100 feet in length have been found under moss. But, what is still more surprising, oak-trees 100 feet long were found on draining Hartfield Moss in Yorkshire. They were as black as ebony, and some of them sold one hundred and fifty years ago as high as £15 for one tree. One oak-tree was dug from under that moss, which measured 120 feet in length, 12 feet in diameter at the root, and 6 feet diameter at the top! Twenty pounds sterling was then offered for that single tree. One of the same dimensions, with its bark, would sell now at £300, but no such tree at present exists in Europe....

"But the climate was then also more congenial to the growth of fruits, grapes, etc., as we have seen, and also of grain, than it is now. The records of the Religious Houses show that wheat was paid as a tithe from lands on which human industry could not now raise that species of grain. Wheat was paid annually as a tithe to the Priory of Lesmahagow from lands in that parish, on which that species of grain has not been sown for several centuries past, and where it could not now be raised; where, under the present economy, oats can scarcely be brought to perfection. The minister of Glenluce, in the Statistical Account of his parish, mentions a farm that paid to the monastery of Glenluce twelve bolls of wheat and the same quantity of barley as a tithe. But such is the melancholy alteration that, about thirty years ago, that very farm was set at £12 of yearly rent. Similar instances might be pointed out in many parts of Scotland."

The inferences derived from these and similar observations made on the phenomena of peat bogs and their buried forests in many other parts of Scotland, are somewhat conflicting. There can be no doubt that the climatal conditions that permitted oaks to grow on the higher slopes of the hills in the north of Scotland, as well as trees of considerable size in the Orkney and Shetland Islands, where scarcely a stunted shrub is now to be seen growing in a wild state, were more favourable to the growth of forest trees than those which now prevail. On the other hand, the large pines found in some of the Lowland mosses would seem to indicate a colder climate. The probable explanation of this is, that the pines and oaks belong to different periods of time, that the former preceded the latter and flourished when Scotland stood higher above the level of the sea, and, being thus more extensive, was under a colder climate, somewhat analogous to that which now prevails in Norway. These conditions gradually gave place to a more genial climate, which also induced a corresponding change in its flora. This apparently more temperate climate appears to have been succeeded by another change in the climatal conditions, this time of a less genial character, and not so favourable to the growth of the oaks, and to which they, in their turn, gradually yielded in point of luxuriance, and ultimately succumbed to the encroachment of the bogs and peat-mosses.

To discuss at greater length the climatal changes which may have occurred since the great oaks and pines of our moss-covered forests flourished, would be a digression from the main object of this work. In geological and astronomical causes some scientists believe they have a sufficient explanation of the strange, and sometimes severe, oscillations that are known to have taken place in post-Tertiary times, so that the disappearance of the ancient forests from the country, and the subsequent increase of the peat bogs, may be looked upon as the effect rather than the cause of our altered climate. There can hardly be any doubt, however, that during prehistoric times, and towards the dawn of European history, North Britain was extensively covered with forests which were characterised by a luxuriance of growth which is not now attained in the same latitudes. Hence the statements made by Roman historians to the effect that the natives painted their bodies and roamed about in a semi-nude condition must not necessarily be stigmatised as fables. That the inhabitants themselves greatly contributed to the clearance of the woods and jungles, as they became practically acquainted with the advantages of systematic tillage of the ground, is also probable. But this change was not produced all at once, as it is proved by such numerous place-names as Woodlands, Woodend, Woodside, Linwood, Fulwood, Oakshaw-side, Oakshaw-head, Walkingshaw, Lainshaw, etc. etc., that the south-west of Scotland was well wooded after the Celtic language had been superseded by the Saxon dialects. Cosmo Innes thus alludes to the subject: "At the earliest period illustrated by the Melrose charters there is sufficient evidence that the southern division of Scotland was not a well-wooded country. On the contrary, the right of cutting wood was carefully reserved when pasturage or arable land was granted; and when that right was conceded for some particular purpose, such as for fuel for a salt-work, or for building, the use was limited in express terms. The high grounds of Ayrshire may be an exception, where there seems to have existed an extensive forest; but elsewhere wood was a scarce and valuable commodity."[45]

Though the gradual extinction of our primeval forests, the growth of peat bogs, and many other topographical phenomena, are thus distinctly traceable in the long vista which extends backwards to prehistoric, if not, indeed, to geological times, there are no definite landmarks, beyond a certain chronological sequence, by means of which these physical changes can be more directly measured on the scale of time.

Amidst the abundant traces of struggling humanity, by which the whole line of this hazy vista is characterised, we see the remains of these lake-dwellings. The topographical features and environments of Loch Buston, when the crannog-builders commenced their structural operations, were totally different from what they are now. Then a stagnant lake, deeply encroached upon by a marginal zone of aquatic plants, and surrounded by a forest of oaks[46] and other indigenous trees, occupied the site of the present fertile basin; now the whole country-side is laid out into regular and well-cultivated fields, with encircling hedges, and scarcely a tree to mark the once wooded locality, part of which is still significantly known as the Shaws. For upwards of half a century the present farmer has been raising splendid crops of grain, not only from the whole area of the dried-up lake, but over the very site of the crannog. And as for the size of the trees which formerly grew here, I question if there is an oak now growing in the whole of Ayrshire from which a dug-out canoe, having dimensions as large as the one found at Loch Buston, could be made. The scene strongly reminds me of a visit to Ephesus, when, after inspecting the ruins of its once busy harbour, I penned the following words:—

"This (the famous Panormus) consists of a stone-built quay, overlooking what used to be the harbour, having behind it a series of vaults and passages, which must have been used as stores. Now, however, instead of gazing on the sea, studded with ships from all nations, and a crowded harbour, as St. Paul did when he landed at Ephesus, we had before us a rich green field of wheat just coming into ear, dotted here and there with some ugly-looking fig-trees. As for the sea, it was nowhere to be seen, being distant some four or five miles. The alluvial deposits of fifteen centuries have thus not only raised the general level of the valley, and covered it with dÉbris to the thickness of about 12 feet, but also very considerably enlarged its area, and converted it now into an unhealthy and marshy wilderness."[47]

Increase of Lake Silt.—But is there nothing in the local phenomena of these lake-dwellings to indicate, even approximately, the period of their existence, or the changes that have taken place since, by submergence, they have disappeared from the gaze of mankind? Dame Nature retains many agents in her service who faithfully keep tally of many passing events, though not always by days or years. The woody rings of a tree, water-worn channels, strata in rocks, and accumulated mud, are some of the piles of records which she freely places at our disposal—though often only to baffle our limited and feeble efforts to decipher them. Can we therefore elicit any reliable data from an examination of the accumulated silt from which the remains of the lake-dwellings are now and again disentombed? Let us see. A few yards from the Buston crannog, where the canoe was found, the upper stratum of the lake sediment, for about the thickness of 2 feet, consisted of a brown clayey substance, but, underneath this, the stuff had assumed a more peaty character, being softer, darker in colour, and not so heavy. The line of demarcation between these layers was so well marked, that Mrs. Anstruther, in taking a sketch of the canoe while still lying in its original bed, shows this feature on the exposed wall of the trench (Fig. 191). The lowest portion of the canoe was exactly 6 feet below the surface, so that, since its final abandonment, 4 feet of this dark substance gradually accumulated around it. Then however, some sudden change appears to have taken place in its composition, and under the altered circumstances another two feet were added.

It is strange that this phenomenon is identical with what has been observed and recorded at Lochlee. In making a large trench, so as to expose the deeper structures of the gangway, the following particulars were noted (see page 100):—

(1.) The uppermost portion was a bed of fine clay rather more than 2 feet thick.

(2.) Below this was a soft dark substance, formed of decomposed vegetable matters.

(3.) At a depth of 7 feet the first horizontal beams of the gangway were encountered.

(4.) At 10 feet deep the base of the gangway was supposed to be reached.

The canoe found at Lochlee, though in a different part of the lake-bed, was also buried to a depth of from 5 to 6 feet.

Regarding the marked change in the upper portion of the sedimentary deposits in both these lakes, perhaps no better explanation can be offered than that already suggested at page 151, viz., that it is due to the disappearance of the primeval forests which formerly covered their drainage areas, and the conversion of the land to agricultural purposes, when part of the broken-up soil and clay would be washed down into the lake-basin, and so become mixed with ordinary silt. Another possible explanation may be found in the gradual filling up of the lakes, and their entire conversion into marshes, covered with rank grasses and other aquatic plants whose decomposition would henceforth take the place of their former mossy sediment.

The proximity of Buston and Lochlee, as well as the topographical similarity in the surrounding landscapes, would indicate that this great change took place about the same time in both these localities. Long before this, however, both canoes were finally sunk or abandoned, the interval of time being measured by no less than 4 feet of a deposit. Again the entire time that has elapsed since the gangway at Lochlee was laid down till the lake was drained, and tally ceased to be kept, is represented by 10 feet.

Subsidence of the Crannogs.—Before quitting this somewhat speculative line of research, one other subject remains to be discussed, viz., the submergence of the Lake-Dwellings. This phenomenon is a uniform feature in all those hitherto examined, and though the causes of it have not been much inquired into by previous writers, they will, I think, be found of sufficient importance to merit the attention of both the antiquary and the geologist. There are just two immediate causes to which this result can be assigned: viz., either a subsidence of the surface of the island, or a rising of the waters of the surrounding lake; or, as may happen sometimes, a combination of both causes. The physical agencies that are likely to operate in producing a subsidence of the island may be categorically stated thus:—

(1.) A compression of the island due to consolidation or decay of its structural materials.

(2.) A sinking of the whole mass of these materials in soft mud as a direct result of weight.

(3.) A general compressing and sinking of the sedimentary strata of the lake-bed.

When the deeper structures of the Lochlee crannog were examined, it was particularly noted that there was no flattening of any of the large logs, as if they had been subjected to great pressure. At Lochspouts and Buston, so far as the water permitted of similar explorations being made, this observation was equally applicable to them. Though quite soft, the logs always preserved their original shape and contour. One day, at Lochspouts, I was greatly puzzled by finding what was evidently portion of a birch-tree, from 6 to 9 inches in diameter, quite flat, and with scarcely any wood left inside the thick bark. In no instance previously had I seen the evidence of pressure on logs of this size; but after carefully considering the point, it was ascertained that such effects occurred only in the upper portion of the mound, and above the log pavement, where the wood had been exposed to atmospheric influences, so that when the woody fibres rotted away, the flattening of the bark was easily produced. All the logs found buried in water or mud retained their original dimensions, and showed no traces of having yielded to superincumbent pressure.

In calculating the pressure of the entire crannog on the lake bottom, it is only necessary to take into account the weight of the materials above the surface of the island, as the greater density of the displaced water would act as an upward pressure sufficient, before the mass attained its equilibrium, to allow the surface of the island to project a few feet above the level of the water, the amount varying according to the depth of the lake. After the island grounded, if constructed on the principles suggested at page 262, any additional structures would act as a direct weight on the bed of the lake; but in estimating the final and total submergence due to this element, we must consider the weight of rubbish gradually accumulated during the period of occupancy. As the base of the island at Lochlee was only 4 feet below the level of that of the gangway, it follows therefore that the maximum result due to the weight of the island could not exceed this amount.

But the most important cause of submergence is the gradual compression or consolidation of the lake-bed due to the increase of its sediment. The depth of this increase at Lochlee, at least since the gangway was laid, was found to be not less than 10 feet. Independent altogether of any chemical changes going on in the sediment, however gradually formed, its own weight must have acted very considerably in pressing the lower strata into less bulk. Its accumulated depth, however, is far from giving a correct indication of the rise in the bed of the lake; in fact, 10 feet of silt might not raise the latter to half this extent. Another thing, which must not be forgotten in this discussion, is the subsidence which takes place after bogs and marshes are drained. This is a fact well known to those conversant with the effects of drainage. In the Old Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xi. p. 163, I find it stated that in three years after the drainage of Kinordy Moss, its surface sank 3 feet; and Sir George Grant Suttie, writing of a drained marsh at Balgone, says that after drainage its level sank from 3 to 4 feet (see footnote, page 249). Bogs are in fact like sponges saturated with water, swollen to such an extent that they occupy a much larger space than their solid materials would otherwise do. It will also be remembered (page 191) that, after the last and more careful drainage of Loch Buston, some five years ago, the subsidence of the Knowe was sufficiently noticeable to attract the attention of the farmer.

To assign more accurately to these agencies the respective amount of subsidence due to each is impossible, but that their combined effect is sufficient to account for the total submergence of the principal lake-dwellings hitherto examined is proved by the measurements and observations made at Lochspouts (page 168), which show a minimum result of 10 feet.

If the above reasoning be correct, little importance remains to be attached to the rising of the waters as a cause of submergence, even in the exceptional circumstances where the agencies that produce this effect, such as the destruction of the forests and the increase of peat bogs, are known to have been in operation. It occurs in localities where the outlet is level and the flow of water sluggish. Those of the Irish writers who have taken notice of the phenomenon generally assign it to this cause. Sir W. R. Wilde thus refers to it: "We likewise learn from their recent submerged condition how much water had accumulated on the face of the country since their construction, probably owing to the great decrease of forest timber and the increased growth of bog. From the additions made to the height of the stockades, and also from the traces of fire discovered at different elevations in the sections made of these islands, it may be inferred that the rise of the waters commenced during the period of their occupation."—(Wilde's Catalogue, p. 221.)

The observations made at Lochlee led me to ascribe an exceptionally large share to this element as a cause of the submergence of the crannog, but since then further investigations have proved that the phenomenon takes place to a similar, if not greater, extent in localities where no rising of the surface of the waters could have occurred.

Section V.

Chronological, Social, and other Indications derived from the Relics.

Having thus glanced over the collateral phenomena bearing on the age or period of the Scottish Lake-Dwellings, it only remains to say a few words on the general evidence supplied by the relics themselves. We have already seen that the scattered remains of the artificial islands brought to light in modern times extended over a large area, embracing nearly the whole of Scotland, with the exception of its two northernmost counties and a few others lying on its south-eastern extremity. So far, however, as the discovery of actual remains illustrative of the civilisation and social condition of their occupiers is concerned, we are almost entirely limited to the results of the investigations made at Dowalton, Lochlee, Lochspouts, and Buston, all of which are within the counties of Ayr and Wigtown. In instituting a comparison between the contents of these four groups, their analogy, not only as regards the structure and local distribution of the islands, but as regards the general character of the relics, is so wonderfully alike that we have no difficulty in assuming that originally these lake-dwellings within this area were erected by one and the same people for a special purpose, and about the same time, or at least within a comparatively limited period. It is true that a considerable diversity exists as regards the number and character of the relics found in some of these localities; thus neither Samian ware nor implements of bone or horn have been found at Dowalton, though these are amongst the relics from all the Ayrshire examples. Such negative evidence, however, does not amount to much, more especially in this case, as the absence of Samian ware is more than compensated for by the presence of other articles presumably of Roman origin; and, moreover, I believe that a more careful search would have greatly increased the number of relics from Dowalton.

This uniform similarity in these remains, though not entitling us to extend the above generalisation beyond a certain geographical area in the south-west of Scotland, is however sufficiently marked to enable us to dispense with any further necessity of discussing the merits of each group separately; so that whatever inferences can be legitimately derived from a critical examination of any one group may be safely applied to the whole.

If these observations are really trustworthy, we may at once proceed to examine the remarkable series of implements, weapons, ornaments, and nondescript objects here presented to us, with the view of abstracting from them some scraps of information regarding their original owners. Fragments of Samian ware (Fig. 180), bronze dishes (one with Roman letters, Fig. 13), harp-shaped fibulÆ of peculiar type (Figs. 140 to 143), together with a large assortment of beads, bronze and bone pins, bone combs, jet ornaments, etc. etc., are so similar to the class of remains found on the excavated sites of Romano-British towns that there can hardly be any doubt that Roman civilisation had come in contact with the lake-dwellers and partially moulded their habits. The Celtic element is however strongly developed, not only in the general character of many of the industrial implements of stone, bone, and iron, but also in the style of art manifested in some of the ornamental objects included in the collection. Thus the piece of wood (Figs. 149, 150) with its carved spiral patterns, the combs, especially the one represented by Fig. 30, showing a series of concentric circles connected by a running scroll design, the table-man carved with similar circles and an open interlaced knot-work; and the bronze brooch (Fig. 26), present a style of ornamentation which is considered peculiar to early Celtic art. The spiral finger-rings seem also to have been of native origin, and the probability is that they were manufactured where they were found, as several crucibles are amongst the relics from the same lake-dwelling, one of which, from the fact that it still contains particles of gold, unmistakeably demonstrates that it had been used in melting this metal.

On the other hand, the forged gold coin (Fig. 246) is the only relic that can with certainty be said to have emanated from a Saxon source; at least, that cannot otherwise be accounted for.

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But if, from internal evidence, a presumptive case is made out in favour of the Celtic origin and occupation of these lake-dwellings, it is greatly strengthened when we consider that the neighbouring Celtic races in Scotland and Ireland were in the habit of erecting similar island abodes, while there is not a particle of evidence in favour of the idea that such structures originated with the Roman conquerors of Britain or its Saxon invaders.

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The resemblance between the remains found in the Scottish and Irish lake-dwellings, as well as in many other antiquarian finds of Celtic character, must also not be overlooked. Combs, similar in structure and ornamentation to those from Buston, have been found in several of the Irish crannogs (Fig. 255);[48] in the Brochs and other antiquities of the north of Scotland, as at the Knowe of Saverough, Orkney (Fig. 256); the Broch of Burrian (Figs. 257 and 258); and in many of the ruins of the Romano-British towns, as at York and Uriconium (Fig. 259).[49] Iron knives and shears, variegated beads of impure glass, with grooves and spiral marks, ornaments of jet and bronze, implements of stone, bone, and horn, besides querns, whetstones, etc., are all common to Celtic antiquities wherever found.

Canoes are so invariably found associated with crannogs, that their discovery in lakes and bogs has been considered by Dr. Stuart as an indication of the existence of the latter. This may be true in some cases, but in others, such as Closeburn, Lochwinnoch, and Loch Doon, three of the examples cited by him, it is more probable that the canoes were used by the occupiers of the mediÆval castles in the vicinity of which they were found. From these and many other instances that have come under my notice, I have come to the conclusion that dug-out canoes do not indicate such great antiquity as is commonly attributed to them, nor do they therefore necessarily carry us back to prehistoric times.

While some fragments of the pottery collected on the Ayrshire crannogs (all of which include Samian ware) are undoubtedly Romano-British, others as certainly point to a different period and source. I am informed on the best authority that all the portions showing any appearance of glaze, such as those represented by Figs. 181 to 184, were manufactured in mediÆval times; but on the other hand that others (Fig. 186) may belong to the same class of fictile ware as was used for mortuary purposes in Pagan times. My own knowledge of the subject is too slender to guide me in forming an opinion on these points; but, considering how little is actually known of the pottery of the transitional period between that of the sepulchral urns and mediÆval times, any conflicting inferences that may be deduced from such a line of discussion need not, at least in the meantime, interfere with the chronological conclusions pointed at elsewhere. The statement made by Grose (see page 155), that the monks of the monastery at Friars' Carse used to lodge their valuable effects on the artificial island in the loch when the English made inroads into Strathnith, suggests a possible, and perhaps probable, escape from any difficulty of this sort.

Again, while it is evident from the parallel striation on some of the fragments, on which the traces of glaze still remain, that they were manufactured on the wheel, an inspection of Figs. 160, 161, and 181, proves that hand-wrought vessels were also manufactured after the introduction of glaze. That sepulchral urns were all made by hand is not a sufficient proof that the wheel was not simultaneously in use among the same people. The extraordinary conservatism, as regards changes in religious ceremonies, displayed by all nations and in all ages, is a sufficient explanation of the persistency with which the hand-wrought vessels have continued in use for sepulchral purposes. Hence, I can conceive that to substitute for the latter others made on the wheel, though at the same time largely used for domestic purposes, would have been an intolerable innovation on the religious customs of the people.

The Rev. Canon Greenwell, F.R.S., in discussing the question whether the various early sepulchral vessels were especially made for the purposes of burial, or were originally manufactured for domestic use, thus writes:—

"But perhaps the strongest objection to their having fulfilled a purpose in the household, is the fact that they possess but little in common with the pottery which, without much doubt, is domestic. It is true that not very much of this has been discovered, but quite enough has been found to enable us to judge pretty accurately of its character. It has not, indeed, been proved conclusively that the people who occupied the hut-circles and pit-dwellings were those who erected the barrows so often met with in close proximity to them; but if we may judge, as I think we fairly may, from the identity of the flint implements found in each, there can be little doubt that they were, the one the dwelling-place, the other the burial-place, of the same people. Now, the pottery which has been discovered on the site of dwelling-places is a dark-coloured, hard-baked, perfectly plain ware, without ornament of any kind, is in fact just what we would expect domestic pottery to be, and has nothing in which it resembles the sepulchral vessels. And more than this, so far as I know of my own experience, or can learn from that of others, no whole vessel, or even fragments, of the ordinary sepulchral pottery of the barrows or other places of sepulture has ever been met with in connection with places of habitation."—(British Barrows, p. 106.)

That many of these relics were the products of a refined civilisation, is not more remarkable than the unexpected and strangely discordant circumstances in which they have been found. For this reason it might be supposed that the crannogs were the headquarters of thieves and robbers, where the proceeds of their marauding excursions among the surrounding Roman provincials were stored up. The inferences derived from a careful consideration of all the facts do not appear to me to support this view, nor do they uphold another view, sometimes propounded, viz., that they were fortified islands occupied by the guardian soldiers of the people. Indeed, amongst the relics military remains are only feebly represented by a few iron daggers and spear-heads, one or two doubtful arrow-points, and a quantity of round pebbles and so-called sling-stones. On the other hand, a very large percentage of the articles consists of querns, hammer-stones, polishers, flint-flakes, and scrapers; stone and clay spindle-whorls, pins, needles, and bodkins; knife-handles of red-deer horn, together with many other implements of the same material; bowls, ladles, and other vessels of wood, some of which were turned on the lathe; knives, axes, saws, hammers, chisels, and gouges of iron; several crucibles, lumps of iron slag, and other remains of metals, etc. From all these, not to mention the great variety of ornaments, there can be no ambiguity as to the testimony they afford of the peaceful prosecution of various arts and industries by the lake-dwellers.

Proofs of a prolonged but occasionally interrupted occupancy are also manifested by the great accumulation of dÉbris over the wooden pavements, the size and contents of the kitchen-middens, and the superimposed hearths so well observed at Lochlee.

From the respective reports of Professors Owen, Rolleston, and Cleland, on a selection of osseous remains taken from the lake-dwellings at Dowalton, Lochlee, and Buston (see pp. 50, 139-143, 236-239), we can form a fair idea of the food of the occupiers. The Celtic short-horn (Bos longifrons), the so-called goat-horned sheep (Ovis aries, variety brachyura), and a domestic breed of pigs, were largely consumed. The horse was only scantily used. The number of bones and horns of the red-deer and roebuck showed that venison was by no means a rare addition to the list of their dietary. Among birds, only the goose has been identified, but this is no criterion of the extent of their encroachment on the feathered tribe, as only the larger bones were collected and reported upon. To this bill of fare the occupiers of Lochspouts crannog, being comparatively near the sea, added several kinds of shell-fish. In all the lake-dwellings that have come under my own observation, the broken shells of hazel-nuts were in profuse abundance.

From the number of querns and the great preponderance of the bones of domestic over those of wild animals, it may be inferred that, for subsistence, they depended more on the cultivation of the soil and the rearing of cattle, sheep, and pigs, than on the produce of the chase.

There is, in my opinion, only one hypothesis that can satisfactorily account for all the facts and phenomena here adduced, viz., that the lake-dwellings in the south-west of Scotland were constructed by the Celtic inhabitants as a means of protecting their lives and movable property when, upon the frequent withdrawal of the Roman soldiers from the district, they were left, single-handed, to contend against the Angles on the east, and the Picts and Scots on the north. It is not likely that these rich provincials, so long accustomed to the comforts and luxury of Roman civilisation, or their descendants in the subsequent kingdom of Strathclyde, would become the assailants of such fierce and lawless enemies, from whom, even if conquered, they could derive no benefit. Hence their military tactics and operations would assume more the character of defence than aggression, and in order to defeat the object of the frequent and sudden inroads of the northern tribes, which was to plunder the inhabitants rather than to conquer the country, experience taught them the necessity of being prepared for emergencies by having certain places of more than ordinary security where they could deposit their wealth, or to which they could retire as a last resource when hard pressed. These retreats might be caves, fortified camps, or inaccessible islands, but in localities where no such natural strongholds existed, the military genius of the Celtic inhabitants, prompted perhaps by inherited notions, led them to construct these wooden islands. Since the final departure of the Romans till the conquest of the kingdom of Strathclyde by the Northumbrian Angles, a period of several centuries, this unfortunate people had few intervals of peace (see pp. 249 to 259), and, with their complete subjugation, ended the special function of the Lake-Dwellings as a national system of protection. No doubt some of them, as well as caves and such hiding-places, would continue to afford a refuge to straggling remnants of natives rendered desperate by the relentless persecution of their enemies, but, ultimately, all of them would fall into the hands of the Saxon conquerors, when, henceforth, they would be allowed to subside into mud or crumble into decay.

Amongst extraneous antiquarian discoveries with which we may profitably compare the remains from the lake-dwellings, there are two remarkable groups recently brought to light by the exploration of two caves, both of which, singularly enough, are within the confines of the ancient kingdom of Strathclyde. These are a collection of relics from the Victoria Cave near Settle, Yorkshire,[50] and another from the Borness Cave, Kirkcudbrightshire.[51] Though the objects indicative of high-class art found in the latter are not so numerous as those from the former, yet they are, as a whole, of a similar character and type. They consist of fragments of Samian ware, bronze fibulÆ, and other ornaments of bronze and horn, spindle-whorls, and a large quantity of implements and weapons made of stone, bone, and horn, etc., all of which bear a striking resemblance to the corresponding objects from the Lake-Dwellings. It would exceed my limits to enter upon a minute and critical comparison of the important results obtained from these two independent sources, viz., the Caves and the Lake-Dwellings; I cannot, however, resist quoting the following remarks by Professor Boyd Dawkins, regarding the date of habitation of the Victoria Cave, which might, with equal appropriateness, be applied to the latter:—

"There can be no doubt but that this strange collection of objects was formed during the sojourn of a family for some length of time in the cave; we have to account for the presence of so many articles of luxury in so strange and wild a place. The personal ornaments, and the Samian ware, are such as would have graced the villa of a wealthy Roman, rather than the abode of men who lived by choice in recesses in the rock. In the coins we have a key which explains the difficulty. Some belonged to Trajan and Constantine, others to Tetricus (A.D. 267-273), while others are barbarous imitations of Roman coins, which are assigned by numismatists to the period just about the time of the Roman evacuation of Britain. These objects, therefore, could not have been introduced into the cave before the end of the fourth century, or just that time when the historical record shows us that the province of Roman Britain was suffering from the anarchy consequent on the withdrawal of the Roman troops. In the year 360, the savage Picts and Scots, pent up in the north by the Roman walls, broke in upon the unarmed and rich provincials, and carried fire and sword as far south as London. Their ravages were repeated from time to time, until the Northumbrian Angles finally conquered the Celtic kingdom of Strathclyde. It must nevertheless be admitted that, so long as the Celts of Strathclyde held their ground against the Angles, they would certainly follow the mode of life and the manners and customs handed down to them by their forefathers, the Roman provincials. And therefore, it is very probable that these objects of Roman culture may have been used in that district which was the Northumbrian border, long after they had ceased to be used in the regions conquered by the English. To say the least, there are two extremes between which the date must lie—the fourth and fifth centuries, as shown by the barbaric coins, and the year 756, when Eadberht finally conquered Strathclyde. It cannot be later, because of the presence of Roman, and the absence of all English cultus. The cave, situated in a lonely spot, and surrounded by the gnarled and tangled growth of stunted yews, oaks, and hazel, which still survive in one or two places in the neighbourhood, as samples of the primeval forest, would afford that shelter from an invader of which a native would certainly take advantage. We can hardly doubt that it was used by unfortunate provincials who fled from their homes, with some of their cattle and other property, and were compelled to exchange the luxuries of civilised life for a hard struggle for common necessaries. In no other way can the association of works of art of a very high order with rude and rough instruments of daily use be accounted for. In that respect, therefore, the Victoria Cave affords as true and vivid a picture of the troublous times of the fourth and fifth centuries as the innumerable burned Roman villas and cities; in the one case, you get a place of refuge to which the provincials fled; and in the other, their homes which have been ruthlessly destroyed."—(Journal of Anthrop. Inst. vol. i. p. 64.)

The presence of a Saxon coin in one of the Ayrshire examples is in no way inconsistent with the general views here advocated, as we have undoubted evidence that the country had been occupied, at least temporarily, by the Saxons as early as the date to which Mr. Evans assigns this coin.

Turning now to the Celtic area beyond the limits of the Scottish portion of the kingdom of Strathclyde, I may at once state that there are no data derived from an examination of its artificial islands, nor any relics of their occupiers, which can give even an approximate notion of their chronological range.

In localities where the Celtic races were not supplanted by foreigners, it would be strange indeed, and altogether at variance with archÆological experience, as propounded by the learned author of The Past in the Present,[52] if the habit of resorting to isolated and inaccessible islands for safety would be all at once abandoned whenever the greater security afforded by stone buildings became known. Hence, in the Irish annals we find frequent mention made of crannogs down even to the middle of the seventeenth century, and Dr. Joseph Robertson has quoted several historical passages to prove that certain crannogs in Scotland—as, for example, those of the Loch of Forfar, Lochindorb, Loch Canmor, and Loch-an-eilan, etc.—survived to the middle ages. Many of these, however, were strong mediÆval castles built for a different purpose, and had nothing in common with the crannogs proper beyond the fact of their insular situation.

From an etymological analysis of the earliest topographical nomenclature of Britain, as well as from other sources, there is abundant proof that in former times a Celtic population occupied nearly the whole of the island. Ultimately, however, these Celts were driven by successive waves of immigrants to the far north and west, and it becomes an important inquiry to determine if, in these localities from which they were expelled, there still exist any traces of lake-dwellings. I have already remarked that no remains of wooden islands have been found in the south-east of Scotland. This, however, may be due to want of research on the part of antiquaries, and other causes, which so long kept us altogether in the dark regarding the phenomena of lake-dwellings in this country; and, indeed, some curious indications have already been supplied by independent observers as to their existence, not only in the south-east of Scotland, as at Balgone in East Lothian (see footnote, page 249), but in several parts of England and Wales.

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