113 Originally, custos placitorum coronÆ, record keeper of the pleas of the Crown.

114 In existence also in France and Germany from the earliest times, thus defined in the “Grand Coutumier de Normandie,” chap. 54: “Il ne doit Être criÉ fors pour cause criminelle, si comme pour feu et pour larcin ou pour homicide ou pour autre Évident pÉril, si comme si aucun court sus À un autre le couteau trait. Car cil qui crie haro sans apert (obvious) pÉril le doit amender au prince ... A ce cri doivent isser tous ceux qui l’ont oui.” This custom remained in use in Normandy until the French Revolution. Glasson, “Origines de la clameur de haro,” Paris, 1882. In England the statutes concerning the “hue and cry” were repealed only in 1827.

115 “Fleta,” lib. i. cap. 19, 20. See also “Local Self-Government and Centralization,” by Toulmin Smith, 1848, pp. 220–232, 298.

116 “Mais de cler jour, À la veue de toutz, issint qe gentz de pays puissent veer la peine et la hounte que les ditz atteintz ount, et par tant en soient les meuz chastiez.” Year, probably, 33 Ed. I; Palgrave, “Original Authority of the King’s Council,” p. 56.

117 Reeves, “History of English Law,” ed. Finlason, ii. p. 408.

118 Prologue to the “Canterbury Tales;” The Monk.

119 See Appendix VII, p. 432.

120 “Household Expenses of Richard de Swinfield,” ed. J. Webb, 1854, Camden Society, vols. i. p. 125, ii. pp. xxx–xxxvi. The duels of Thomas de Bruges were not those of the cases of felony and crime which resulted in the death of the vanquished; it was merely the duel with staff and shield, cum fuste et scuto, which required, as may be imagined, the replacement of the champion much less frequently. In the twenty-ninth year of Edward III, a duel took place by means of champions between the Bishop of Salisbury and the Earl of Salisbury. When the judges, conformably to the laws, came to examine the dress of the combatants, they found that the bishop’s champion had several sheets of prayers and incantations sown in his garments (“Year Books of Edward I,” Rolls Series, 32–33d year, preface, p. xvi, note). This examination of the clothing was always made with the intention of discovering frauds of this kind, which were considered as the most dangerous and disloyal of all.

121 See Riley’s “Liber Albus,” p. 303, where the case is entered in full.

122 One has only to peruse Froissart to notice the extreme frequency of this custom. Jean de Hainaut arrives at Denain: “There he lodged in the abbey that night” (lib. i. part i. ch. 14); the queen disembarks in England with the same Jean de Hainaut, “and then they found a great abbey of black monks which is called St. Aymon, and they were harboured there and refreshed for three days” (ch. 18); “there the king stopped and lodged in an abbey” (ch. 292); “King Philippe came to the good town of Amiens, and there lodged in the abbey of Gard” (ch. 296), etc.

123 “The Knights Hospitallers in England,” edited by Larking and Kemble, Camden Society, 1857. It is the text of a manuscript found at Malta entitled, “Extenta terrarum et tenementorum Hospitalis Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia, A.D. 1338.”

124 “Knights Hospitallers,” pp. 99, 101, 127. The effect of the Scottish wars on the possessions of the Knights is strikingly set forth: “Omnes possessiones hospitalis in Scocia sunt destructa, combusta per fortem guerram ibidem per multos annos continuatam unde nil his diebus potest levari. Solebat tamen, tempore pacis, reddere per annum, cc marcas” (p. 129).

125 See Appendix VIII, p. 433.

126 Statute 3 Edward I, cap. 1.

127 Statute 9 Edward II, cap. 11, Articuli Cleri, A.D. 1315–1316.

128 “Fleta,” lib. i. cap. 20, § 68, 72.

129 “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. p. 501, A.D. 1402.

130 Ibid., iii. p. 82, A.D. 1379–80. The clergy, on the other hand, complain that the sheriffs sometimes come “with their wives and other excessive number of people on horseback as well as on foot,” to stay in monasteries, under pretext of collecting monies for the king. Ibid. p. 26, A.D. 1377.

131 “Inventories of St. Mary’s Hospital, or Maison Dieu, Dover,” by M. E. C. Walcott, “ArchÆologia Cantiana,” London, 1869.

132 “MensÆ de medio removentur,” or, in the English version by S. Bateman, of 1582, fol. 81, “when they have eaten, boord, clothes, and reliefe bee borne awaye”—description of a dinner in England, by Bartholomew the Englishman (de Glanville), 13th century. “Bartholomi Anglici de proprietatibus rerum,” Frankfort, 1609, lib. vi. cap. 32. Smollett, in the eighteenth century, notes the existence of similar customs in Scotland; people dine, then sleep in the hall, where mattresses are stretched, replacing the tables (“Humphrey Clinker”).

133 “Hall and chamber, for litter, 20d.; hall and chamber, for rushes, 16d.; hall, &c., for litter, 1d., &c.” Extracts from the “Rotulus familiÆ,” 18 Ed. I, “ArchÆologia,” vol. xv. p. 350. The king was then at Langley Castle, Buckinghamshire.

134 Turner and Parker, “Domestic Architecture in England, from Edward I to Richard II,” Oxford, 1853, p. 75. See also in “ArchÆologia,” vi. p. 366, the illustrated description of the royal hall at Eltham.

135 Eclogue III in the edition of the “Cytezen and Vplondyshman,” published by the Percy Society, 1847, p. li.

136 “The Vision concerning Piers the Plowman,” ed. Skeat, Text B, passus x. line 96.

137

with fleas as big as those of the monks of Citeaux. “Œuvres ComplÈtes,” ed. de Queux de St. Hilaire, vol vii. pp. 79, 117.

138 “Works,” Skeat, iv, 595.

139 Statutes 23 Ed. III, ch. 6, and 27 Ed. III, st. 1, ch. 3. As to the inns of the Middle Ages, see Francisque Michel and Ed. Fournier, “La Grande BohÈme, histoire de classes rÉprouvÉes,” vol. i, “HÔtelleries et cabarets,” Paris, 1851; d’Avenel, “L’Évolution des Moyens de Transport,” Paris, 1919. There is in the “Vetusta monumenta,” vol. iv, 1815, pl. xxxv., a fine view of the George Inn at Glastonbury (fifteenth century). The New Inn at Gloucester, Northgate-street, is a good specimen of an English inn of the fifteenth century (below, p. 131. Charming sketches of several by Herbert Railton adorn an article on “Coaching Days and Coaching Ways,” in the “English Illustrated Magazine,” July, 1888. See also Turner and Parker, who mention several, of the fifteenth century, “Domestic Architecture,” vol. iii. pp. 46 ff.

140 The Latin text of their account of expenses was published by Thorold Rogers in his “History of Agriculture and Prices,” ii. p. 638.

141 “Liber Albus,” ed. Riley, Introduction, p. lviii. Cf. the journey from Cambridge to York of a party of twenty-six scholars, in 1319. The beds, wherever they sleep, uniformly cost 8d. for the twenty-six. W. W. Rouse Ball, “Cambridge Papers,” London, 1918, ch. ix. “A Christmas Journey in 1319.”

142 See Appendix IX.

143 Published by Prof. Paul Meyer in the Revue Critique (1870), vol. x. p. 373.

144 “Bon souper, bon gÎte, et le reste” (La Fontaine).

145 Riley’s “Memorials of London,” p. 386.

146 Ed. Barack, Nurenberg, 1858; Fr. translation by Magnin, Paris, 1845.

147 F. Michel and E. Fournier, “La Grande BohÈme” I, pp. 200 ff.

148 Furnivall, “Tale of Beryn,” Early English Text Society, 1887, p. viii., or Arber, “English Garner,” vi. 84.

149

Prologue to the “Tale of Beryn.” E.E.T.S., 1909, p. 1.

150 Statutes for the City of London, 13 Ed. I, “Statutes of the Realm,” vol. i. p. 102, A.D. 1285.

151 Articles of the View of Frankpledge, of probably 18 Ed. II, “Statutes,” vol. i. p. 246 (French text).

152 Hugh the needle-seller.

153 “Piers the Plowman,” Skeat’s edition, Text C, passus vii. ll. 364–370, 394.

154

“Le Livre de la mutacion de fortune,” Bk. iii, MS. Fr. 603, BibliothÈque Nationale, Paris. Christine de Pisan’s “Œuvres poÉtiques,” are being published by the “SociÉtÉ de Anciens textes FranÇais,” ed. Maurice Roy, 1886 ff.

155 “Elynour Rummynge.” “Poetical Works of John Skelton,” ed. Dyce, 1843, vol. i. p. 95.

156 Jurors find in 1375 that the bridge in the midst of the causey between Brant Broughton and Lincoln was primarily made “by a certain hermit after the first pestilence,” and consisted “in a board placed above the ford” which had to be waded through: “Jurati dicunt supra sacramentum suum ... quod pons predictus post primam pestilenciam ibidem primo per quendam heremitum factus fuit, ponendo tabulam ultra quoddam vadum in medio calceti predicti.” Complete text in C. T. Flower, “Public Works in MediÆval Law,” Selden Society, 1915, i. 263.

157 “Roman de Renart,” Branch viii. ed. Martin i. p. 267. On the outcome of this confession, see further, Part iii. chap. iii.

158 The son of a mayor of York; d. about 1235. Miracles are said to have been worked at the Knaresborough hermitage, Yorkshire, where he had lived and was buried.

159 “English Prose Treaties,” ed. Perry, E.E.T.S., 1866, pp. xv, xvi. Rolle died in 1349.

160 Ibid. p. 5.

161 Another example still in existence is the hermitage at Warkworth, Northumberland, partly of masonry and partly scooped out of the rock. It was apparently enlarged by its successive inhabitants, but seems from the style of the windows and carvings to belong mostly to the fourteenth century.

162 “The Metrical Life of Saint Robert of Knaresborough,” ed. Haslewood and Douce, Roxburghe Club, 1824, p. 36. Cf. “Rotuli Chartarum in Turri Londinensi asservati,” ed. T. D. Hardy, 1837, p. 158, where King John is seen bestowing on one Robert, in 1205, “locum in quo heremitorium sancte Wereburge sedet” (the famous St. Werburga, abbess of Ely, seventh century). He does so “pro amore Dei et pro salute anime nostre.” He grants, “in puram et perpetuam elemosinam,” the “heremitorium de Godeland” to the monks of Whitby, Oct. 26, 1205, ibid, p. 159.

163 Both sorts generally lived by themselves, but the recluse never left his cell while the hermit could roam about. “Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham,” ed. Devon, p. 393, 44 Ed. III; the same king gives also 20s. “in aid of her support” to “Alice de Latimer a recluse anchorite,” ibid. p. xxxvi.

164 “Teste Rege, apud Westmonasterium, 1º die Octobris [1399].” Rymer’s “Foedera.”

165 See, for an example of a hermit settled at the corner of a bridge, an Act of resumption which formally excepts a grant of 14s. yearly to the “Heremyte of the Brigge of Loyne and his successours,” 4 Ed. IV, “Rolls of Parliament,” v. p. 546. Another example is to be found in J. Britton, “On Ancient Gate-houses,” “Memoirs illustrative of the History of Norfolk,” London, ArchÆological Institute, 1851, p. 137, where hermits are mentioned who lived on Bishop’s Bridge, Norwich, in the thirteenth century and after.

166 See before, pp. 41 ff.

167 See above as to the part taken by the clergy in the collection of offerings, and in the care and maintenance of bridges, chap. i.

168 12 Rich. II, chap. vii, “Statutes of the Realm.” A sample of a hermit’s vow, with an analysis of a fourteenth-century text describing the ceremony for the consecration of a hermit, is in E. L. Cutts, “Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages,” 1872, pp. 98, 99. A list is given, p. 111, of the still subsisting English hermitages.

169 “Piers Plowman,” Skeat’s edition, Text C, passus i. l. 30; passus x. l. 195.

170 Ibid., passus x. l. 188.

171 Look humbly to gain alms.

172 “Piers Plowman,” Skeat’s edition, Text C, passus x. ll. 140–152.

173 Text C, passus x. ll. 251–256.

174

Le Dit de frÈre Denise. “Œuvres complÈtes de Rutebeuf,” ed. Jubinal, Paris, 1874, vol. ii. p. 63.

175 Printed in the “ArchÆological Journal,” vol. iv. p. 69.

176 “E, sire, les avant ditz William e Richart e plusours gentz de la ville de Lichfield sount menacÉ des ditz larons e lour maintenours qu’ils n’osent nule part aler hors de la dite ville.”

177 Richard II had several times to renew and confirm them, but without effect. In his first statute upon this subject he condemns the superabundance of retainers which many men, though of indifferent means, delight in; he declares “that divers people of small revenue of land, rent, or other possessions, do make great retinue of people, as well of esquires as of other, in many parts of the realm” (1 Richard II, cap. 7, A.D. 1377). The third statute of 13 Richard II, that of his 16th year (cap. 4), that of his 20th year (cap. 1 and 2), are likewise directed against the abuse of liveries and the number of retainers of the “lords spiritual and temporal.” Henry VI renewed these statutes, also without result.

178 10 Ed. III, year 1336.

179 Those who divided among themselves the prospective profit of a lawsuit “maintained” in this way, were called “champertors,” campi participes, which was forbidden by numerous statutes. See e.g. the “Ordinacio de Conspiratoribus,” 33 Ed. I, year 1305.

180 4 Ed. III, chap. 2, year 1330.

181 20 Ed. III, chap. 4, 5, 6, year 1346.

182 “Le Roi dÉsire que commun droit soit fait À toutz, auxibien À povres come À riches.” 1 Ed. III, stat. ii, ch. 14.

183 In the petition to the Good Parliament, 1376, she is included among “les femmes qui ont pursuys en les Courtz du Roi diverses busoignes et quereles par voie de maintenance et pur lower (gain) et part avoir.”

184 Statute 2 Richard II, stat. i. cap. 6, A.D. 1378.

185 The picture in this statute is so complete that there is scarcely need to quote other texts; they are, however, numerous. In the petitions to parliament will be found many complaints by private people for acts of violence of which they had been victims, for imprisonment by their enemies, robberies, arson, destruction of game or fish in the parks. Examples: petition of Agnes Atte Wode, she and her son beaten and robbed (ibid. i. p. 372); of Agnes of Aldenby, beaten by malefactors (“Rolls of Parliament,” i. p. 375); of the inhabitants of several towns of the county of Hertford, who have been imprisoned and forced to pay ransom by the knight John of Patmer (i. p. 389); of John of Grey, who was attacked by fifteen malefactors so resolute as to set fire to a town and storm a castle (i. p. 397); of Robert Power, who is robbed and his mansion sacked, his people beaten, by “men all armed as men of war” (i. p. 410); of Ralph le Botiller, who has seen his mansion pillaged and burnt by eighty men, who came with arms and baggage, bringing ropes and hatchets on carts (ii. p. 88), etc. In France, it is well known, the misdeeds of this kind were still more numerous but then a continual state of war was raging there.

186 “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. p. 351.

187 One founded with that object by Matthew of Dunstable in 1295, and “known as the chantry of Biddenham bridge in Bromham parish.” “Victoria History of the Counties of England,” Bedfordshire, vol. iii. p. 49.

188 “Statutes of the Realm,” year 1285.

189 “Chronica Monasterii de Melsa,” Rolls Series, ii. 275.

190 “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 201 (22 E. III, 1348).

191 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 165.

192 Earliest reference in England: that in the laws of Ethelbert, King of Kent, later part of the sixth century, where it is said that “the penalty for violation of church frith is to be twice that exacted for an ordinary breach of peace.” Trenholme, “The Right of Sanctuary in England,” University of Missouri Studies, 1903, p. 11.

193 Trenholme, as above, p. 48.

194 R. W. Billings, “Architectural Illustrations ... of the Church at Durham,” London, 1843, p. 20.

195 “Erant hujusmodi cathedrarum multÆ in Anglia ... Beverlaci autem celeberrima, quÆ priscorum regum benignitate (puta Æthelstani vel alterius cujuspiam) asyli nacta privilegium, tali honestabatur inscriptione: ‘HÆc sedes lapidea Freedstoll dicitur, i.e. pacis cathedra, ad quam reus fugiendo perveniens, omnimodam habet securitatem.’” H. Spelman, “Glossarium Archaiologicum,” 3rd ed., London, 1687, p. 248.

196 Though every consecrated place was a sanctuary, some of them afforded far more safety than others, the penalties for abductors being much greater. A list of the safest of the English sanctuaries is in S. Pegge, “A Sketch of the History of the Asylum or Sanctuary,” in “ArchÆologia,” 1787, vol. viii. p. 41.

197 “Brevis annotatio Ricardi, prioris Hagustaldensis ecclesiÆ de antiquo et moderno statu ejusdem ecclesiÆ,” ed. Raine, “The priory of Hexham,” Surtees Society, 1864–5, 2 vols. illustrated, i. 62. The prior has also a chapter v, “De pace inviolabili per unum milliare circumquaque ipsius ecclesiÆ,” p. 19, and a chapter xiv on the privileges, granted by the king, to the Hexham Sanctuary, p. 61.

198 Raine, as above, II, p. lxiv. Wright’s “Essay” appeared in 1823.

199 Usually worn by the accused, but the law officer’s intrusion would have made him a guilty man. “Carcannum,” says Du Cange, “collistrigium, vinculum quo rei collum stringitur, nostris, carcan.”

200 J. Raine, “Sanctuarium Dunelmense et Sanctuarium Beverlacense,” London, Surtees Society, 1827, p. xxv.

201 See Appendix X, p. 434.

202 “Sanctuarium Dunelmense et Sanctuarium Beverlacense,” p. 111.

203 Penance of this kind was not applied only to men. Women of all ranks were obliged to submit to it. In the same Register Palatine of Durham may be seen the case of Isabella of Murley, condemned for adultery with her sister’s husband, John d’Amundeville, to receive publicly “six whippings around the market of Durham” (vol. ii. p. 695). The case was not one of people of the lower sort; the Amundeville family was powerful and old-established in the county. Particulars about them from the thirteenth century may be found in Surtees, “History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham,” London, 1823, vol. iii. p. 270. Another example is in the “Constitutiones ... Walteri de Cantilupo” (Bishop of Worcester), A.D. 1240; Wilkins’ “Concilia MagnÆ BritanniÆ et HiberniÆ,” London, 1757, vol. i. p. 668.

204 “Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense,” ed. Sir T. D. Hardy, London, 1875, vol. i. p. 315, A.D. 1313.

205 Henry IV or Henry V. Raine, “Sanctuarium Dunelmense,” p. xvii.

206 “Historical Notices of the Collegiate Church or Royal free Chapel and Sanctuary of St. Martin le Grand, London,” by A. J. Kempe, London, 1825, p. 136.

207 “Croniques de London,” edited by G. J. Aungier, Camden Society, 1844, p. 48; written by a contemporary of the events.

208 “Articuli cleri,” statute 9 E. II, cap. 10.

209 He forbids those on guard to stay in the cemetery, unless there is imminent danger of flight. The felon may have the “necessaries of life” in the sanctuary.

210 “Statutes of the Realm,” i. p. 250, text of uncertain date, but probably of the reign of Edward II. All this was classified as “Abuses” by the not very trustworthy author of the “Mirror for Justices” (Andrew Horne?), early fourteenth century, ed. Whittaker and Maitland, Selden Soc., 1895, p. 158. At all events it was the law. According to “Fleta,” lib. i. cap. xxix, at the end of forty days in sanctuary, if the malefactors have not abjured the kingdom, food must be refused to them, and they will no longer be allowed to emigrate. On the road to the port, according to the same, the felon wore a garb which would cause him to be recognized, being “ungirt, un-shod, bare-headed, in his bare shirt, as if he were to be hanged on the gallows, having received a cross in his hands,” “discinctus et discalceatus, capite discooperto, in pura tunica, tanquam in patibulo suspendendus, accepta cruce in manibus.” “Fleta” stated that he must try to cross, till he got into water, not up to the knees, but up to the neck. On the “Abjuratio Regni,” see the capital article, with a complete bibliography of the subject by AndrÉ RÉville, in the “Revue Historique,” Sept. 1892.

211 “The Sanctuaries and Sanctuary Seekers of MediÆval England,” by the Rev. J. Charles Cox, quoting a coroner’s roll of the time of Edward III. London, 1911, p. 28.

212 Statute 2 Rich. II, stat. 2, chap. 3. These frauds had been already complained of under Edward III. A petition of the Commons in the parliament of 1376–77 (“Rolls of Parliament,” ii. p. 369), declares that certain people, after having received money or merchandise on loan, and having made a pretended gift of all their property to friends, “flee to Westminster, St. Martin’s, or other such privileged places, and lie there a long time, ... so long that the said creditors are only too pleased to take a small part of their debt and release the rest.” Then the debtors return home, and their friends give them back their property.

213 See Appendix X, p. 435.

214 A. J. Kempe, “Historical Notices of ... St. Martin le Grand,” London, 1825, p. 135.

215 Statute 9 Ed. II, cap. 15.

216 “Croniques de London,” Camden Society, 1884, p. 42.

217 See Appendix X.

218 “Croniques de London,” Camden Society, 1844, p. 52.

219 “The History of King Richard the Thirde (unfinished), writen by Master Thomas More, than one of the Under Sherriffs of London: about the yeare of our Lorde, 1513,” “Workes,” London, 1557. Reprinted by S. W. Singer, Chiswick, 1821, p. 55.

220 “The History of King Richard the Thirde,” pp. 44, 45. A list of the “contents” of the same Westminster sanctuary, in 1532, has been printed by the Rev. J. C. Cox, showing that “there were then fifty fugitives, including one woman under the protection of the abbey, as life prisoners, one of whom had been there for twenty years. Sixteen were there for felonies, probably all robberies, eleven for murder or homicide, eighteen for debt, and two for sacrilege,” the church having particular merit in protecting the latter. One was a priest: “Sir James Whytakere, preste, for murdre”; some were there for a matter so small as to inspire pity: “John ap Howell for felony; a poore mane, for stellynge of herrings.” “Sanctuaries,” 1911, pp. 72 ff.

222 21 James I, cap. 28, § 7; “Statutes,” vol. iv. part ii. p. 1237.

223 “Rolls of Parliament,” 21 Ed. III, vol. ii. p. 178. See also the petition of the Commons in 1350–51, 25 Ed. III, vol. ii. p. 229.

224 “Our lord the king by untrue recommendations has several times granted his charter of pardon to notorious robbers and to common murderers, when it is given him to understand that they are staying for his wars beyond the sea, whence they suddenly return into their country to persevere in their misdeeds.” The king orders that on the charter shall be written “the name of him who made the recommendation to the king;” the judges before whom this charter shall be presented by the felon to have his liberty shall have the power to make inquiry, and if they find that the recommendation is not well founded, they shall hold the charter of non effect. “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 253, A.D. 1353.

225 Regulations of 1313. “Munimenta Academica; or documents illustrative of academical life and studies at Oxford,” edited by H. Anstey, London, 1868, Rolls Series, vol. i. p. 91. The penalty was prison and the loss of the weapons.

226 5 Edward III, cap. 14.

227 A characteristic example of thief-catching, the man being a vagabond, is in Thorold Rogers: William atte Lane had “feloniously bereft Richard [de Herbarton] of a striped gown, worth ten shillings.” Richard ran after him, “cum hutesio et clamore,” and the man was caught “by the bailiff of the liberty of Holywell, Oxford.” William pleaded not guilty and asked for a jury, “ponit se super patriam.” The jury found him guilty, ordered that he restitute the gown to Richard, and as he had no goods to make atonement, and was “a vagabond belonging to no ward,” he be hanged, “suspendatur,” (Dec. 8, 1337); the marginal note “susp.” shows that he was actually hanged. “Hist. of Agriculture,” ii. 665.

228 Statute of Winchester, 13 Ed. I, cap. 4.

229 “Clamor patriÆ” in the Latin texts, “Fleta” for example; “clameur de haro” in France, where the practice existed even before the time of Childebert, sixth century, and was still in use, in Normandy at least, until the Revolution. See above, p. 114, note 1.

230 This power of running down the first comer was, like many practices of the time, at once a guarantee for public safety and a dangerous arm in the hands of felons. Robbers used it, and it happened sometimes that they imprisoned by this means their own victims. Alisot, wife of Henry of Upatherle, sets forth to the king that her husband was made prisoner by the Scotch at the battle of Stirling, remained their captive more than a year, then returned after having paid forty pounds ransom. In his absence, Thomas of Upatherle and Robert of Prestbury seized on the fields which he possessed at Upatherle, divided them, pulled down the houses and acted as the owners, taking to their own homes all the goods they could move. The prisoner’s return surprised them; as soon as they knew that he had re-appeared on his lands, “the said Thomas, by false agreement between him and the said Robert, raised hue and cry on the said Henry and put upon him that he had robbed him (Thomas) of his chattels to the value of £100.” They were believed; “the said Henry was taken and imprisoned in Gloucester castle for a long time,” waiting for the coming of the justices, exactly as the statute said. Henry recovered his liberty in the end, and obtained a writ against his enemies; but they brought force and came to meet their victim, “and beat the said Henry in the town of Gloucester, that is they bruised his two arms, both his thighs, and both his legs, and his head on both sides, and quite wrecked and vilely treated his body, so that he barely escaped death.” The king’s reply is not satisfactory: “If the husband be alive, the plaint is his, if he be dead the wife’s plaint is nothing.” “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 35, A.D. 1330.

231 “Diz de l’Erberie.” “Œuvres complÈtes de Rutebeuf,” Jubinal’s edition, 1874, vol. ii. p. 58.

232 Isambert, “Recueil GÉnÉral des anciennes lois FranÇaises,” vol. iii. p. 16, and iv. p. 676.

233 “The Play of the Sacrament,” “Philological Society Transactions,” ed. Whiteley Stokes, 1860, p. 127.

234 “Let scarlet cloth be taken, and let him who is suffering small-pox be entirely wrapped in it or in some other red cloth; I did thus when the son of the illustrious King of England suffered from small-pox; I took care that all about his bed should be red, and that cure succeeded very well.” Original in Latin, “Joannis Anglici, Praxis Medica Rosa Anglica dicta,” Augsburg, 1595, lib. ii. p. 1050.

To which Gaddesden, I now make humble apologies: for since the above lines were written years ago, modern discoveries, those especially of Niels Finsen, of Copenhagen, a man of the truest worth, whom I saw at work, have justified him. Red light, it has been found, really has an influence on the healing of the scars left by small-pox, and even of the disease itself. So, biding the time when his beetle remedy, mentioned next, may prove operative too, I hold Gaddesden justified in turning, from above, the laugh on his deriders: and I submit to the penance in the same contrite spirit as Dr. Johnson once did at Uttoxeter.

235 “Rosa Anglica,” vol. i. p. 496.

236 A remedy for diseases of the spleen (“Rosa Anglica”).

237 “Memorials of London,” documents relating to the thir­teenth, four­teenth and fif­teenth cen­tu­ries, edit­ed by H. Riley, London, 1868, p. 466.

238 “L’ordinance encontre les entremettours de fisik et de surgerie,” “Rolls of Parliament,” 9 Hen. V, vol. iv. p. 130.

239 Their charter of 1461 is given in Report and Appendix of the City Liveries’ Commission, 1884, vol. iii. p. 74. [L. T. S.]

240 “The Foure P.” London, 1545.

241 Statute 3 Hen. VIII, cap. 11.

242 Statutes 32 Hen. VIII, cap. 42; 34 and 35 Hen. VIII, cap. 8.

243 “The Fox,” Act II, sc. 1 (1605).

244 “Coryat’s Crudities,” reprinted from the edition of 1611, London, 1776, vol. ii. pp. 50, 53. Coryat set out from Dover, 14 May, 1608.

245 Visited in 1875, not since.

246 Horn and his companions, in the romance of “King Horn,” disguise themselves as minstrels, and range themselves at the gate of Rymenhild’s castle:

“King Horn,” ed. J. R. Lumby, Early English Text Society, 1866, l. 1465.

247 Wordsworth, “The Solitary Reaper.”

248 “Cursor Mundi,” a Northumbrian poem of the fourteenth century, edited by R. Morris for the Early English Text Society, vol. v. p. 1651 and vol. i. p. 8.

249 It began to be customary to read aloud verses too, instead of singing them. Chaucer foresees that his poem of “Troilus” may be indifferently read or sung, and he writes, addressing his book:

250 “Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight,” ed. R. Morris, Early English Text Society, 1864, pp. 38, ff.

251 Brilliantly illuminated manuscripts of romances continued, however, to multiply; they were very well paid for. Edward III bought, in 1331, of Isabella of Lancaster, nun of Aumbresbury, a book of romance for which he paid her £66 13s. 4d., which was an enormous sum. When the king had this book he kept it in his own room (Devon’s “Issues of the Exchequer,” 1837, p. 144). Richard II (ibid. 213) bought a bible in French, a “Roman de la Rose,” and a “Roman de Perceval” for £28. To give an idea of these prices we must recall, for example, that a few years before Edward bought his book of romance, the inhabitants of London entered in the City accounts £7 10s. for ten oxen, £4 for twenty pigs, and £6 for twenty-four swans, which they had given to the king. Year 1328, Riley’s “Memorials of London,” 1868, p. 170.

252 The “Thornton Romances,” edited by J. O. Halliwell for the Camden Society, pp. 88, 121, 177. The romances in this volume are, “Perceval,” “Isumbras,” “Eglamour,” and “Degrevant”; the longest scarcely reaches 3,000 lines, “Isumbras” not 1,000. The manuscript, which is in Lincoln Cathedral, is a collection containing many other romances, especially a “Life of Alexander,” a “Mort d’Arthur,” an “Octavian,” and a “Diocletian,” besides numerous prayers in verse, recipes for curing toothache, prophecies of the weather, etc.

253 From Golias, the type of the debauched and gluttonous prelate, made famous by Latin poems attributed to Walter Map, twelfth century, ed. Th. Wright, Camden Society, 1841; cf. “The Cambridge Songs, a Goliard’s song book of the eleventh century,” ed. Karl Breul, Cambridge, 1916.

254

he says himself. “Poems,” ed. T. Hall, Oxford, 1887, p. 21.

255 “Issues of the Exchequer,” p. 244.

256 “Extracts from the Municipal Records of the City of York,” by Rob. Davies, London, 1843, p. 230.

257 Wardrobe Accounts; “ArchÆologia,” vol. xxvi. p. 342.

258 Thomas Wright, “Domestic Manners and Sentiments,” 1862, p. 181.

259 40 Ed. III, Devon’s “Issue Rolls of the Exchequer,” p. 188.

260 See two examples of like cases in the introduction to the “Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham,” p. xxxix.

261 “Roll of Household Expenses of Richard de Swinfield, Bishop of Hereford,” ed. J. Webb, Camden Society, 1854–55, vol. i. pp. 152, 155. On the condition of minstrels, jugglers, bear-wards, etc., in France, see e.g. “Histoire Économique de la PropriÉtÉ, des Salaires ... et de tous les Prix,” by Vicomte d’Avenel, Paris, 1914, vol. v. p. 264, and BÉdier, “Les Fabliaux,” 1895, p. 389.

262 Ed. P. Meyer, in “Revue Critique,” vol. x. (1870), p. 373.

263 “Piers Plowman,” Text C, pass. xii. ll. 35–39.

264 “Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight,” ed. R. Morris, Early English Text Society, 1864, ll. 484, 1652–1656, and 1952. In the same manner Arthur, after an exploit by Gawain, sits down to table, “Wythe alle maner of mete and mynstralcie bothe.”

265 “This indenture, made 5 June in the 3rd year of our sovereign lord King Henry the fifth since the Conquest, witnesseth that John Clyff, minstrel, and 17 other minstrels, have received from our said lord the king, through Thomas, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, treasurer of England, forty pounds as their wages, to each of them 12d. a day for a quarter of a year, for serving our said lord in the parts of Guyenne or elsewhere.” Rymer’s “Foedera,” ed. 1704–32, year 1415, vol. ix. p. 260.

266 The chief of the minstrels of Beverley was called alderman. [L.T.S.]

267 “Foedera,” year 1387, vol. vii. p. 555. In Sir John Hawkins’ “History of Music,” London, 1893, vol. i. p. 193, John of Gaunt’s charter to the king of his minstrels in Tutbury, dated 4 Richard II, is given at length. [L.T.S.]

268 “Foedera,” year 1464, vol. xi. p. 512.

269 “Issue Roll of Thos. de Brantingham,” ed. Devon, pp. 54–57 and 296–298. These pensions were granted for life.

270

MS. Harl. 1319, in the British Museum, printed in “ArchÆologia,” vol. xx. p. 297.

271 Of which letters, models have come down to us, “and judging by the lavish eulogy they employ, the minstrels themselves must have had a hand in drawing them up.” E. K. Chambers, “The MediÆval Stage,” Oxford, 1903, 2 vols., i. p. 53; three chapters on minstrels of great interest and importance, beginning with a bibliography of the subject, i. 23.

272 Warton’s “History of English Poetry,” Hazlitt’s edition, 1871, ii. p. 98. John of Gaunt orders £16 13s. 4d. to be paid to “various minstrels of his very dear cousin the count of Flanders,” and £65 to various heralds, etc., of “our most redoubted lord and father, the king at Eltham.” “John of Gaunt’s Register,” ed. S. A. Smith, 1911, vol, ii. p. 279. Langland notices the good reception given, when they were travelling, to the king’s minstrels, in order to please their master, known to be sensible of these marks of good will.

273 November 26, 1372. “John of Gaunt’s Register,” ed. S. A. Smith, 1911, ii. 98.

274 Chambers, ibid. i. 51.

275 “Piers Plowman,” Text C, pass. viii. l. 97.

276 See a drawing of such a gallery in a miniature reproduced by Eccleston, “Introduction to English Antiquities;” London, 1847, p. 221. To the sound of the minstrels’ music four wild men or mummers are dancing with contortions; sticks lie on the ground, no doubt for their exercises; a barking dog is jumping between them.

277 “Album de Villard de Honnecourt,” edited by Lassus and Darcel, 1858, plate I.

278

“Le roi d’Angleterre et le jongleur d’Ely,” edited with “La riote du monde,” by Francisque Michel, Paris, 1834, p. 28.—“Viola. Save thee, friend, and thy music: Dost thou live by thy tabor?” And the tabor player, in “Twelfth Night” (iii. 1) is the Clown.

279 At Exeter Cathedral may be seen many of the musical instruments used in the fourteenth century, sculptured in the “Minstrels’ Gallery,” where angels are performing (see the plate). The instruments they use have been identified by M. Carl Engel as being: the cittern, the bag-pipe, the clarion, the rebec, the psaltery, the syrinx, the sackbut, the regals, the gittern, the shalm, the timbrel, the cymbals. “Musical Instruments,” South Kensington Museum Art Handbook, p. 113. [The duties of the court minstrels of Edward IV are declared in the Black Book of the Orders of that king’s household (Harl. MS. 610, fol. 23), and their instruments are enumerated; “some vse trumpetts, some shalmes, some small pipes, some are stringe-men.” L. T. S.]

280 Rymer’s “Foedera,” April 24, 1469. See Appendix XI. On minstrels’ gilds in various English cities, the Beverley one being perhaps the most famous (none, however, possessing documentary proofs of its existence so old as the French ones, the Paris gild, for example, which was reformed in 1321 and lasted till 1776), see Chambers, “MediÆval Stage,” ii. 258. Having known various vicissitudes, the royal or London gild “still exists as the Corporation of the Master, Wardens and Commonalty of the Art and Science of the Musicians of London.” Ibid. ii. 261.

281 “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. p. 508, A.D. 1402.

282 See Appendix XII, p. 437.

283 The songs about him were collected by J. Ritson; “Robin Hood Ballads,” London, second edition, 1832. Most of them are only of the sixteenth century, but a few are of an earlier date. Robin Hood’s popularity was, however, well established in the fourteenth century, as shown by a line in “Piers Plowman,” Skeat’s edition, Text B, passus v., l. 79. On Robin Hood as the hero of popular songs, of many games and of plays, see Chambers, “MediÆval Stage,” i. 174.

284 “The Wyf of Bathes Tale” (sixty-eight lines on the equality of men and on nobility); again, in the “Parson’s Tale”: “Eek for to pryde him of his gentrye is ful greet folye ... we ben alle of o fader and of o moder; and alle we been of o nature roten and corrupt, both riche and poure” (Skeat’s edition of the “Canterbury Tales,” vol. iv. p. 596). Not less striking, these lines of a French poem of the same century, quoted in the Discourse upon the state of letters in the fourteenth century, “Histoire LittÉraire de la France,” vol. xxiv. p. 236:

285 “Sicut lex justissima, provida circumspectione sacrorum principum stabilita, hortatur et statuit ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur, sic.,” etc. Rymer’s “Foedera,” year 1295, vol. ii. p. 689.

286 “Foedera,” year 1297, vol. ii. p. 783.

287 Isambert’s “Recueil,” vol. iii, pp. 102, 104.

288 A not at all rare occurrence. See in the fabliau, “Le povre Clerc,” how the itinerant verse teller is asked by the peasant who receives him to say, while the supper is cooking: “Some of those things that are in writing, either a song or a story of adventure.” BÉdier, “Les Fabliaux,” 2nd ed., 1895, p. 391.

289 Performing animals or wild ones in cages enjoyed a popularity which proved more constant than that of minstrels, since it has continued unabated from the early middle ages to the present time. Ursinarii frequently appear in the accounts of the Shrewsbury corporation quoted by Chambers who gives, e.g. this noteworthy entry: “In regardo dato ursinario domini Regis pro agitacione bestiarum suarum ultra denarios tunc ibidem collectos....” (MediÆval Stage, ii. 251; year 1517). The English kings, as is well known, had their mÉnagerie in the Tower, as the French ones had theirs in Paris. St. Louis sent, “as a great gift,” in 1255, an elephant to Henry III; “and we do not believe any had been seen before in England,” wrote Matthew Paris who, good draughtsman as he was, painted the portrait of the wondrous beast. The miniature in MS. Nero D I, in the British Museum, fol. 169, is by him, according to Madden, “Historia Anglorum,” Rolls, Preface.

290

291 Chambers, “MediÆval Stage,” i. 58, quoting, the “Summa TheologiÆ”: “Sicut dictum est, ludus est necessarius ad conservationem vitÆ humanÆ,” etc. On the distinction between the higher and lower minstrelsy, see ibid. pp. 59 ff.

292 Lib. i. chap. viii.

293 “Historical Papers from the Northern Registers,” ed. Raine, Rolls Series, p. 398. Cf. Bodleian MS. 264, fos. 21, 51, 56, 91, etc.

294

295 “Loci e libro veritatum; Passages selected from Gascoigne’s Theological Dictionary” (1403–48), ed. Thorold Rogers, Oxford, 1881, p. 144.

296 For instance, MS. Add. 29704, fol. 11. This particular illumination seems to be of the fourteenth century.

297 Devon’s “Issues of the Exchequer,” p. 212.

298 Phillip Stubbes’ “Anatomy of Abuses,” ed. F. J. Furnivall, New Shakspere Society, 1877–79, pp. 171, 172. Stubbes’ opinion was shared by all the religious writers or moralists of the sixteenth century.

299 All the extracts here are from the “House of Fame,” book iii. “Complete Works,” ed. Skeat, Oxford, 1894, vol. iii. pp. 33 ff.

300 “A suit respecting civil matter was commenced in this reign (Ed. I), as in earlier or subsequent reigns, by the purchase of a writ and sometimes by bill. ... The writs were committed to messengers who had to travel into the different parts of the kingdom and deliver them to the sheriffs or other proper officers to be served on the defendants.” Horwood, “Year-books of Edward I,” years 30–31, p. xxv. Against the purchase of the writs the Commons protested, claiming (35 Ed. III, year 1351–2) that this was contrary to Magna Charta, according to which the king “ne vendra ne deleiera droit À nulli.” The king refused to give up what he considered as a legitimate profit, but promised that the tariff would be lowered. “Rolls of Parliament,” ii., 241.

301 See the representation of lords and ladies dictating their letters to scribes, and of messengers carrying them to their destinations in the MSS. at the British Museum, Royal 10 Ed. IV, fol. 305, 306, etc., and Add. 12228 fol. 238.

302 “King Edward II’s Household and Wardrobe Ordinances,” 1323, ed. Furnivall, 1876, p. 46. The French kings had a much larger number: “Les riches personnages entretenaient des messagers de pied et des chevaucheurs: de ces derniers le roi de France en avait une centaine ... de moindres seigneurs se contentaient de deux ou trois. Les chevaucheurs Étaient payÉs À forfait: au XIV^e siÉcle, 18 francs par jour (present value) pour un parcours de 55 kilomÈtres environ. ... Les messagers de pied, par journÉe de 30 kilomÈtres en moyenne, touchaient 9 francs chez le Roi (1380); À la solde des particuliers ou des villes leur salaire variait de 5 À 10 francs. Un voyage de nuit valait le double: 20 francs: de mÊme les courses pÉrilleuses.” D’Avenel, “L’Évolution des moyens de transport,” Paris, 1919, p. 142. Cf. Thorold Rogers, “History of Agriculture and Prices,” i. 665, iv. 712.

303 Anne of Bohemia, first wife of Richard II, born at Prague in 1366, grand-daughter of blind King John of Bohemia killed at CrÉcy, herself dying of the plague at Shene, 1394, leaving her husband almost crazy with grief. “Issue roll of Thomas de Brantingham,” ed. F. Devon, London, 1835, pp. xxxii, xxxvii, xliv, 408; “Issues of the Exchequer,” 1837, pp. 220, 255. Whole pages of Thomas de Brantingham’s roll (e.g. pp. 154–155) are filled with payments received by messengers, which show the frequent use made of their services.

304 32 Ed. III, “Issues of the Exchequer,” p. 169.

305 2 Rich. II, year 1378, “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. iii. p. 36.

306 Rymer’s “Foedera,” April 3, 1396 (19 Rich. II).

307 “Issues of the Exchequer,” p. 202.

308 “Rolls of Parliament,” i. p. 48 (18 Ed. I).

309 “Wardrobe Accounts of Edward II,” ArchÆologia, xxvi. 321, 336.

310 Extract from a letter to the author: “Yesterday I was reading your ‘Vie Nomade,’ and that portion of it which speaks of the rewards given in fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to messengers who brought good tidings to the king. It may interest you to know that a remnant of this custom still survives. The officer sent by a general after a victory to convey the despatch to the Queen, receives besides a promotion in rank (or a decoration), a pecuniary reward. The officer who brought the news of the fall of Sebastopol to the Queen received the rank of Colonel, and a present of 500 guineas.

“My brother A.D.C., Major Anson, who carried home from China the despatch announcing the fall of Pekin, was promoted Colonel, and received a present of 500 guineas.—St. James’ Club, May 30, 1890.—F. Grant.”

What happened, in our less ceremonious days, when the news was brought of the Marne, of Ypres, of Messines? Doubtless it was not brought; it came.

311 “Item, be it prohibited everywhere that any alien send letters beyond the sea, or receive letters which come thence; unless he shew them to the chancellor or to some other lord of the Privy Council, or at least to the chief wardens of the ports or their lieutenants, who shall further show them to the said Council.” “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 163, 20 Fd. III.

312 Text C, pas. xiv. ll. 33–59.

313 5 and 6 Ed. VI, ch. 21. Statutes, vol. iv. part i. p. 155.

314 14 Eliz. ch. v. “Statutes,” vol. iv. part i. pp. 590 ff.

315 8 and 9 Will. III, ch. 25.

316 Cf the contents of the pack of a French “porte-balle” of the eighteenth century: “...Un de ces merciers ambulants qu’on appelle porte-balles et qui lui crie: Monsieur le chevalier, jarretiÈres, ceintures, cordons de montre, tabatiÈres du dernier goÛt, vraies jaback, bagues, cachets de montre....” Diderot, “Jacques le Fataliste.” Ed. Asseline, p. 30.

317 Text B, pas. v. l. 257.

318 The English coaling trade had greatly increased in the fourteenth century; large quantities of coal were brought by water from Newcastle and other places to London and partly consumed on the spot, partly exported. The importance of coal mines did not escape the notice of the Commons, who stated in the year 1376–7 that, “en diverses parties deinz le Roialme d’Engleterre sont diverses miners de carbons, dont les communes du dit partie ont lour sustenantz en grande partie.” 51 Ed. III, “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 370. Cf Salzmann, “English Industries of the Middle Ages,” 1913, ch. I, and H. Hall, “A select Bibliography for the study, sources and literature of English Political Economy,” London, 1914.

319 The trade in wines was enormous, especially with Gascony, and subjected to the most minute regulations. Not only the importation of it was the occasion of ceaseless interfering, but the retail sale in towns was perpetually regulated anew by local ordinances. Woe to the vintner who was detected meddling in any unfair way with his liquor; he might experience the chastisement inflicted upon John Penrose, who for such an offence was sent to the pillory in 1364, was made to drink publicly there his own stuff, had what he could not drink poured over his head, and was besides sentenced to renounce his trade for ever. Riley, “Memorials of London,” 1868, p. 318.

320 Same rules in France: “Que nul billon, vaissellemente, joyaux d’or et d’argent ne soint traits hors dudit royaume par personne quelle que ce soit, si ce n’estoit vaissellemente de prÉlats ou de nobles ou d’autres gens d’Église pour lour service.” Ordinance of Jean le Bon, dated from London, 1358; Isambert, vol. v. p. 39.

322 Statute 5 Rich. II st. i. ch. 3, and 6 Rich. II, year 1381–2.

323 “Rolls of Parliament,” 46 Ed. III, year 1372, vol. ii. p. 311.

324 Ibid., 11 Rich II, A.D. 1387, vol. iii. p. 253. The penalties are removed for the Hanse merchants but not for the Prussians, “Et en le mesne temps soient lettre du privÉ seal envoiÉ al Mestre de Pruys de repaier et due redresse faire as merchantz Engleis des arestes et autres tortz et damages À eux fait deinz la seigneurie de Pruys, come reson demande.”

325 Statute 27 Ed. III st. ii. ch. 2.

326 25 Ed. III stat. iii. ch. 2.

327 See, for particulars about the “Gildhalda Teutonicorum” in Dowgate Ward, Thames Street, and afterwards in the Steel-house, Herbert’s “Livery Companies,” London, 1837, vol. i. pp. 10–16. The importance of Italian settlements of money-changers and money-lenders (whence the “Lombard streets” or “rues des Lombards” surviving in many towns) are well known.

328 These and many other particulars about English trade with Venice are to be found in Rawdon Brown’s “Calendars of State Papers ... in the Archives of Venice,” London, 1864 (Rolls); see also J. Delaville le Roulx, “La France en Orient au XIV^e siÈcle,” Paris, 1886, vol. i. p. 199.

329 For the first time in 1397–98. He was a liberal lender of money to Kings Henry IV and Henry V.

330 Th. Wright, “Political Poems,” Rolls Series, ii. 202; also edited by Herzberg and Pauli, Leipzig, 1878.

331 Bk. xx, chap. 7: “Esprit de l’Angleterre sur le Commerce.”

332 “Rolls of Parliament,” 25 Ed. III, year 1350, and Ed. I or II anno incerto, vol. ii. p. 232 and vol i. p. 475.

333 Text B, pas. v. l. 232.

334 Statute 2 of 27 Ed. III, A.D. 1353. Canterbury was made a staple town “en l’onur de Saint Thomas,” “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 253, same year. As an example of the changes affecting the staple system, see the statute 2 Ed. III, chap. 9 (A.D. 1328), by which all staples were abolished—for a time.

335 “Pedis pulverisati curia. Ea est quÆ in nundinis constituitur, ad nundinalium rixas litesque celerrime componendas.... Dictum prÆcipue de mercatoribus vagabundis, qui nundinas pagatim insectantes omnes discurrunt provincias, nec sistendi locum agnoscunt, sed de his etiam qui ex omni parte ad nundinas confluunt.” H. Spelman, “Glossarium archaiologicum,” ed. tertia, Londini, 1687, p. 455.

336 These and other particulars about the way in which fairs were managed at Westminster and Winchester are to be found in a petition with an inquest of the year 1302, 30 Ed. I, in the “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. i. p. 150. The Winchester Fair on St. Giles’ hill, “Montem sancti Egidii,” was one of the most famous English fairs. Langland mentions it, and gives a graphic account of the cheating that went on among unscrupulous merchants. “Visions,” Text C, pas. vii. l. 211.

337 See “Charter of Edward III [as to] St. Giles’ Fair, Winchester,” ed. G. W. Kitchin, London, 1886.

338 This fair, immortalized by Ben Jonson, disappeared only in 1855. See H. Morley’s “Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair” (2nd ed. 1874).

339 Mentioned as “Wy,” text C, passus vii. l. 211. Weyhill fair, near Andover, Hampshire, “is a famous one to this day, and lasts eight days. The fair for horses and sheep is on October 10th, that for cheese, hops, and general wares, on October 11th and the six days following.” W. W. Skeat, “Vision concerning Piers the Plowman,” ii, 83. See a list of English fairs in Mr. Elton’s Report, Market Rights Commission, 1889, vol. i. 5. There were fairs established especially for herrings and other fishing produce at Yarmouth, Scarborough, and other towns on the sea-coast. The rigours of Lent and the number of fasting days throughout the year gave particular importance to these articles of consumption. Hence, too, the attention paid to fisheries and the regulations to prevent the catching of small fish, the destruction of spawn and bait, etc. Great complaints are made against the use of the net called “wondyrchoun,” which drags from the bottom of the sea all the bait “that used to be the food of great fish.” Through means of this instrument fishermen catch “such great plenty of small fish that they do not know what to do with them, but fatten their pigs with them.” “Rolls of Parliament,” 1376–7, vol. ii. p. 369. As to salmon fishing in the Thames, see ibid., vol. ii. p. 331, A.D. 1376.

340 Harrison’s “Description of England,” ed. Furnivall, 1877, first published 1577, part i. book ii. chap xviii. pp. 295, 302.

341 “History of Agriculture and Prices in England,” vol. iv. chap. iv. p. 155. As to Stourbridge fair, ibid. vol. i. chap. vii. p. 141.

342 “Winter’s Tale,” iv. 3. Cf. “The foure Ps,” by John Heywood, London, 1545, one of the “Ps” is a pedlar, whose wares are enumerated in full.

343 Wordsworth, “The Excursion,” Bk. viii.

344 “The Nut Brown Maid,” in Skeat’s “Specimens of English Literature,” Clarendon Press, 1887, p. 96.

345 Statute of Winchester, 13 Edward I, chap. iv., confirmed by Edward III. See before p. 156.

346 “Item videtur nulla esse utlagaria si factum, pro quo interrogatus est, civile sit et non criminale.” Bracton, Rolls Series, vol. ii. p. 330.

347 “Year Books of Edward I.” Rolls Series, years 30–31, p. 533.

348 “Year Books of Edward I,” Rolls Series, years 30–31, pp. 537–538. In the case of this woman, freedom was granted “propter parvitatem delicti,” and because she had been one year in prison; and no confiscation took place, because her husband was absent in Paris, and it would have been inappropriate to, maybe, wrong that man who was, like every husband, the owner of his wife’s chattels. “Et nota,” beautifully adds the judge (or the reporter), “quod melius est nocentem relinquere impunitum quam innocentem punire.” But the court, at the same time, fines an innocent, known to it as such, for fear of displeasing the king; a circumstance that the recorder is bold enough to note down: “Et nota quod fecerunt hoc Justiciarii magis ad appruyamentum (profit, for the king got the money) Regis faciendum quam ad legem manutenendum, quia hoc dixerunt in terrorem.” Ibid. pp. 503–507.

349 “Fleta,” lib. i. chap. xxvii.

350 “Bracton,” vol. ii. pp. 340–342.

351 “Year Books of Edward I,” year 30–31, p. 515. Sometimes a man would profit by the absence of an enemy on the continent and affirm to a magistrate that he was in flight, and cause him to be declared an outlaw; thus the priest, John Crochille, complains to parliament of having been unjustly outlawed during a journey which he had made to the Court of Rome, in 1347 (“Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 178); the priest, Robert of Thresk, is also declared outlaw during his absence from the kingdom, “by the malice of his accusers” (ibid., 1347, vol. ii. p. 183). John of Gaunt orders the restitution of his goods to “nostre tenant neif, Johan Piers,” whose belongings had been seized, “À cause q’il deust estre utlagÉ, À ce q’est dit, et ore il nous est certifiÉ par recorde, q’il n’est pas utlagÉ.” Oct. 12, 1374. “John of Gaunt’s Register,” ed. S. Armitage Smith, document 1544.

352 “Cecidit in foveam quam fecit.” Psalm vii. 16: “cecidit” should be “incidit.” “Year Books,” Edward I, year 21–22, p. 447. In another case, counsel delighted at a statement of the judge, exclaims in his joy: “Beatus venter qui te portavit.” Ibid. p. 437. Judges sometimes indulged in familiar speech, bets and witticisms: “I will wager a cask of wine on it.” “If you find it, I will give you my hood.” “Year Books of Edward II,” ed. G. J. Turner, Selden Society, 1914, years 1310–1311, pp. 44, 168.

353 Late thirteenth century, in Madox, “Formulare Anglicanum,” London, 1702, fol., p. 416.

354 “Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes filius Thome vendidi et quietum clamavi de me et heredibus meis domino Hugoni abbati Sancti Edmundi et successoribus suis inprimum Servalum filium Willielmi de Wurtham cum tota sequela sua et omnibus catallis suis et cum toto tenemento quod de me tenuit in Wurtham sine ullo retenemento pro sexdecim solidis argenti quos idem abbas michi dedit. Et ut hec mea vendicio ... firma sit ... presentem cartam meam feci ...” Temp. Ed. I, MS. Addit. 14850, in the British Museum fol. 59. “The existing evidence,” says Vinogradoff, “entitles one to maintain that a villain could be lawfully sold, with all his family, his sequela, but that in practice such transactions were uncommon.” “Villainage in England,” Oxford, 1892, p. 151.

355 “Chronica Monasterii de Melsa,” Rolls, ii. 97 ff., the case being of the second half of the thirteenth century. The duel was, of course, one cum fuste et scuto, the fighters clubbing each other to their best, as in the case of the before mentioned Thomas de Bruges. Above, p. 117.

356 The year books of Edward I show a marked tendency in the judge to interpret the laws and customs in a sense favourable to the freeing of the villein. One of the harsh theories of former days is declared by him “pejus quam falsum pur ce qe ce est heresie.” “Year Books of Ed. I,” years 30–31, A.D. 1302, ed. Horwood, Rolls, p. 167. See also, in the vol. for the years 34–35, the suit p. 13. But the judge could act thus only in doubtful cases: a man having acknowledged, in the presence of his master, that he was a villein, the judge says to the master: “Prenez le par le cou, comme votre vilain, lui et sa descendance À toujours.” Vol. for the years 30–31, p. 201.

357 See an example of such commutation, with a tariff established, “ex antiqua et usitata consuetudine,” for various services according to the season, for oats to be supplied to the lord (the abbot of Bury), etc., in MS. Addit. 14850, British Museum, fol. 143; year 1438.

358 This was a last resort, more and more frequently adopted however, especially after the plague. As Mr. Oman has justly observed, by natural disposition the villeins “were reluctant to abscond and throw up their share of the manorial acres, for only in extremity will the peasant, who has once got a grip on the soil, consent to let it go.” “The Great Revolt of 1381,” Oxford 1906, p. 9.

359 “A ... n. S^r le Roi et Seigneurs de Parlement monstrent les chivalers des countees en ycest present Parlement, que come les Seigneurs parmy le Roialme d’Engleterre eient plusours vileins queux s’enfuont de lour Seigneurs et de lour terres en diverses citees et burghs enfranchisez, de jour en autre, et la demuront tout lour vies, par cause desqueux franchises les ditz Seigneurs ne pount aprocher lour ditz vileins. ...” They want to be enabled to forcibly take them back. Their petition is rejected: “Le Roi s’advisera.” 15 Rich. II, “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. p. 296.

360 “Ad similitudinem cervorum domesticorum.”—“Henrici de Bracton, De Legibus et Consuetudinibus AngliÆ Libri V,” ed. Travers Twiss, London, 1878, i. p. 48.

361 According to Seebohm (“The Black Death and its place in English History,” two articles in the Fortnightly Review in 1865), more than half of the population died during the epidemic which had begun in July 1348 and lasted till the end of 1349. Three archbishops of Canterbury died in one year. Knyghton, a contemporary, gives a striking picture of the plague at Leicester. “There were scarcely any who took heed of riches or cared for anything. ... And sheep and oxen wandered through the fields and among the crops; there was no one to go after and collect them; but there perished an untold number in out of the way ditches and under hedges.” In the autumn the price of labour was so exorbitant that a large part of the crops were left on the ground (Twysden’s “Decem Scriptores,” col. 2599). “Through this pestilence,” say the Commons in Parliament, “cities, boroughs and other towns and hamlets throughout the land have decayed, and from day to day are decaying and several are entirely depopulated.” 25 Ed. III, A.D. 1351, “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 227.

362 See a concrete example of such reports being brought from the north to the south by pilgrims, further, p. 279.

363 As shown by the surnames of the members, at that period; in numerous cases, a mere indication of profession: Johannes le Baker, Galfridus le Fisshere, Johannes le Carpenter, Robertus Chaundeler, Ricardus Orfevre, Radulphus le Taverner, etc. “Return of the names of every member returned to serve in every Parliament,” London, 1878, a blue book, pp. 18, 31, 146 and passim; on p. 229, duly appears, as a knight of the shire, for Kent, “Galfridus Chauceres.”

364 Both documents, the first in Latin, the second in French, in “Statutes of the Realm”; a text, revised on the originals, is in the Appendix to Miss Bertha H. Putnam’s “Enforcement of the Statutes of Labourers during the first Decade after the Black Death,” New York, 1908, pp. 8* and 12*.

365 The taking of money out of the realm was especially feared: “Quamplures ejusdem regni nostri cum pecunia quam in eodem regno habere poterunt, ad partes exteras in dies se transferunt et transferre proponunt.” Dec. 1, 1349, Rymer’s “Foedera,” vol. v. p. 668.

366 “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 233. Compare the French ordinances; that of John the Good, January 30, 1350 (Isambert, “Recueil gÉnÉral des anciennes lois franÇaises,” iv. p. 576), orders the idle people of Paris, picturesquely described as “gens oiseux ou joueurs de dez ou enchanteurs (singers) es rues ou truandans ou mandians, de quelque estat ou condition qu’ils soient, ayans mestier ou non, soient hommes ou femmes,” to either work or go away, which was less radical and still less to the point than the English rules. Another order of the same king (Nov. 1354, ibid. p. 700) was directed against the workmen who since the plague were exacting exorbitant wages, and, in addition to that, “wine, meat and other unwonted things.” If denied, they preferred to do nothing but would go to taverns and there had been heard to say that, “owing to the great price they are accustomed to take, they will work only two days a week,” a kind of difficulty which, dating back six centuries, is not entirely of the past.

367 “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 261, parliament of 1354.

368 Statute 34 Ed. III, chap. 10, A.D. 1360–1.

369 “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. p. 312.

370 “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. p. 340, A.D. 1376. To have them outlawed brings no relief to their masters, for they manage not to be caught and carefully avoid the places where they are known: “Et si les ditz servantz corores soient utlagez À la sute de la partie, il n’est profit al sutour, ne damage ne chastiement al servant futyf, par cause q’ils ne poont estre trovez ne jÀ ne pensent repeirir en pays lÀ cÙ ils ont ensi servi.” Same petition.

371 Langland shows, in the same way, the shameless beggar who goes, bag on shoulder, asking from door to door, who may very well if he pleases gain his bread and beer by work; he knows a trade, but he prefers not to exercise it:

“Piers Plowman,” Text C, pass. x. l. 155; see also ibid., pass. i. l. 40.

372 “...Par colour de certains exemplificacions faitz hors de livre de Domesday des manoirs et villes deinz queux ils sont demurantz, et par vertue d’icelles exemplificacions et lour male interpretacion d’icelles, ils s’aferment (affirm) d’estre quites et outrement deschargez de tout manere de servage due sibien de lour corps come de lour tenures. ... Et qe plus est, ils se coillient ensembles À grantz routes et s’entrelient par tiel confederacie qe chescun aidra autre À contester lours seignurs À fort mayn.” Rich. II, chap 6, year 1377; “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. iii. pp. 17, 46, 65.

373 Statute 7 Rich. II, cap. 5.

374 Statute 12 Rich. II, cap. 3.

375 “Gleanings from the Public Records,” by Mr. H. Hewlett, in the “Antiquary,” March, 1882, vol. v. p. 99. Concerning ill-treatment inflicted on prisoners, see a petition of the Commons, 1 Ed. III, A.D. 1326–7, “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. pp. 9, 12.

376 See, besides the plates here, representations of these instruments of punishment in, e.g. Foxe’s “Actes and Monuments.” London, 1563, fol. pp. 390, 1272, etc., and in Butler’s “Hudibras, adorned with cutts designed and engraved by Mr. Hogarth,” London 1761; at p. 140, the knight and his squire, “check by joul,” says the poet, in the stocks.

377 12 Rich. II, cap. 7.

378 12 Rich. II, cap. 7. Cf. above, p. 236.

379 On which see, e.g. AndrÉ RÉville and Ch. Petit-Dutaillis, “Le soulÈvement des travailleurs d’Angleterre en 1381,” Paris, 1898; G. M. Trevelyan, “England in the age of Wycliffe,” chapters vi and vii; “The Peasants’ rising and the Lollards, a collection of unpublished documents,” edited by E. Powell and G. M. Trevelyan, London 1899, with data not only on the great rising, but on some later troubles (1392, 1398) of lesser magnitude, but important as signs; C. Oman, “The Great Revolt of 1381,” Oxford, 1906.

380 Statute 3 Ed. I, stat. 1, cap. 34, A.D. 1275.

381 Statute 2 Rich. II, chap. 5.

382 Document published (but only in an English translation) by W. E. Flaherty: “Sequel to the great rebellion in Kent, of 1381,” “ArchÆologia Cantiana,” vol. iv. pp. 67 ff. The author interprets peregrini, at one place by strangers, at another by pilgrims; the latter is the real meaning.

Some traces of kindness to his tenants, on the part of John of Gaunt are found in his Registers. He orders wood and charcoal to be carried to the castle of Tutbury where his wife was to spend the winter, and insists that the work be done in summer, so that his tenants and bondmen be not grieved by the carrying thereof in the bad season... “Si voullons et vous mandons que vous faces faire et carier À nostre dit chastel ccc quarters de carbons, et aussint vous faces carier tout la boys abatuz par vent que vous bonement pourrez en nostre dit chastel pur fuaille, et que ce soit fait toute voies en ceste saison d’estÉe, issint que noz tenantz et bondes ne soient pas tariez ne grevez ove la cariage d’ycelle en temps de yver.” “John of Gaunt’s Register,” ed. S. A. Smith, 1911, vol. ii. p. 203, year 1373.

383 And they said it in the most peremptory language, highly approving of the king’s breaking his word and revoking the sweeping manumissions (“manumisimus universos ligeos et singulos subditos nostros,” Walsingham, ii. 467, Rolls) he had granted out of fear; the lords and the commons answer: “À une voice qe cele repele fuist ben faite, adjoustant que tiele manumission ou franchise des neifs ne poast estre fait sanz lour assent q’ont le greindre interesse: a quoy ils n’assentÈrent unques de lour bone grÉe, n’autrement, ne jamais ne ferroient pur vivre et murrir touz en un jour.” “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. p. 100; year 1381. So they would rather die, all of them in a day, than assent to a freedom granted “without the assent of those most interested”: and it never occurred to them that those most interested could possibly be the villeins themselves and not the villeins’ masters.

384 “Item priont les communes ... de ordeiner et commander que null neif ou vileyn mette ses enfantz de cy en avant À Escoles pur eux avancer par clergie, et ce en maintenance et salvation de l’honour de toutz Franks du Roialme.” “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. iii. p. 294, 15 Rich. II, 1391.

385 Beginning at an uncertain date: before the papal schism, i.e. 1378, according to Shirley, Introduction to “Fasciculi Zizaniorum,” 1858, Rolls series; “several months before the revolt of 1381 broke out,” according to Oman, “The Great Revolt,” 1906, p. 19.

386 Their activity as wandering preachers is well shown by “The tenor of the complaint made to the Kinge and his councell against John Fox, Maior of Northampton, and others exhibited in French by Richard Stermersworthe, a wolman,” year 1392–3. According to the deponent the Mayor who welcomes every “errant Lollard,” has caused “the whole towne in manner to become Lollardes. ... All ribauds infected with Lollardry, that come to the said towne are all courteously received and maintayned as yf they were prophetts before all others.” The day after Christmas, the Mayor “brought with him ... an errant Lollard to preach within All Saints Church.” He did the same later, bringing the “parson of the church of Wynkpole, an errant Lollarde, to preach.” Powell and Trevelyan, “The Peasants’ risings and the Lollards,” London, 1899, pp. 45 ff.

387 G. M. Trevelyan, “England in the age of Wycliffe,” 1899, p. 199.

388 Statute 5 Rich. II, 2, cap 5.

389 He has often been considered as an adherent of Wyclif, for no reason save that both, at the same time, wanted radical reforms, not a few however of a different kind. Ball had some religious ideas peculiar to himself; thus, according to him, natural children could not go to heaven.

390 “Chronicon AngliÆ,” 1328–1388, ed. E. Maunde Thompson, 1874, Rolls Series, p. 321.

391 Lord Berners’ “Froissart,” cap. ccclxxxi.

392 “Chronicon AngliÆ,” 1328–1388, Thompson’s edition, 1874, p. 322.

393 “English Prose Treatises of Richard Rolle of Hampole,” edited by Rev. George Perry, 1866, Early English Text Society, Preface, pp. ix, xv–xix. See before, p. 141.

394 The Dominicans in 1221; the Franciscans in 1224. See Dr. Jessopp, “The Coming of the Friars,” London, 1888, pp. 32–34, a work in which shine the ample knowledge and wide sympathies of the late rector of East Dereham, the “Arcady for better for worse” where he spent so many years. When Taine made his last visit to England I wanted, if I may be permitted to recall a personal souvenir, to give him a lunch where each of those invited would be a representative Englishman. Robert Browning represented poetry; Augustus Jessopp, who deeply impressed the chief guest, the country clergy.

395 “Vision,” Text C, pas. xi. l. 14.

396 Prologue to “Canterbury Tales.”

397 Jack Straw, according to the confession which his contemporary the monk Thomas Walsingham relates of him, would have liked to keep no other ecclesiastics on earth but the mendicant friars: “Soli mendicantes vixissent super terram qui suffecissent pro sacris celebrandis aut conferendis universÆ terrÆ.” “Historia Anglicana,” vol. ii. p. 10, Rolls Series.

398 “Piers Plowman,” Skeat’s edition, Text C, pass. xxiii. l. 274.

399

Text B, pass. xv. l. 226.

400 “The Rule and Life of the Friars Minors,” in Dugdale’s “Monasticon Anglicanum,” London, 1817, vol. vi. p. 1504.

401 “Liber de adventu Minorum in Angliam,” in “Monumenta Franciscana,” ed. Brewer, Rolls Series, 1858, p. 28. The author, Thomas of Eccleston, himself a Franciscan, saw the most flourishing period of the mendicant orders; his book, of extreme naÏvetÉ, abounds in visions and tales of wonders.

402 Matthew Paris, “Historia Anglorum,” London, 1866, vol. iii. p. 145, Rolls Series.

403 “Monumenta Franciscana,” Rolls, p. xxix.

404 “Speculum VitÆ B. Francisi et sociorum ejus, opera fratris Guil. Spoelberch,” Antwerp, 1620, part i. cap. 4.

405 Thirty-two years after the friars had appeared in England, they already possessed forty-nine convents (“Monumenta Franciscana,” ed. Brewer, 1858, p. 10). In Matthew Paris will be found a good description of the behaviour of the friars minor in England on their arrival, of the poor, humble, and useful life that they first led. “Historia Anglorum,” ed. Madden, 1866, vol. ii. p. 109.

406 See “Defensionem curatorum contra eos qui privilegiatos se dicunt” (4to, undated), a speech made in 1357, by Richard Fitz-Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh, in which are denounced the successive encroachments of the mendicant friars to the detriment of the secular clergy.

407 “Monumenta Franciscana,” ut supra, pp. 514, etc. This library had been founded by the celebrated Richard Whittington, who was Mayor of London in 1397–98, 1406–07, and 1419–20.

408 “More canum cadaveribus assistentium, ubi quisque suam particulam avide consumendam expectat.” Rolls Series, vol. i. 38; sub anno 1291–92.

409 Wyclif’s “Select English Works,” ed. Thos. Arnold, 1869, vol. iii. pp. 348, 380.

410 “Monumenta Franciscana,” p. 541. Hence the reproaches the satirists:

Thomas Wright’s “Political Poems and Songs,” 1859, vol. i. p. 268, Rolls Series.

411 “Pierce the Ploughman’s Crede,” ed. Skeat, 1867, Early English Text Society, pp. 7–9; written about 1394; author unknown, the same possibly who composed “The Plowman’s Tale,” e.g. in Wright’s “Political Poems,” both works strongly influenced by Langland’s “Visions.”

412 “Liber de adventu Minorum,” in “Monumenta Franciscana,” p. 52.

413 Grammar, logic, rhetoric—Arithmetic, geometry, music, astronomy.

414 “Select English Works,” vol. iii. p. 382. A satire of the fourteenth century states in the same way:

But if burial is requested for a pauper in one of their privileged churches, “the keeper is absent,” is the answer, and admittance is refused:

Wright’s “Political Poems,” Rolls Series, vol. i. pp. 256–57.

415 The complaints of the University of Oxford against the friars, stating how they wrongfully attracted with fruit and drink mere children, and taught them how to beg and to ingratiate themselves with the great, were among the severest: “Nam pomis et potu, ut populus fabulatur, puerulos ad religionem attrahunt et instigant, quos professos non instruunt sicut exigit Ætas illa, sed mendicationis discursibus permittunt intendere; atque tempus, quo possint addiscere, captandis favoribus amicorum, dominarum et dominorum, sinunt consumere, in offensam parentium, puerorum periculum et ordinis detrimentum.” Year 1358, “Munimenta Academica,” Rolls Series, i. p. 207.

416 “Hic est frater, ergo mendax.” “Historia Anglicana,” 1867–69, vol. ii. p. 13, Rolls Series.

417 Brit. Mus. MS. Roy. 10 E. IV, fol. 100, ff. See also in MS. 17 C. xv. in the British Museum a satirical picture of a “ffryer.”

419 20 Ed. II., “Croniques de London,” ed. Aungier, Camden Society, p. 54.

420 Proclamation of Richard II, year 1385; Rymer’s “Foedera,” ed. 1704, vol. vii. p. 458.

421 “Rolls of Parliament,” 20 E. III, vol. ii. p. 162, A.D. 1346.

422 Labbe, “Sacrosancta Concilia,” Florence, vol. xxvi. col. 729.

423 “Select English Works,” vol. iii. p. 396.

424 “The English Works of Wyclif, hitherto unprinted,” edited by F. D. Matthew, Early English Text Society, 1880, p. 13. Most of the pieces in this collection are only attributed to Wyclif, this one among them. See also Gower’s “Vox Clamantis,” Roxburghe Club, 1850, p. 228.

425 “English Works of Wyclif hitherto unprinted,” p. 12.

426 So also in Chaucer’s “Prologue”:

427 Wright’s “Political Poems and Songs,” 1859, vol. i. pp. 264 and 268.

428 “Select English Works,” vol. i. p. 381. See also Wright’s “Political Poems and Songs,” 1859, vol. i. p. 257.

429 “Eulogium historiarum,” ed. Haydon, Rolls Series, London, 1858, vol. iii. p. 392. What the condemned friars were accused of was thus explained to them: “Similiter vos in hypocrisi, adulatione et falsa vita audivistis falsas confessiones in quibus injunxistis populo pro poenitentia ut quÆrerent regem Ricardum in Wallia. Vos etiam in hypocrisi, adulatione et falsa vita collegistis magnam summam pecuniÆ mendicando et misistis ad Audeonum (Owen) Glendour proditorem, ut veniat et destruat totam linguam Anglicanam,” a language which Henry prided himself in speaking and which he had used in parliament to claim the crown. “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 422.

430 Year 1533, Holinshed, “Chronicles,” London, 1587, vol. iii. p. 945. Friar Forest had refused the oath of supremacy.

431 “Libellus vere aureus ... de optimo reipublicÆ statu deque noua Insula Vtopia ... cura P. Ægidii ... nunc primum ... editus,” Louvain, 1516, lib. i.

432 Hardy, “Registrum palatinum Dunelmense,” vol. iii. p. cxxxiv.

433 “Theodori archiepiscopi Cantuariensis poenitentiale,” in Migne’s “Patrologia,” vol. xcix. col. 938 and 940.

434 “Halitgarii episcopi Cameracensis liber poenitentialis,” in Migne’s “Patrologia,” vol. cv. col. 706.

435 See Appendix XIII, p. 438.

436 The two words were used as interchangeable. Du Cange quotes a text of 1389, reading: “Come il fust venu en la ville de Necie prÈs Faloise un questeur ou porteur de pardons.” Sub verbo “Perdonantia.”

437 In England as elsewhere forgers were busy. One is captured at great expense in the year 51 Ed. III: “To John Compton, one of the king’s archers of his crown. In money paid to him for the expenses of himself and other archers in his retinue, coming from Gloucester to London, to conduct and deliver up Thomas Pardoner and Reginald Clerc, forgers of the seal of the Lord the Pope ... also for hire of horses for the same Thomas and Reginald and for divers other costs occurred in their safe conduct, £6.” Devon, “Issues of the Exchequer,” 1837, p. 203.

438 “ArchÆologia,” vol. xx. p. 53, John Webb’s translation. See Appendix XIV, p. 439.

439 Prologue to the “Canterbury Tales,” and Prologue to the “Pardoner’s Tale.”

440 “The Decameron of Giovanni Boccaccio” ... done into English ... by John Payne, London, 1886, vol. ii. p. 278, tenth Tale, sixth Day.

441 See Appendix, XV p. 440.

442 Same Appendix.

443 “Excommunicatis gratiam absolutionis impendit. Vota peregrinationis ad apostolorum limina, ad Terram Sanctam, ad Sanctum Jacobum non prius remisit quam tantam pecuniam recepisset, quantam, juxta veram Æstimationem, in eisdem peregrinationibus expendere debuissent, et ut cuncta concludam brevibus, nihil omnino petendum erat, quod non censuit, intercedente pecunia, concedendum.” “Historia Anglicana”; Rolls Series, vol. i. p. 452.

444 See Appendix XV, p. 444.

445 Lyndsay, “Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaits” performed at Linlithgow, 1540; Early English Text Society, 1869; John Heywood, “The Pardoner and the Frere, the Curate and Neybour Pratte,” 1533; “The foure Ps,” 1545.

446 Payne’s “Boccaccio,” vol. ii. pp. 280, 287.

447 “The Leofric Missal” (1050–1072), edited by F. E. Warren, 1883, Clarendon Press, pp. lxi, 3, 4.

448 “Historia Anglorum” (Historia minor), ed. Sir F. Madden, London, 1866; vol. iii. p. 60, Rolls Series.

449 Devon’s “Issues of the Exchequer,” 1837, p. 176.

450 “Le livre des fais et bonnes moeurs du sage roy Charles,” by Christine de Pisan, chap. xxxiii. vol. i. p. 633; “Nouvelle Collection de MÉmoires,” ed. Michaud and Poujoulat, Paris, 1836.

451 “Pantagruel,” book ii. chap. xvii., “Comment Panurge gagnoit les pardons.”

452 “Farce d’un pardonneur, d’un triacleur et d’une taverniÈre,” Viollet le Duc, “Ancien thÉÂtre franÇais,” Paris, 1854–57, vol. ii. p. 50.

453 “The Pleasaunt Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes, ... drawen out of Spanish by David Rouland, of Angelsey.” London, 1586, Sig. G. iii.

454 A favourite subject among miniaturists, and to be found in several manuscripts (2 B. vii; 10 E. IV) in the British Museum. See the headpiece of the present chapter.

455 Labbe, “Sacrosancta concilia,” Florence edition, vol. xxv. col. 1177, and vol. xxvi. col. 462. In 1419, Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury, ordered public prayers, litanies, and processions, to protect the King of England and his army against the wicked operations of magicians. Wilkins, “Concilia MagnÆ BritanniÆ,” vol. iii. p. 392.

456 “Si vero masculus quisquam voluerit, ut est moris, ejusdem defuncti vel defuncte nocturnis vigiliis interesse, hoc fieri permittatur, dumtamen nec monstra larvarum inducere, nec corporis vel fame sue ludibria, nec ludos alios inhonestos, presumat aliqualiter attemptare.” Toulmin Smith, “English Gilds,” p. 194.

457 “Araneis et aliis vermibus nigris ad modum scorpionum, cum quadam herba quÆ dicitur millefolium et aliis herbis et vermibus detestabilibus.” Thos. Wright, “Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, 1324,” Camden Society, 1843, p. 32.

458 “The Canons Yeomans Tale.”

459 The whole of book vii of his “Confessio Amantis” is devoted to the exposition of a system of the world and to the description of the inner nature of beings and substances. The “Roman de la Rose” is not less explicit on these matters (confession of Nature to Genius).

460 “De Proprietatibus Rerum,” lib. xvi, a work of immense repute, translated into English by Trevisa in 1398, into French, Spanish, Dutch.

461 “Les Amants magnifiques.”

462 “Conciliorum generalium EcclesiÆ CatholicÆ,” vol. iv. p. 261, “Pauli V. Pont. max. auctoritate editus,” Rome, 1623. See Appendix XV, p. 444.

463 Winter of 1435; he was coming on a mission to James I of Scotland. “Romance of a King’s Life,” pp. 52, 97.

464 First cousin to Edward II, executed in 1322. Froissart had no doubt as to the authenticity of his miracles. “Thomas erle of Lancastre, who was a noble and a wyse holy knyght, and hath done syth many fayre myracles in Pomfret, where he was beheeded” (vol. i. chap. vi. in Lord Berners’ translation). The body of Charles de Blois, killed at the battle of Auray in 1364, but this one an undoubtedly pious warrior, also worked miracles, and Froissart imagined that Urban V had canonized him: “His body [was] after sanctifyed by the grace of God and called Saynt Charles, and canonized by Pope Urban the V; for he dyde, and yet dothe many fayre miracles dayly.” Vol. i. cap. 226 of Lord Berners’ translation.

465 “Non absque homicidiis aliisque lÆtalibus verberibus ... et de majoribus periculis verisimiliter imminentibus multipliciter formidatur ...” A.D. 1323, “Historical Papers from the Northern Registers,” ed. Raine, 1873, p. 324, Rolls Series.

466 The archbishop did write to this effect to the Pope (John XXII) on February 24, 1327, asking him to make inquiry with a view to canonization. “Historical Papers from the Northern Registers,” p. 340.

467 Petition to Parliament, 1 Ed. III, 1326–7. “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 7.

468 “Memorials of London,” Riley, 1868, p. 203. The miracles worked by the same are also noted in the contemporary “Croniques de London” (Camden Society, ed. G. J. Aungier, p. 46), and by many others.

469 J. Nichol’s “Wills of the Kings and Queens of England,” 1780, p. 54. A chapel had been built on the hill where the earl had been beheaded. The offerings brought there by the pilgrims were, in 1334, the subject of a curious debate between the prior and the convent of Pontefract on the one hand, and the Lord of Wake on the other; this lord had “taken possession of the said chapel and the offerings brought there, and had taken the keys with him.” The prior and the convent in a petition to Parliament requested to have the “administration of these offerings,” as “spiritual things within their parish and belonging to their church,” “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. ii. p. 84.

470 “Ne ... pro sancto vel justo reputetur, cum in excommunicatione sit defunctus, sicut sancta tenet Ecclesia.” “Dictum de Kenilworth,” § viii., in “Select Charters,” ed. Stubbs, 1870, p. 410.

471

“Ora pro nobis, beate Symon, ut digni efficiamur promissionibus Christi.” Hymn composed shortly after the death of Simon; Warton, “History of English Poetry,” ed. Hazlitt, 1871, vol. ii. p. 48.

472 Rymer’s “Foedera,” edit. 1704, vol. iv. p. 20.

473 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 1033.

474 See Appendix XVI, p. 445.

475 On the advertising of certain pilgrimages by means, sometimes, of the most famous of mediÆval romances, see the capital work of Joseph BÉdier, “Les LÉgendes Épiques, Recherches sur la formation des Chansons de Geste,” Paris, 1908, 4 vols. On the especial veneration of saints who had been road and bridge builders, see III, p. 72, where, speaking of the immense popularity of the pilgrimage to Saint James of Compostela in the eleventh century, BÉdier says: “Ce fut l’Époque hÉroÏque du pÈlerinage. C’est alors que la route romaine commence À se peupler d’asiles pour les voyageurs; c’est alors qu’exercent leur activitÉ les saints que l’Eglise vÉnÈre parce qu’ils furent de bons ingÉnieurs, rÉparant les chaussÉes, dessÉchant les marÉcages, jetant des ponts sur les riviÈres et les torrents, saint Dominique de la Calzada, et ce FranÇais, saint Aleaume de Burgos, ancien moine de la Chaise-Dieu.”

476 “Sane nuper ad aures nostras pervenit quod ad quandam imaginem beatÆ Virginis in ecclesia parochiali de Foston noviter collocatam magnus simplicium est concursus, acsi in eadem plus quam in aliis similibus imaginibus aliquid numinis appareret.” Year 1313, Wilkins’ “Concilia,” vol. ii. p. 423.

477 See e.g. MS. 2 B. vii. in the British Museum, fol. 211, and 10 E. IV., fol. 209. The story of this miracle has been told by numberless authors in the Middle Ages; the text of one version of the tale, with references to the others, will be found in G. F. Warner, “Miracles de Nostre Dame,” Roxburghe Club, 1885, pp. xxxiv and 63.

478 “Loci e libro veritatum, passages selected from Gascoigne’s Theological Dictionary” (1403–1458), edit. Thorold Rogers, Oxford, 1881, p. 206. This Fullar is known to have come to England, where he saw Gascoigne. Eugene IV was Pope during the second quarter of the fifteenth century.

479 “No fewer than thirty-eight of these pilgrims’ Meccas in the County of Norfolk alone.” Sidney Heath, “Pilgrim Life in the Middle Ages,” London, 1911, p. 30.

480 To Edw. Raven, Jan. 20, 1551. “Whole Works,” Giles, 1865, p. 252.

481 “Henry III, Edward I, Edward III, David Bruce, Q. Catherine after Flodden, Henry VII and Henry VIII visited the famous shrine.” Walcott, “English Minsters,” 1879, II, 229.

482 The “Image of Darvell Gathern,” greatly venerated by the Welsh, was burnt with him. Ellis, “Original Letters,” 1st series, II, 82 ff.

483 Ellis, ibid., pp. 79, 80, Sept. 1537 (?).

484 Patent of 19 Richard II in the appendix to Mr. Karkeek’s essay, “Chaucer’s Schipman and his Barge, ‘The Maudelayne,’” Chaucer Society “Essays,” 1884.

485 Becquet or Becchet, of Norman blood, both on his father’s side, who was from Thierceville, as on his mother’s, who was from Caen.

486

A real Turpin, but who long survived the event, was Archbishop of Reims at the time of the Roncevaux disaster.

487 Moved in July, 1220 to Trinity Chapel, behind the high altar.

488 A beautifully illustrated fragment of a life of the saint, in French verse of the thirteenth century, has been published with facsimiles by Paul Meyer: “Fragments d’une vie de saint Thomas de CantorbÉry,” Paris, 1885. A remarkable thirteenth-century picture of the murder, with obvious attention to historical exactitude, is in one of the MSS. of the Yates Thompson Collection, reproduced in the Catalogue of the sale (March 23, 1920), lot xxxiv.

489 Something yet remains of the bas relief representing his life above the portal of the southern transept of the cathedral at Bayeux.

490 “Historical Memorials of Canterbury,” chap. iv.

491

492 “La vie de Saint Thomas le Martyr, par Garnier de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, poÈte du XII^e siÈcle,” ed. C. Hippeau, Paris, 1859.

493 Epilogue, p. 205.

494 On which see, e.g. “The Old Road,” by H. Belloc, London, 1904; Sidney Heath, “Pilgrim Life in the Middle Ages,” London, 1911, chap. viii. A characteristic decree of the Venetian Senate, showing the popularity of this pilgrimage abroad, authorizes on Aug. 3, 1402, Lorenzo Contarini, captain of the Venetian galleys setting sail for Flanders, to visit St. Thomas’s shrine, in accomplishment of a vow, to go thither and return in one day while the galleys would be at Sandwich, but not to sleep away from his vessel. “Calendar of Venetian State papers relating to English Affairs,” ed. Rawdon Brown, Rolls series, 1864, I, 42.

495 Garnier, ibid. pp. 210 ff.

496 The original charter of Louis VII has disappeared, but the confirmation by his son still exists. It reads: “Noverint igitur universi, presentes pariter et futuri, quod intuitu beati martiris quondam Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi, ad cujus tumulum pro salute anime et sanitate corporis impetranda, pater noster in multa devotione fuerat profectus, conventui monachorum Sancte Trinitatis ibidem Deo servientium centum modios vini, ad mensuram Parisiensem, singulis annis tempore vendemiarum, in castellaria Pissiaci accipiendos, in elemosynam concessit ... quod factum patris nostri ne aliqua possit oblivione deleri et aliqua malignantium invidia violari, manu nostre confirmationis apposita, precipimus immutabiliter custodiri.” Given at Nantes, year 1180. Text, facsimile and comment in “ArchÆologia Cantiana,” vol. IV, 1861, p. 127.

“Muids” (modii) were of a different sort, according to places; those “of the Paris measurement” contained 270 of our litres and were therefore quite goodly casks.

497 Berners’ Froissart, ed. Ker, I, p. 393.

498 On the extraordinary voyage of the “basileus and autocrator” and his stay of four years away from his besieged capital, see Schlumberger, “Un Empereur de Byzance À Paris et À Londres,” “Revue des Deux Mondes,” Dec. 15, 1915.

499 Wilkins, “Concilia MagnÆ BritanniÆ,” vol. iii, 1737, p. 847. On the discovery in 1888 of bones supposed to be those of the archbishop, see Canon A. J. Mason’s “What became of the Bones of St. Thomas? A contribution to his fifteenth Jubilee,” London, 1920.

500 2 Ed. VI, “Miscellaneous Writings of Thomas Cranmer,” Parker Society, Cambridge, 1846, p. 147.

501 “Piers Plowman,” ed. Skeat, Text C, pass. 1, l. 51.

502 Printed in “The Academy,” Nov. 17, 1883, p. 331.

503 “The Examination of Master William Thorpe,” 1407, Arber’s “Engl. Garner,” vi, 84. Cf. “Anecdotes ... tirÉes ... d’Etienne de Bourbon, XIII^e siÈcle,” ed. Lecoy de la Marche, “Sextus titulus, De Peregrinatione.”

504 See Appendix XVII, p. 446. On Reynard, the date, composition and sources of this work, see LÉon Foulet, “Le Roman de Renard,” Paris, 1914.

505 “A Dialoge or communication of two persons, deuysyd and set forthe in the laten tonge, by the noble and famose clarke, Desiderius Erasmus, intituled ye pylgremage of pure deuotyon. Newly translatyd into Englishe.” London (1540?), 16º.

506 “A Dyaloge of syr Thomas More knyghte ... wherin be treatyd dyuers maters, as of the veneration and worshyp of ymagys and relyques, praying to sayntys, and goyng on pylgrymage, wyth many othere thyngys touchyng the pestylent sect of Luther and Tyndale.” London, 1529, 4º.

507 “The sermon ... made ... to the conuocation of the clergy” (28 Henry VIII), in “Frutefvll sermons preached by the right reverend father and constant martyr of Jesus Christ, M. Hugh Latymer.” London, 1571, p. 10.

508 Ordinance for the state of the wardrobe and the account of the household, June, 1323. “King Edward II’s Household and Wardrobe Ordinances,” ed. Furnivall, Chaucer Society, 1876, p. 62.

509 In the continuation of Chaucer’s tales, the Knight is represented interpreting to his son the strong and weak points in the continuous wall at Canterbury, and discussing whether it was proof against gunshot:

“The Tale of Beryn,” ed. Furnivall and Stone, E.E.T.S., 1909, p. 9.

510 C. Roach Smith has described a number of them in his “Collectanea Antiqua,” London, 1848, vol. i. p. 81, and vol. ii. p. 43. He has given drawings of many which had been “discovered chiefly in the bed of the Thames, and in making the approaches to new London Bridge.” See also “Guide to mediÆval room, British Museum,” 1907, p. 69; Heath, “Pilgrim Life,” 1911, ch. VI. A specimen is given below, p. 418.

511 “Tale of Beryn,” ibid. p. 7.

512 Among the ornaments worn by Chaucer’s pardoner was a “vernicle” on his cap, as may be seen above in the plate, p. 336. Sir Thomas More, in his “Dialogue,” describes as follows the vernicle represented on pilgrims’ medals: How, says he, can it be maintained that Christ blames images, “where he lykyd to leve the holy vernacle, thexpresse ymage also of hys blessid vysage, as a token to remain in honour among such as lovyd hym from ye tyme of hys bytter passyon hytherto, whych as it was by the myracle of hys blessid holy hand expressed and lefte in ye sudari: so hath yt bene by lyke myracle in that thyn corruptyble cloth kepte and preservyd uncorrupted thys xv. C. yere freshe and well perceyved, to ye inwarde cumforte, spyrytuall reioysyng and grete encreace of fervoure and devocyon in the harts of good crysten people” (Sig. B. iii.).

513 Most of them mentioned by Garnier in his “Vie de Saint Thomas,” where, after stating that men of all sorts flocked to Canterbury, he adds (ed. Hippeau, p. 205):

514 “Guide du pÉlerin À Rocamadour,” by M. le Chanoine Laporte, Rocamadour, 1862, chap. viii.

515 “Les louenges du roy Louys xij^e. de ce nom, nouvellement composÉes par maistre Claude de Seyssel, docteur en tous droits.” Paris, 1508, sign. f. iii.

516 Skeat’s edition, Text C, pass. i. l. 47.

517 See the drawing of this ring in vol. viii. of the “ArchÆological Journal,” p. 360. The long stick, or pilgrim’s staff, and the bag or “scrip” were the characteristic signs of pilgrims. In the romance of King Horn, the hero meets on his road a palmer, and to disguise himself changes clothes with him; in this transformation the author only points out the chief particulars, that is to say, the staff and the bag. “Horn took burdon and scrippe.” (“King Horn, with fragments of Floris and Blauncheflur,” ed. by J. H. Lumby, Early English Text Society, 1866.) We have seen above, p. 362, that Reynard on his way to Rome took just the same implements.

518 Statute 12 Rich. II, cap 7.

519 Statute 5 Rich. II, st. 1, c. 2. Restrictions on pilgrimage-making existed also in France. See an ordinance of Charles VI, February 27, 1399, prohibiting pilgrimages to Rome. “Recueil d’Isambert,” vol. vi. p. 843.

520 “Rolls of Parliament,” 13 Rich. II, vol. iii. p. 275, and statute 1, cap. 20 of 13 Rich. II.

521 As to the number of pilgrimages, their origin, and history, see the “Dictionnaire gÉographique, historique, descriptif, archÉologique des pÉlerinages anciens et modernes,” by L. de Sivry and M. de Champagnac, Paris, 1850, 2 vols. 8vo, forming vols. xliii. and xliv. of Migne’s “EncyclopÉdie thÉologique.”

522 Ripert-Monclar, “Bullaire du Pont d’Avignon,” 1912.

523 Statute 4 Ed. III, c. 8.

524 Petition of the Calais burgesses, “Rolls of Parliament,” vol. iii. p. 500, 4 Henry IV, A.D. 1402. In Dover too, on the opposite shore, there was such a house, the inventory of which has been printed: Walcott, “Inventories of St. Mary’s Hospital or Maison-Dieu, Dover,” London, 1869. In the diary of his travels, during the sixteenth century, the Greek Nicander Nucius observes that the town of Dover seemed to be made almost entirely of inns and hotels. “The Travels of Nicander Nucius of Corcyra,” Camden Society, 1841.

525 See Prof. J. W. Hales’ letter to The Academy of April 22, 1882, p. 287. A view of the old church, of which very little now remains, could be seen, Mr. Enlart writes me, in a picture by Van der Meulen, but it was destroyed by the Germans in one of their air raids during the late Great War, when they shelled the Museum.

526 This relic so greatly attracted the English that they had founded in the cathedral a chapel of “Notre Dame Englesque” (Sancta Maria Anglica), and the leopards of England, writes Prof. Enlart, are still to be seen in the stained glass.

527 Halliwell’s edition, 1866, p. 108.

528 See the remarkable articles by Emile Male, on “L’Art du Moyen Age et les PÉlerinages,” in the “Revue de Paris,” 1920; in the number of Feb. 15, an article on “Les Routes de France et d’Espagne.”

529 Text B, p. xii. l. 37.

530 A. B. Caillau, “Histoire critique et religieuse de Notre Dame de Roc-Amadour,” Paris, 1834, pp. 73 ff.

532 William Wey, in the fifteenth century, notices the large number of English ships at “Grwne” (CoruÑa), the usual port of landing for Compostela: “In porto Grwne erant de Anglicis, Wallicis, Hibernicis, Normannis, Francis, Britonnibus et aliis LXXX^ta naves cum topcastellis et quatuor sine topcastellis; numerus navium Anglicarum erat XXX^ij.” He notes the words and music of a song sung by little Spanish boys, dancing before pilgrims and offering good wishes, in exchange for which they hoped to get some small coin. “Itineraries,” Roxburghe Club, 1857, pp. 154, 156.

533 “Foedera,” ed. 1704, vol. vii. p. 468, 17 Rich. II.

534 “Foedera,” 12 Hen. VI, 1434, vol. x. pp. 567–569.

535 “The Stacions of Rome and the Pilgrim’s Sea Voyage,” ed. Furnivall, Early English Text Society, 1867, p. 47. This complaint on the Compostela pilgrimage is of the fifteenth century. On the Compostela sanctuary and on the propagation of certain artistic notions through the influx of pilgrims, see the before quoted article by E. Male, “Revue de Paris,” Feb. 1920.

536 “The Paston Letters,” ed. Jas. Gairdner, vol. i. p. 48. Letter of Margaret Paston of September 28, 1443.

537 Especially noteworthy in this respect at the present day is the Church of Santa Maria delle Grazie, near Mantua (in which the famous author of the “Cortegiano,” Baldassare Castiglione, is buried), where life-size, realistic wax figures, wearing real garments or armour, form a continuous series above the arches on both sides of the nave. Each scene commemorates a miraculous intervention of the Virgin: innocents saved at the moment of their execution, the halter breaking, the axe stopped, etc. The “custode” also directs attention to a stuffed animal, dangling from the roof, and which he describes as a “crocodilo” which used to desolate the country.

538 “The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry,” translated from the French, ed. Thomas Wright, Early English Text Society, 1868, p. 70. The original French is of the fourteenth century.

539 “Miracles de Nostre Dame,” collected by Jean MiÉlot, ed. G. F. Warner, Roxburghe Club, 1885, p. 58. This version of the tale is of the fifteenth century, but the story itself is much older.

540 i.e. St. Catherine of Mount Sinai.

541 William Wey, in the fifteenth century, thus mentions the catacombs: “Item ibi est una spelunca nuncupata Sancti Kalixti cimiterium, et qui eam pertransit cum devocione, illi indulgentur omnia sua peccata. Et ibi multa corpora sanctorum sunt, que nullus hominum numerare nequit nisi solus Deus,” “The Itineraries of William Wey,” Roxburghe Club, 1857, p. 146. Wey, like the author of the poem, sometimes mentions prodigious numbers of bodies of martyrs; at the church called Scala Celi, “sunt ossa sanctorum decem millia militum;” in one single part of St. Peter’s at Rome, are “Petronella et xiii millia sanctorum martyrum.”

542 William Wey said of the church of the Holy Cross: “Item, ibi sunt duo ciphi, unus plenus sanguine Ihesu Cristi, and alter plenus lacte beate Marie Virginis,” “Itineraries,” p. 146. Those who drink at the three fountains which gushed out at the death of St. Paul are cured of all maladies; those who visit the church of St. Mary of the Annunciation will never be struck by lightning; at the church of St. Vivian there is “herba crescens quam ipsa plantavit et valet contra caducum morbum.” At the church of St. Sebastian is shown a foot-print of Jesus; and it is, in fact, still to be seen there at the present day. Ibid. pp. 143–148.

543 In the Borghese chapel.

544 “The Stacions of Rome,” fourteenth century, ed. F. J. Furnivall, Early English Text Society, 1867. Another version of the “Stacions,” with variants, was printed by the same in “Political, Religious, and Love Poems,” Early English Text Society, 1866, p. 113. See in this last volume notes by W. M. Rossetti on the “Stacions,” pp. xxi–xlviii, paralleling the information furnished by the English author with that given by the Italian Francino, who wrote on the same subject in 1600, and whose numbers are much less exaggerated. Mr. Rossetti states also what is still shown at Rome of the relics named in the “Stacions.”

The Saint Luke legend appears in a somewhat different form in William Wey, according to whom the saint was about to paint when he fell asleep, and the angels made the picture for him, “Itineraries,” p. 143. A similar legend is attached to the great wooden crucifix of Byzantine workmanship, called in the middle ages the “Saint Vou” (the Holy Face, vultus), at Lucca, begun by Nicodemus after the Ascension, and miraculously finished during his sleep. BÉdier, “LÉgendes Épiques,” 1908, II. 210.

545 “Ye Solace of Pilgrimes, a description of Rome circa A.D. 1450, by John Capgrave,” ed. Mills and Bannister, Oxford, 1911, 4º.

546 As well as that of the author of the poem. This immensely popular work of unknown date was in existence anyhow in the XIIth century. See “Mirabilia Urbis RomÆ, the Marvels of Rome,” with notes by F. M. Nichols, London, 1889.

547 “Le Saint Voyage de JhÉrusalem du Seigneur d’Anglure,” ed. Bonnardot and Longnon, “SociÉtÉ des Anciens Textes FranÇais,” 1878, pp. 3, 4.

548 On the normal cost of such journeys (from Rouen to St. James of Compostela, in 1377, 343 fr. of our present money), see d’Avenel, “Histoire Économique,” vi. 621.

549 Toulmin Smith, “English Gilds,” pp. 157, 177, 180, 182, 231.

550 Devon’s “Issues of the Exchequer,” 1837, p. 159.

551 Mandate from the Archbishop of York, Feb. 1, 1351–2, in Raine, “Historical Papers from the Northern Registers,” p. 402.

552 “Chronica monasterii de Melsa,” ed. E. A. Bond, 1868, vol. iii. p. 88, Rolls Series. The Abbot declares that Clement VI replied to the reproaches of his confessor as to his bad life: “Quod facimus modo facimus consilio medicorum.” About his theory of the “treasury,” see supra, p. 314. The Pontiff, Pierre Rogier, a Frenchman, of great learning and extraordinary memory, of knightly manners, fond of festivities and amusements, had been an opponent of Edward III in the matter of benefices, which may have still increased the Abbot’s animosity. His decision as to the angels was inserted in his bull on jubilees, which were to recur every fifty years instead of every century; it concerns pilgrims coming to the jubilee.

553 “In which year (1350) there came into England certain penitents, noblemen and foreigners, who beat their bare bodies very sharply, to the effusion of blood, now weeping, now singing; yet, as was said, they did this too unadvisedly, being without licence from the apostolic see.” Walsingham, “Historia Anglicana,” Rolls Series, vol. 1. p. 275. See also Robert de Avesbury, “Hist. Edwardi Tertii,” ed. Hearne, Oxford, 1720, p. 179. The flagellants whipped themselves with knotted cords furnished with nails, they prostrated themselves to the ground singing, with their arms extended cross-wise.

554 The flagellants were condemned by Clement VI in 1349; he ordered the archbishops, bishops, &c., to have them imprisoned. Labbe, “Sacrosancta Concilia,” Florence ed., vol. xxv. col. 1153.

555 Letter of the Archbishop of York to his official, “Historical Papers from the Northern Registers,” ed. Raine, pp. 397–399. The guilty were not worthless vagabonds; one has the title of magister, another is professor of civil law.

556 “Nam quidam illorum credebant, ut asseritur, nullum Deum esse, nihil esse sacramentum altaris, nullam post mortem resurrectionem, sed ut jumentum moritur, ita et hominem finire.” “Historia Anglicana,” vol. ii. p. 12. Langland also complains of the scepticism of the nobles, who question the mysteries, and make these grave matters the subject of light conversation after meals. “Piers Plowman,” Text C, pass. xii. l. 35.

557 “Les louenges du roy Louys xij.,” by Claude de Seyssel, Paris, 1508.

558 “A Collection of the Wills of the Kings and Queens of England,” &c., printed by J. Nichols, London, 1780. Will of Humphrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, who died 1361, p. 54.

559 She died November 4, 1360. Nichols, ibid. p. 29.

560 From Bethleem, last quarter of the fourth century. Migne, “PatrologiÆ LatinÆ tomus XXII,” col. 582.

561 “Epistola XLVI PaulÆ et Eustochii (one of her daughters) ad Marcellam, De Sanctis Locis.” Migne, ibid., col. 483 ff. From Bethleem, same period.

562 From Bethleem, same period. Migne, ibid. To Paulinus col. 580 ff.; to Desiderius, col. 493 ff.

563 He and numerous companions had received the Cross at the hands of the Patriarch of Jerusalem in 1316, and the plan seemed for a time so near realization that nobles and villeins sold their lands and houses, to take part in the crusade. A plan thereof and a draft of the contract with the Marseilles shipowners has been published with excellent notes, by A. de Boislisle, “Annuaire-Bulletin de la SociÉtÉ de l’histoire de France,” 1872, pp. 230 and 246. The latest date suitable for the start is stated to be the middle of April. Full details are given as to the supplies of every sort, to be provided for the galleys, food and the rest: “panis biscoctus,” i.e. biscuit.

564 Robert of Avesbury, “Historia Edwardi Tertii,” ed. Hearne, Oxford, 1720, pp. 63, 115.

565 The single and last attempt on a grand scale was the ill-starred campaign against Sultan Bajazet which ended in the disaster and massacre of Nicopolis, September, 1396; on which and on all those latter-day attempts, see Delaville le Roulx, “La France en Orient au XIV^e SiÈcle,” Paris, 1886, 2 vols.

566 Built on Cape Africa, hence her name in the chronicles of the time.

567 Berners’ Froissart (Ker, v. 361), where, however, the following passage does not appear: “Et autres mÉnestrels faire leur mestier de pipes et de chalemelles et de naquaires, tant que du son et de la voix qui en yssoient la mer en retentissoit toute.”

568 Berners’ Froissart, ed. Ker, 1902, vol. v, chap. 165, 167, 170. Cf. Delaville le Roulx, “La France en Orient au XIV^e SiÈcle,” Paris, 1886, chap. iv. At p. 14, vol. ii, a list of all the chief participants in this crusade.

569 Langland speaks of the Saracens without cursing them; they might be saved, but for Mahomet who deceived them in anger at not being made pope; Christians ought to convert them; the pope makes indeed bishops of Nazareth, Nineveh, etc., but they take care never to visit their indocile flocks; let us not forget that “Jews, Gentiles and Saracens” are sincere in their beliefs. “Piers Plowman,” Text C, pass. xviii. ll. 123 ff.

570 In his book is written (in French): “And know you that I would have put this little book into Latin for brevity, but because many understand Romance better than Latin, I have put it into Romance, that it be understood, and that the lords and knights and other noblemen who do not know Latin, or but little, and who have been beyond seas, may know and understand whether I speak truth or not.” Sloane MS. 1464, fol. 3, at the British Museum, a French MS. of the beginning of the fifteenth century.

571 In his translation of Ralph Higden’s “Polychronicon,” ed. C. Babington, vol. ii. p. 161, Rolls Series.

572 “La ManiÈre de Langage,” ed. Paul Meyer, “Revue Critique,” vol. x., 1870, pp. 373, 382; dedication dated May 29, 1396.

573 “Confessio Amantis,” “Complete Works,” ed. G. C. Macaulay, Oxford, 1899, ff. four vols., vol. iii. p. 253.

574 According to him, the English, who, as history shows, have certainly improved, are wanting in perseverance, “Et hinc secundum astronomos lunam habent planetam propriam, quÆ in motu et lumine est magis instabilis.” “Fasciculi Zizaniorum,” ed. Shirley, p. 270, Rolls Series. Caxton later also considers the moon as par excellence the planet of the English: “For we englysshe men ben born under the domynacyon of the mone, whiche is never stedfaste but ever waverynge.” Prologue to his “Boke of Eneydos compyled by Vyrgyle,” 1490.

575 “Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden,” edited by C. Babington, 1869, vol. ii. pp. 166, 168, Rolls Series.

576 He appears in John of Gaunt’s accounts: “Item À Esmon de Wyght esquier À monsire Johan de Haukewode, de nostre doun, lxvj s. viij.” “John of Gaunt’s Register,” ed. Armitage Smith, 1911, vol. ii. p. 299; no date, but of 1372, or shortly after.

577 Rawdon Brown, “Calendar of State Papers relating to English Affairs ... at Venice,” London, 1864, vol. i. pp. 24, 29; original in Latin.

578 Rymer’s “Foedera,” vol. v. p. 777; in Latin. As to Boucicaut and his more famous son, both marshals of France, see Delaville le Roulx, “La France en Orient, au XIV^e SiÈcle,” Paris, 1886, vol. i. pp. 160 ff. Such letters being delivered pretty frequently, were drawn up after a common form like our passports. See the one given by Rymer in vol. vii. p. 337, A.D. 1381. In November, 1392, the Earl of Derby, future Henry IV, was at Venice, and set out thence to go to the Holy Land. He had letters for the Republic from Albert IV, Duke of Austria, and the Great Council lent him a galley for his voyage. Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, also set out from Venice for Palestine, in February, 1398–9. He was the bearer of a letter from Richard II to the Venetian Senate. “Calendar of State Papers ... at Venice,” ed. Rawdon Brown, p. lxxxi.

579 “Historical Papers from the Northern Registers,” ed. Raine, Rolls Series, p. 425.

580 “En celle malle fortune perdy nostre nafve l’un de ses tymons dont elle estoit gouvernÉe en partie, et fut renversÉe nostre voille par plusieurs fois en la marine, malgrÉ tous les mariniers.” The darkness was complete, and they thought their end had come; but they were saved, reaching Cyprus where they had not intended to go. “Le Saint Voyage de JÉrusalem du Seigneur d’Anglure,” ed. Bonnardot and Longnon, “SociÉtÉ des Anciens Textes FranÇais,” Paris, 1878.

581 “Chronique de Monstrelet,” bk. i. chap. viii.

582 The voyages called “Mandeville’s Voiage and Travaile” were assuredly written in the fourteenth century in French, then were translated e.g. into Latin and English. Only the portion relating to Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, may have been founded on a real journey. The article “Mandeville,” by Mr. E. B. Nicholson and Colonel Yule in “The EncyclopÆdia Britannica”; a paper, “Untersuchungen Über Johann von Mandeville und die Quelle seiner Reiseschreibung,” Berlin, 1888 (printed in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fÜr Erdkunde,” bd. xxiii. p. 177), and Mr. G. F. Warner’s “The Buke of John Maundevil,” being the travels of Sir John Mandeville, Kt. 1322–56, Roxb. Club, 1889, fol., with the French and English texts; the notice by the same on Mandeville in the “Dictionary of National Biography,” notices by H. Cordier in his “Bibliotheca Sinica” and in “Revue Critique,” Oct. 26, 1891, represent the actual state of the question. English text in modern spelling, ed. Pollard, London, 1900. Earliest dated MS., a French one in the National Library, Paris, A.D. 1371; the identification of Mandeville with Jean de Bourgogne, alias “À la Barbe,” or “ad Barbam,” a physician of LiÈge, who died there in 1372, seems certain.

583 “A Survey of Egypt and Syria undertaken in the year 1422, by Sir Gilbert de Lannoy, Kt., translated from a MS. in the Bodleian Library,” “ArchÆologia,” vol. xxi. pp. 281, 319, giving also the French original. Born in 1386, employed by the Duke of Burgundy, then by the King of England, Lannoy died in 1462.

584 Sloane MS. 1464, fo. 3, British Museum.

585 And a very large quantity, beginning as early as the fourth century (to which century belongs the “Itinerarium Burdigala Hierosolymam”), had preceded those. See, among others, “Itinera Hierosolymitana et Descriptiones TerrÆ Sancta,” ed. Tobler and Molinier, 1879, ff.; “ItinÉraires À JÉrusalem, rÉdigÉs en franÇais aux XI^e, XII^e et XIII^e SiÈcles,” ed. Michelant and Raynaud, 1882, both works forming part of the publications of the “SociÉtÉ de l’Orient Latin.” One of the best among the older guide-books was due to the French monk Bernard in the year 870. The monk, who went by way of Egypt, is brief, accurate, matter of fact, as little emotional as possible, discards all wonders, and is often careful to add: “asseritur,” “dicitur.”

586 “Le Saint Voyage de JÉrusalem du Seigneur d’Anglure,” ed. Bonnardot and Longnon, 1878, p. 99.

587 “The Itineraries of William Wey, Fellow of Eton College, to Jerusalem, A.D. 1458 and A.D. 1462, and to Saint James of Compostela, A.D. 1456.” London, 1857, Roxburghe Club, pp. 5, 6. In his first journey to Palestine, duly “consecratus ad modum peregrinorum,” Wey started from Venice with a band of 197 pilgrims embarked on two galleys. Born about 1407, a graduate of Oxford, Wey became after the last of his journeys an Augustinian monk at Edington, Wiltshire, and died there in 1476. He wrote his Itineraries “rogatus a devotis viris” (p. 56); the text in Latin, the “prevysyoun” for travellers in English.

588 Pages 102–116. Such a map is exhibited in one of the glass cases of the Bodleian Library at Oxford. It is probable, but not quite sure, that this is really the map of William Wey, the one he calls “mappa mea” in his book. It has been reproduced in fac-simile: “Map of the Holy Land, illustrating the Itineraries of W. Wey, Roxburghe Club, 1867.” It is seven feet in length and sixteen and a half inches in breadth. See also: “De passagiis in Terram Sanctam,” edit. G. M. Thomas, Venice, 1879, folio, “SociÉtÉ de l’Orient Latin.” This work contains extracts from a “Chronologia magna,” compiled in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, with maps and plans, one especially of Jerusalem and adjoining places.

589 P. 95.

590 “A good preuysyoun,” “Itineraries,” p. 4.

591 “A good preuysyoun,” “Itineraries,” pp. 5, 6.

592 Ibid. The same scramble for asses is going on even now in Palestine and Egypt, and modern “Saracens” are careful to ingratiate themselves with the traveller by addressing to him a few words in the language of his supposed nationality; one such at the foot of the Pyramids some years ago, would keep repeating to us, as a sesame for our purses, these three magic words: “Bonaparte, quarante siÈcles.” We had not, however, to deplore the disappearance of any “knyves and other smal thynges.”

593 William Wey and his companions pay to the “Saracen lords” fifteen ducats: “Et sic in Terra Sancta fuimus xiij diebus, pro quibus solvimus pro conductu nostro dominis Saracenis xv ducatus.” But there were two rival sultans at war with each other, each claiming the Holy Land; and just as the pilgrims were about to leave, the one of those potentates whom they had not paid got the upper hand, and they had to give fifty ducats to his new governor of Jerusalem. “Itineraries,” p. 99. The second Boucicaut going around the holy places for the second time within a few months in 1389, is made by the Saracens to pay again. Delaville le Roulx, “La France en Orient,” i. 165.

594 Ogier VIII, lord of Anglure, part of whose castle on the Aube river still remains, died about 1402. One of his companions held the pen for the troop during the journey and wrote the account of it entitled, in the MS. at the National Library, Paris: “Cy aprÈs s’ensuit le contenu du saint voyage de Jherusalem et le chemin pour aller À Saincte Catherine du Mont Synay et ainsi À Saint Anthoine et Saint Pol Ès loingtains desers de Egipte,” 1395; best ed. the above quoted one by Bonnardot and Longnon.

595 “Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundeville,” ed. Halliwell, 1866, p. 52.

596 The famous Hubert Walter (or Walter Hubert) who had accompanied King Richard to Palestine and crowned King John; archbishop from 1193 to 1205; for a number of years, as much the ruler of England as those kings themselves. His tomb in Canterbury Cathedral has been identified in our days.

597 Creteyne, increase, rising flood; in French, crue

598 A “movable” part, just for the passage of masts.