W. H. Koebel

The Constitution of Uruguay—Government of the Republic—Deputies and senators—Their duties—The Civil Code—Marriage—Rights of foreigners—Law—The Commission of Charity and Public Welfare—Hospitals—Orphan asylums—Infirmaries—The charity hospital lottery—The distribution of political parties—The Colorados and the Blancos—Policy of both—Feud between the parties—Old-standing strife—Explanation of the nomenclature—Origin of the feud—Rivera and Oribe—Inherited views—Attitude of the foreigners—Revolutions—Manner of their outbreak—Government precautions—The need of finance and arms—Some rebellious devices—Rifles as Manchester goods—The importance of horses—Difficulties that attend a revolutionary movement—The sweeping up of horses—Equine concentration camps—A powerful weapon in the hands of the authorities—First signs of an outbreak—Sylvan rendezvous—The question of reinforcements—Some desperate ventures—Their accustomed end—Chieftains of the north—Effect of a revolution upon local industries—Needs of the army—Estancia hands as troopers—Hasty equipment—Manner in which actual hostilities are conducted—"The Purple Land that England lost"—The spirit of modernism and the internal struggle—Tendency to localise the fields of strife—Power of the Colorado party—Whence the respective partisans are drawn—Distinguishing insignia—Some necessary precautions on the part of the foreigner—Adventures derived from colour in clothes—Some ludicrous episodes—The expense of revolution.

The Constitution of Uruguay has now stood the test of eighty years, and thus claims to be the oldest in South America, or, at all events, the one that has suffered no modification for the longest period of time. The basis on which this is composed is liberal in the extreme, and the laws undoubtedly concede to Oriental subjects an amount of freedom that can be surpassed in few other countries.

The Republic possesses two chambers, one of deputies elected by the direct vote of the people, the other of senators. In addition to their legislative functions it is the duty of these chambers to elect the President of the nation, whose term of office lasts for four years. The chambers also nominate the judges of the High Court, who, in turn, select the magistrates of the lower courts.

The civil code is largely based upon the Napoleonic model. It may be as well to note rapidly a few of its more salient features. From the point of view of the resident foreigner it is admirable in at least one respect, since it makes no distinction between the civil rights accorded to Uruguayans and those to foreigners. Civil marriage is obligatory, the offspring of a union contracted solely by the Church being considered illegitimate. In commerce the system of arrest for debt is not admitted, the only cases of the kind in which imprisonment is imposed being those in which an element of fraud has entered. In criminal law the death penalty has been abolished, and the various modes of punishment consist of solitary imprisonment, exile, deprivations, suspension from public employment, ordinary imprisonment, and fines.

On the whole, there is a satisfactory absence of red-tape in Uruguayan administrative and municipal affairs. It is true that in litigation the delays are occasionally lengthy; but the popular idea on this point has been much exaggerated, and the dispatch of legal business is far more satisfactory than is generally supposed. The great majority of officials, moreover, discharge their duties in a reasonable and fair-minded fashion that has been heartily acknowledged by many a resident foreigner.

Uruguay possesses comparatively few paupers. Indeed, it would be strange were this otherwise in a land the resources of which are in excess of the population. Nevertheless a certain proportion of the lame, blind, halt, and indigent is inevitable, and these unfortunate human elements are well cared for. Public assistance towards this end is chiefly in the hands of a Commission of Charity and Public Welfare, formed of twenty-one members, two-thirds of whom must be citizens of the Republic.

The powers of this Commission are considerable, and they control a number of important institutions, such as hospitals, orphan asylums, and establishments of refuge for the infirm, indigent, and insane. These are, almost without exception, exceedingly well-organised, and conducted on the most modern humanitarian lines. The financial support necessary for the upkeep of these charities is derived to a large extent from rates and taxes. In addition to this a special lottery has been instituted that is known as the "Charity Hospital Lottery." Twenty-five per cent. of its proceeds are devoted to the institution in question. The support at present derived from this source is not inconsiderable, as will be evident when it is explained that the amount it rendered in 1809 exceeded eight hundred thousand dollars.

We now arrive at the political affairs of Uruguay—a subject that calls for explanation at some length. So far as the distribution of parties is concerned, the matter is simple enough. Shifting parties, fusions and splits between contending sections, and the general complications that attend changing political programmes are to all intents and purposes absent here. The rival parties of Uruguay are the Colorados (reds) and the Blancos (whites). The policy of both is equally well-defined, and, indeed, is amazingly simple. It is to govern! The national programme would almost certainly remain exactly the same whichever were in power. Thus the aim of the party that is "out" is to obtain power in the first place, and to declare their policy of government afterwards.

The feud between the parties is one of old-standing. It commenced with the final wars of liberation, became strongly marked with the establishment of the Republic over eighty years ago, and has continued without intermission from that day to this. The origin of the party terms dates from the war of liberation. General Oribe was the founder of the Blanco party and General Rivera that of the Colorado. The former was wont to ride a white horse, the latter a bay, and the distinguishing colours of the lance pennons of their followers were respectively white and red.

It is a little curious to consider that the present-day party strife in Uruguay is the direct legacy of the disputes between these two generals that broke out in the first instance ere the Banda Oriental had even been proclaimed a nation! In 1830 Rivera was elected first Constitutional President of the Republic; he was succeeded on March 1, 1835, by his rival, Manuel Oribe, and in 1838 there broke out what is known as the Grande Guerra, which lasted, with varying results, until 1852. In 1853 a triumvirate was formed, consisting of Rivera, Lavalleja, and Flores, and in the following year the last named, on the death of his two colleagues, was elected Constitutional President. Since that time there have been no less than twenty-three presidents, constitutional and provisional, of whom only two, Perreira and Berro, from 1856 to 1864, have been Blancos. In that year the Colorado party got into office, and have maintained themselves, in spite of the forcible efforts of the Blancos to expel them.

It will be seen that no political principle divides the two parties; men are simply Blanco or Colorado because their fathers and grandfathers were so before them, but they cling to their respective parties with a strange courage and high sense of honour. In the case of foreign immigrants whose sons, born in the country, become Oriental subjects, but who have no Blanco or Colorado traditions to inherit, what happens is this: the youths go to school, form boyish friendships, and by pure accident become ardent supporters of one or other of the two parties. Two brothers may thus chance to become bitter political opponents, and when a revolution breaks out they are to be found fighting on opposite sides. The situation may savour a little of the Gilbertian, but it is sufficiently serious for the families involved. It must be admitted that many revolutions in Uruguay are curious affairs. To one not in close touch with the national movements an outbreak of the kind may appear to burst forth spontaneously, whereas it has probably been anticipated by the Government as well as by the revolutionaries for months beforehand. In these days even the most casual insurrection is not to be effected without a certain amount of forethought. First of all financial sinews are indispensable, and, these once obtained, it follows that a supply of arms is equally essential.

The introduction of these is the most difficult feat of all to accomplish, since the Government adopts methods of precaution, and keeps a sharp look-out for any possible importations of the kind. Thus as a rule the weapons are either smuggled across the Brazilian frontier or over some of the more lonely stretches of the River Uruguay. Occasionally a device is tried similar to that which met with success in the Transvaal Colony previous to the South African War. When I was in Uruguay at the end of 1910 many indications were at hand that went to prove the imminence of a revolution, and the authorities, not only in Uruguay but in the neighbouring countries, were on the alert for any development that might arise. At this period a large number of innocent-looking packing-cases, purporting to contain Manchester goods, were in transit through Argentina destined for one of the northern Oriental ports on the Uruguay River. Through some cause or other the cases came under suspicion, and they were opened ere they had crossed the Argentine frontier. In place of the Manchester goods reposed thousands of grim Mauser rifles and millions of cartridges! The discovery of these weapons must have dealt a bitter blow to the insurrectionist cause; nevertheless, as anticipated, the revolution broke out a few weeks later.

I have said that both weapons and cash are essential for the purpose of a revolution—which is obvious enough in almost every country as well as in Uruguay. But there is a third requisite that is quite as indispensable as either of the former. The Uruguayan is a born cavalryman, and a horse is necessary to him, not only for the partaking in the actions but for the covering of the lengthy distances that have to be traversed. A score of leagues and more frequently lie between a man and his appointed rendezvous. A pedestrian in the midst of the hills and valleys would be a lost and negligible unit.

CROSS COUNTRY TRAVELLING.

To face p. 316.

It might be imagined that the matter was simple enough, and that all a revolutionist had to do when the time for the outbreak arrived was to mount his horse, and to ride away over the hills to join his fellows. In actual fact a rising is not to be started in this fashion. It is inevitable in the first place that numerous preparations must occur ere the time for active operations has ripened, and it is equally inevitable that an organisation of the kind, with whatever attempt at secrecy it may be conducted, cannot proceed without becoming known to the Government.

The eve of an outbreak is, in consequence, marked by tremendous vigilance on the part of the authorities. Troopers and police are dispatched to strategic positions throughout the country, and then for a while the nation waits in anxious expectation while the tension increases. With the first hint of the actual banding together of the revolutionary companies the authorities strike a blow—not at the men themselves, but at their means of transport. The troopers and police ride hastily in all directions, and scour the countryside in search of every horse that is available. When the districts have been swept quite clear of their equine population the horses are driven together to the various headquarters, where they remain, strongly guarded.

This very practical measure naturally provides the authorities with a power with which it is difficult for the revolutionists to cope. It is distinctly fatal to a premature or to a belated move on their part, and even should they chance to strike upon the most favourable moment, the horse-gathering policy militates strongly against any likelihood of eventual success. Should the malcontents determine to proceed with the affair in the face of this discouragement, they, of course, follow the lead of the Government, and endeavour to annex all the mounts that the authorities have been unable to carry off in time.

So far as the militant programme of the revolutionists is concerned, the first sign of an outbreak is invariably the riding away of a number of men from townships and estancias to the woods in the remoter and more lonely districts. These sylvan rendezvous are, of course, known to the party in general beforehand, and here the leaders of the movement lie hidden in order to await the advent of reinforcements. The first move is simple enough; but it is the arrival of the necessary reinforcements that is frequently frustrated by the precautionary measures of the Government.

Should the matter appear quite hopeless, it is even then possible for the insurrectionists to disperse and to return to their homes ere the shedding of blood has occurred. The Uruguayan, however, is not noted without reason for his spirit of reckless daring. It frequently happens that a forlorn band, once gathered, will refuse to disperse, and then the result of the campaign is usually short and sharp. In the ordinary course of events the adventurers will lie hidden until a sufficient force has come in, one by one, or in parties of three and four. Then they will ride out and commence active operations, of which the end in these days is invariably the defeat of the party.

Many of the attributes of these revolutions are not a little quaint and picturesque—reminiscent, in fact, of the times when personality counted more and system less. In the remote country districts, more especially in those of the north, are many prominent men who occupy more or less the position of chieftains, or that of the old Caudillos who have left so great a mark on Uruguayan history. Each of these is a power in himself, according to the extent of his following; for each can count upon his own particular body of armed men just as surely as could the feudal knights upon their mediÆval retainers. These personalities are naturally marked, and their movements are closely watched in a period of unrest.

A Uruguayan revolution, even when in full blast, has this to be said in its favour, that it does not in the least interfere with the liberty or with the movements of a resident foreigner. If he be an estanciero, however, and should the tide of campaign flow into his district, it is likely enough that it will affect him materially in much the same fashion that a strike influences the fortunes of dwellers in industrial districts. It is obvious enough that when the Government is in need of recruits the claims of neither the pastures nor the shearing-shed can rival those of the cause. Unfortunately for the estanciero, there is almost certainly not a man in his employ who is not admirably adapted for a trooper, and none are more alive to this fact than the Government recruiting-officers. Thus, when the official party arrives its members will be polite but firm, and a short while afterwards the station hands will be bearing rifles instead of lassos, and a capataz or two—the foremen on the estate—will find their heads raised a little higher in the air beneath the support of a military title, although it is possible that this may be effected a little at the expense of their pockets, since the pay is not in proportion to the temporary rank.

In the circumstances of haste that obtain at such moments it may be imagined that, with the exception of the Government regular forces, the equipment on both sides knows little of the accepted insignia of military pomp. Indeed, a rifle and a badge in the majority of cases alone distinguish the militant from the ordinary civilian. But at such periods it must be admitted that, putting aside the foreigners, very few ordinary civilians are left in the disturbed areas, since, when the tide of warfare rolls his way, it is practically impossible for an Oriental to remain neutral. Even were he so inclined, it is doubtful whether he would be given the opportunity.

In order to obtain an insight into the manner in which the actual hostilities are conducted no better means could be adopted than the perusal of a novel, "The Purple Land that England Lost," from the pen of a great authority on the River Plate, Mr. W. H. Hudson. It is true that the descriptions deal with a period when the present prosperity of the Banda Oriental had not yet come into existence; but the vivid local colouring must hold good for all the contemporary softening of the national methods.

The spirit of modernism that is now evident in Uruguay has entered to a certain extent into the waging of these internal struggles that themselves by rights should belong to the past. The Oriental is perfectly willing to acknowledge that the dispute concerns himself alone, and the tendency to localise the fields of strife and to respect private property is becoming more and more marked. A certain amount of inevitable damage, however, ensues. In districts where fuel is scarce fence-posts and even railway-sleepers are apt to be employed for the purpose of the camp fires.

So far as the parties themselves are concerned, the tenacity of the Uruguayan character is clearly evidenced in the continued struggles of the Blancos. In view of the fact that this party has not been in office since 1864, it might be thought that forty-seven years of unsuccessful attempts would have cured it of an ambition that has been so costly both in life and purse. Nevertheless, whether openly or covertly, the contest continues with much the same amount of bitterness that characterised it from the start.

Broadly speaking, it may be said that the Colorado party is made up of the dwellers in the towns and more populous centres, while the Blancos are represented to a large extent by the dwellers in the Campo and the clerical party. Of course, no hard-and-fast rule can be laid down on the subject: there are Blancos in plenty to be met with in the towns, and numbers of the opposing section to be found in the country; but in the main the distinction applies.

The districts in which the Blancos are most strongly represented of all are those of the northern provinces of TacuarembÓ and Rivera, more especially the latter, since it offers in case of need the refuge of the Brazilian frontier. Party feeling at all times runs high, and in these districts that are almost altogether given over to the Blanco cause a certain amount of caution is necessary should a revolution actually be in progress. Much stress, for instance, is laid on the insignia that—in the absence of regular military uniforms—distinguish the adherents of one side from those of the other. In a Blanco district, when trouble is seething, it may be laid down as a hard-and-fast maxim that the traveller should wear no trace of red about his person. The precaution may seem grotesque, yet many ludicrous mistakes have occurred through a failure to observe it.

One of the numerous instances of the kind was provided me by a mining engineer, who had himself undergone the experience. Appointed as manager to a goldmine in the far north of the Republic, he happened to arrive, a stranger to the country, during the period of unrest in 1904. Nearing his destination, he had left the railway-line, and was completing the last few leagues of his journey by coach, when he stopped for refreshment at a small pulperia, or rural inn.

The place was fairly well filled with peones, and with the various types of the local labourer, and no sooner had he entered the doors than it became obvious to the traveller that his advent had caused a deep sensation amongst these folk. The landlord served him with reluctance and a visible show of embarrassment, while the black looks of the rest grew deeper, until the demeanour of a certain number became actually threatening. The mining engineer turned in amazement to the pulpero, who in mute accusation pointed a finger at the tie he wore. It was a vivid red! The traveller had learned sufficient of the country's situation to enable him to understand something of the situation. The group of Blancos were fully under the impression that one of their hated political enemies had defiantly come to beard them in their very midst. Explanations produced only a minor result, since these hardy dwellers in the back-blocks were wont to judge by deeds rather than by words. So, perceiving that no other remedy remained, the wearer of the hated badge hurried out to his coach, unstrapped one of his bags, and entered the pulperia once more, bearing beneath his collar a standard of neutrality and peace in the shape of a black tie! On this the local patrons of the inn expressed their entire satisfaction, and profound peace reigned in the pulperia.

It would be possible to mention a number of similar episodes. There have even been cases when the colouring of surveyor's poles has given an unpleasantly political significance to instruments that were never more misjudged. But even such ludicrous side-issues serve to show the amount of bitterness that exists amongst the humblest members of either cause. Such determined struggles, it is true, are not a little eloquent of the virility and energy of a nation. Nevertheless, it will be a bright day for Uruguay when the country can look upon its revolutions as past history. As I have said elsewhere, these minor wars have not succeeded in arresting the forward march of the Republic. Yet their cessation could not fail to produce an even greater acceleration in the present rate of progress. Since every thoughtful Uruguayan admits this to the full, and openly deplores these periodical outbursts of unrest, it is to be hoped that the days of internal peace will not be much longer delayed.