[12: Journal of M. d'Albert.]

[13: Evidently the Parish Church of St. Louis. Eyre Coote tells us the French had four guns mounted on its roof.]

[14: In early accounts of India the Muhammadans are always called Moors; the Hindus, Gentoos or Gentiles. The Topasses were Portuguese half-castes, generally employed, even by native princes, as gunners.]

[15: Captain Broome says there were fifty European ladies in the Fort. The French accounts say they all retired, previous to the siege, to Chinsurah and Serampore.]

[16: Captain, afterwards Sir, Eyre Coote.]

[17: The fullest account is one by Renault, dated October 26, 1758.]

[18: The only one, excepting the battle of Biderra, between the English and Dutch.]

[19: Governor of Pondicherry and President of the Superior Council.]

[20: Eyre Coote, in his "Journal," mentions an old ditch, which surrounded the settlement.]

[21: One hundred toises, or 600 feet; but Eyre Coote says 330 yards, the difference probably due to the measurement excluding or including the outworks.]

[22: Tanks, or artificial ponds, in Bengal are often of great size. I have seen some a quarter of a mile long.]

[23: Letter to M. de Montorcin, Chandernagore, August 1 1756. Signature lost.]

[24: The Nawab, in July, 1756, extorted three lakhs from the French and even more from the Dutch.]

[25: British Museum. Additional MS. 20,914.]

[26: A kind of fibre used in making bags and other coarse materials.]

[27: Surgeon Ives's Journal.]

[28: Letter to De Montorcin.]

[29: Both English and French use this word "inhabitant" to signify any resident who was not official, military, or in the seafaring way.]

[30: This he did through the Armenian Coja Wajid, a wealthy merchant of Hugli, who advised the Nawab on European affairs. Letter from Coja Wajid to Clive, January 17, 1757.]

[31: A French doctor, who has left an account of the Revolutions in Bengal, says there were eight outposts, and that the loss of one would have involved the loss of all the others, as they could be immediately cut off from the Fort, from which they were too distant to be easily reinforced. The doctor does not sign his name, but he was probably one of the six I mentioned above. Their names were Haillet (doctor), La Haye (surgeon-major), Du Cap (second), Du PrÉ (third), Droguet (fourth), and St. Didier (assistant).]

[32: M. Vernet, the Dutch Chief at Cossimbazar, wrote to the Dutch Director at Chinsurah that he could obtain a copy of this treaty from the Nawab's secretaries, if he wished for it.]

[33: See page 79 (and note).]

[34: See note, p. 89.]

[35: Governor.]

[36: A document authorising the free transit of certain goods, and their exemption from custom dues, in favour of English traders.—Wilson.]

[37: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2744, No. 71.]

[38: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2750, No. 83.]

[39: Still visible, I believe, in parts. The gateway certainly exists.]

[40: Mr. Tooke was a Company's servant. He had distinguished himself in the defence of Calcutta in 1756, when he was wounded, and, being taken on board the ships, escaped the dreadful ordeal of the Black Hole.]

[41: Neither of these accounts agree with the Capitulation Returns.]

[42: British Museum. Addl. MS. 20,914.]

[43: Remarks on board His Majesty's ship Tyger, March 15th.]

[44: His maternal grandfather was a cousin of Aliverdi Khan.]

[45: Malleson explains this by saying that De Terraneau was employed in the blocking up of the passage, but the story hardly needs contradiction.]

[46: This announcement seems superfluous after fighting had been going on for several days, but it simply shows the friction between the naval and military services.]

[47: Clive's journal for March 16th. Fort St. George, Sel. Com. Cons., 28th April, 1757.]

[48: Eyre Coote's journal.]

[49: The passages interpolated are on the authority of a MS. in the Orme Papers, entitled "News from Bengal."]

[50: Accounts of this detail differ. One says it was stormed on the 21st, but if so the French would have been more on their guard, and would surely have strengthened the second battery in front of the Fort.]

[51: Lime plaster made extremely hard.]

[52: The Emperor at Delhi, who was supposed to be about to invade Bengal.]

[53: Orme MSS. O.V. 32, p. 11.]

[54: Orme MSS. O.V. 32, p. 10.]

[55: Sergeant Nover was pardoned in consideration of previous good conduct. Letter from Clive to Colonel Adlercron, March 29, 1757.]

[56: Captain Speke was seriously and his son mortally wounded in the attack on Chandernagore.]

[57: I cannot identify this name in the Capitulation Returns. Possibly he was killed.]

[58: Surgeon Ives says the booty taken was valued at £130,000.]

[59: Orme MSS. India X., p. 2390. Letter of 30th March, 1757.]

[60: Firman, or Imperial Charter.]

[61: The Mogul, Emperor, or King of Delhi, to whom the Bengal Nawabs were nominally tributary.]

[62: Orme MSS. India XI. pp. 2766-7, No. 111.]

[63: Ibid., p. 2768, No. 112.]

[64: Memoirs of Lally. London, 1766.]

---

"c18"/> go there; but I was prevented by the murmurs of my people,
especially the boatmen, who already began to desert in small
parties. Accordingly I accepted an offer made me on the
part of the Raja of Sahibgunj, to give me a site for a fort,
and to aid me with everything I might want. I descended
the river again for a little, and near this site, which was on
the river bank, I commenced a fort, but the thickness of the
forest forced me to abandon it, and I entered a little river
close by, which conducted me to a marsh, on the borders of
which I found an elevated site admirably situated and in a
very agreeable neighbourhood.[138] This belonged to the same
Raja, and with his consent I again set to work, and that
with such promptitude that in less than a month my fortress
commenced to take form, and visibly progressed owing to
the extraordinary efforts I made to complete it. It was
triangular, with a bastion at each angle. At two of the
angles I had found superb trees with very heavy foliage, and
on the third I erected the mast of my boat and hoisted our
flag. All three bastions had four embrasures, a fine entrance
gate opening on the marsh, and a little open turret above,
A small entrance gate led to the open country. The curtains
were carefully pierced for musketry, and strengthened outside
with a trellis work of bamboo, and finished off with banquettes
on the ramparts. An excellent powder magazine
was built in the same way, and, being situated in the interior
of the fort, was quite safe from any accident.
"As I had brought workmen of all kinds with me, the
work went on well, especially as the care of our health made
us all industrious. I was not without cannon, and I mounted
on our ramparts two Swedish guns, which afterwards proved
our safety and preservation.[139] Also being provided with the
requisites for making gunpowder, I very soon had nearly
3000 lbs. weight of very good quality.
"Hardly anything remained to complete my fortress,
which I had named 'Bourgogne,' except to provide it with
a glaÇis. It was already furnished with a market which was
sufficiently flourishing, when to my misfortune I received
the false information that our forces, which were said to be
considerable, were ready to enter the Ganges, and that there
was certain news of the arrival of a very strong squadron at
Pondicherry.[140] On the 8th September there broke out at
Purneah, and in the province of that name, a Evolution
headed by a person named Hazir Ali Khan,[141] who, having
seized the capital, at once wrote to me to join him, and assist
him against the English and Jafar Ali Khan.[142]
"These two events made me stop everything else and
devote myself entirely to getting my boats out of the little
river by which I had entered the marsh, and which was now
almost quite dried up. I succeeded in doing so after some
time, by means of ditches which I cut from the marsh, but
this took me more than a month and considerable labour, as
I was about two leagues from the great river. To complete
my misfortunes, my troop was attacked by sickness, which
raged with a violence such as I had scarcely ever seen. It
cost me nine soldiers, of whom three were Europeans. The
latter were luckily replaced some days after by the same
number who joined me.[143] Poor M. Brayer and M. Gourlade
had been during almost the whole campaign in the most
pitiable condition, especially the former, who I thought a
thousand times must have died. As for me, the powders
d'Aillot preserved me from the pestilential air, and cured
me from the effects of a fall in my bajarow,[144] caused by the
clumsiness of my boatmen. I narrowly escaped breaking
my ribs and back.
"Before quitting Fort Bourgogne I must tell thee, my
dear wife, that I often played there a very grand rÔle. I
was called the 'Fringuey Raja,' or 'King of the Christians.'
I was often chosen as arbiter amongst the little princes in
my neighbourhood, who sent me ambassadors. My reputation
spread so wide, and the respect that I gained was so
great, that the King of Tibet did not disdain to honour me
with an embassy of nearly eight hundred persons, whom I
entertained for nine whole days, and whose chiefs I dismissed
with presents suitable to their rank, their king, our
nation, and the idea which I wished to leave behind me in
this country of the European name. The presents which
were made me consisted of five horses, some bags of scent,
three or four pieces of china, pieces of gilt paper, and a sabre
like those used by the Bhutiyas, or people of Tibet, who are
men as strong and robust as those of Bengal are feeble.
Though pagans like the latter, they eat all kinds of things,
and live almost like the Tartars, from whom they are descended.
From Broome we see that this was in the middle of December, 1757. It was now that Clive first heard what Courtin was attempting. He immediately sent orders direct, and also through the Nawab, to Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, and to Raja Ram Nath of Dinajpur, to seize the French.

"It was almost impossible for me to reascend the river
because of the dry banks and the strong currents which
would have put my boats in danger. However, I found
myself in the country of Rungpore, which was a dependency
of Bengal. I determined nevertheless to remain where I
was, flattering myself the English would not come to look
for me, nor the Nawab or the ruler of the province think of
disturbing themselves about me, as I was doing no harm in
the country, and as I was very strict in observing proper
order and discipline. I was so confident on this latter head
that I did not think of throwing up now entrenchments, and
occupied myself only with hunting and walking whilst I
awaited the arrival of the French forces. However, one day,
towards the middle of January, a secret rumour came to me
that Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, was coming to
attack me. I sent out scouts, who reported that all was
tranquil in his town, and that, far from wishing to come and
look for a quarrel, he was in fear lest I should march against
his town, which was three days' journey from where I was.
Doubtless my men deceived me or did not take the trouble
to go to Rungpore, for on the 15th of the same month, at
3 p.m., on the opposite side of the river to that on which
we were, there appeared a body of soldiers, cavalry and
infantry, about 600 in number, who approached so near my
fleet that I no longer doubted the correctness of the first
advice which had been given me. I ordered a discharge
of three guns on this troop, which was so well directed that
the enemy were forced to take themselves off and to encamp
a little further from me. Next day the commander sent me
a present of some fruit, and an intimation that he only
wished to see me quit his country. He knew I could not
do this without risk, and, according to the custom of the
infidels, he gave me the strongest possible assurances of my
safety and tranquillity. I took care not to trust to them;
I was then, as I said above, without entrenchments and
without defence, so in the evening I set to work at surrounding
myself with a ditch, the mud taken out of which would
serve me for embrasures. I was short of provisions, which
made me very anxious, and I was still more so when
I learned that the enemy were trying to cut me off from
provisions on all sides, and that their intention was to
capture me by famine or treachery. Their number quickly
increased to 3000 men, of whom a part came over to my
side of the river, and harassed my people whenever they
went out for provisions. This forced me to detach. MM.
Chevalier and Gourlade, with about 10 men, some peons
and boatmen, against one of their little camps, where there
were about 150 men, foot and horse. Our men received
their fire, stormed the camp, and destroyed it after having
put every one to flight. There was not a single person
wounded on our side. This little advantage gave me time to
make a good provision of rice and other things in the villages
near my entrenchments. I cleared out these villages and
drove out the inhabitants, but I was still in need of a
quantity of things necessary to life. To procure these, I
tried to frighten the enemy by cannonading their chief camp
on the other side of the river. This only resulted in making
them withdraw altogether beyond the reach of my guns, not
with the idea of going away, but of starving me out, and, as
I learned later, to give time for a reinforcement of artillery
which they were expecting to arrive. They had already 4
or 5 guns, but their calibre was small compared with mine,
as I was able to see from the balls which fell in my camp
when it was entrenched only on the land side.
"The 19th of January, early in the morning, I sent across
the river a number of workmen, supported by a little detachment
under M. Gourlade, to cut down a grove of bamboos
which masked my guns, and to burn down some houses which
were also in their way. I forbade them to engage the enemy,
and all went well until some topasses and peons advanced
too far towards the enemy's camp, and I heard discharges
so loud and frequent on both sides, that I ordered a retreat
to be beaten in my entrenchments, to make my people recross
the river. I fired my guns continually to facilitate this and to
cover the movement. In this skirmish I had only one soldier
wounded, and I do not know whether the enemy had any
losses. This day more than 1500 shots were fired on both
sides. Some of the guns which the enemy brought up
troubled us greatly, as we were not entrenched on the water
side. Several balls fell at my side or passed over my head.
This determined me to set all my people at work the next
night with torches, to put us under cover on this side
also."

[It was apparently this fight which Kasim Ali reported to Clive on the 24th of January:—

"I wrote expressly to my people to go and take them"
(the French) "and they went immediately and found them
ready to fight. On both sides there were cannon and
jenjalls.[145] A nulla[146] was between them, which the French
crost, and advancing upon my people, fought with great
intrepidity: but luckily, three or four of them being killed,
they retired into their fort."[147]]
"The Moors saw, from my manoeuvre, how important it
was for them to seize the ground which I had intended to
clear, and, contrary to my expectation, established themselves
on it the same evening without my being able to hinder
them, keeping themselves always well hidden behind the
bamboos, where they had nothing to fear from my artillery,
and still less from my musketry. Like me they worked at
night, and, having as many prisoners or other workmen at
their command as they wanted, I saw, with regret, next
morning the progress which they had made opposite me. I
could not dislodge them without risking everything. Weak
as I was, I thought it wiser not to hazard anything more in
sorties, but to hold myself always on the defensive.
"Sheikh Faiz Ulla (that was the name of the Moorish
general) sent me one of his men next day with a present and
proposals of peace, the first condition of which was, of course,
that I should quit his country, and as, since the dry weather
had set in, a very large and dangerous bank had formed in
the river seven or eight leagues below me, he offered me one
or two thousand workmen to assist in making a passage for
my boats. The shocking treachery used by the Moors being
well known to me, I refused to accept his offers except on
his furnishing me with hostages for his good faith. He first
proposed himself, but with such a strong escort that it was
not difficult to see that it was a trap which he was setting
for me, so as to seize and massacre us. After many debates
between our emissaries, he consented to come to my bajarow,
he and his servants, and that all of them should serve as
hostages until I was quite out of the domains of his master.
"I loyally agreed to this arrangement and made preparations
in consequence, but at 7 in the morning on the
23rd of January, the day I expected the hostages, I was
awakened by a cannon-shot quickly followed by a second, the
ball of which pierced the rezai[148] at the foot of my bed from
side to side, and made a great noise. For a long time I had
been accustomed to sleep fully dressed, so I was able to go out
quickly and give orders in the entrenchments. The treachery
and perfidy of the enemy were too manifest; nevertheless, I
forbade a single shot to be fired with musket or cannon, and
simply recommended my people to be on their guard on
the land side. The enemy kept up a continuous and very
lively fire until 4 o'clock in the evening. I considered that
it would be useless for me to reply, and wished to see how far
they would push their insolence. That day we picked up 40
cannon-balls, and our whole loss was one boatman slightly
wounded in the leg. From 4 o'clock till night the enemy's
fire was continued, but at long intervals. It began again
the next morning. I suffered this as on the previous day
for a couple of hours, at the end of which. I fired several
shots and silenced it. My firing seemed to trouble the
enemy more than I expected it would. One of my boats was
sunk by a cannon-ball, several were pierced through, and
my rezai, which used to serve me as a coat, was much
damaged.
"The succeeding days passed much in the same manner
until the 3rd of February, when, on the same bank and to
the north above my fleet, I saw a new entrenchment, which
had been thrown up during the preceding night. Its batteries
enfiladed mine along their whole length. It was necessary
either to risk everything by making a sortie in order to
destroy it, or to arrange terms. I determined on the latter,
which appeared to me all the more necessary, as I was
beginning to be in want of everything, and as I had just
received letters which deprived me of all hope of the arrival
of our forces in Bengal until April or May. I therefore
informed Sheikh Faiz Ulla that I was ready to enter upon
negotiations, and the same day he sent me some of his people,
with whom I agreed to leave my entrenchments and go
down the river. I consented to do this without hostages,
but, that it might be done in security, I promised them a
sum of money for themselves as well as for their general.
This arrangement being agreed to by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, he
sent me word that, in order that he might not appear to
betray his master, it would be necessary for me next morning
to open the fiercest fire possible on his camp; that he would
reply; that on both sides it should be with the intention of
doing as little hurt as possible; that I should pretend it was
to force him to give me a passport, which he would send me
in the evening; and that I should then send him the
money I had promised. All these precautions were only
to assist his rascality, and they appeared to me all the more
surprising, as he had already repeatedly informed me that
he had his master's permission to give me a passport, and to
let me go where I pleased. But of what are these Moors not
capable? Without being blind to the continuance of his perfidy,
I flattered myself that it might happen that he would not
trouble me on my march when he had received my money.
"However this might be, my cannon fired from 10 in
the morning till 3 in the evening. Our people, perceiving
that the enemy were firing in earnest, did not spare them
any more than they spared us, and that which was at first,
on our side, only a pretence, finally became serious. At 4
o'clock I received an envoy, who brought me the passport,
and to whom I paid the money. He assured me that I
might embark my artillery the next morning, and set out the
day after without the slightest apprehension of being interfered
with, I took my precautions, and, in fear of treachery, kept
on shore my two Swedish guns. At last, at seven in the
morning, my boats started, having on board only the sick
and helpless, and I set out by land with my two guns and
the rest of my troop, at the head of which I put myself."

This triumph of time and treachery was reported by Sheikh Faiz Ulla's master, Kasim Ali, to Clive, on the 14th of February:[149]—

"I before wrote you that I had sent forces to fight the
French, that they had a fort and strong intrenchments, and
that we had a battle with them.... ever since I wrote
you last we have been fighting, my people have behaved well,
and I make no doubt but you have heard it from other people.
God knows what pains and trouble I have taken in this
affair. The French being shut up in their fort and undergoing
much fatigue by always fighting, and likewise being
in want of provisions were obliged to run away in their
boats by night, and went towards the Dinajpur country.
My people being always ready to fight followed them....
They can go no other way but through the Dinajpur country.
I have therefore wrote expressly to the Rajah to stop the
passage."

About this time, though Courtin does not mention it till later, he began to see what the inevitable end must be. He could not cut his way through to join Law, and with the whole country in arms against him he was too weak to hold out for any length of time. Accordingly he sent messengers secretly to Mr. Luke Scrafton, at Murshidabad. It was Scrafton, as I have said above, who wrote to Courtin for assistance when the Nawab of Dacca wanted to take their Factory and imprison the English. Courtin now wrote to him to save him from falling into the hands of the natives, and, on the 18th of February, Scrafton wrote to the Select Committee at Calcutta for the necessary permission.[150]

We now rejoin Courtin:—

"What was my surprise, at the end of an hour and a
half, to see that we were followed by a body of four or five
hundred men, with two guns drawn by oxen. I pretended
not to notice, and continued my march, but at 3 o'clock
in the afternoon, seeing this troop approach, within range of
my pieces, I pointed them at the Moors, and put my force
in a position of defence. Their rascality followed its usual
course, and they sent me word that I had nothing to fear,
that they would not march so close to me any more, and
that they followed me only to preserve the peace and to
hinder my people, especially the stragglers, from committing
any disorder. I received this excuse for what it was worth,
and pretended to be content with, it, seeing clearly that they
were looking for an opportunity to surprise and destroy us.
"Several accidents happening to the boats of the rearguard
prevented my troop and myself from rejoining the
main body of the fleet till far on in the night. I found it
anchored in the most disadvantageous position possible, and
in the morning I saw at a distance of one-eighth of a league
the same body of troops, that had followed me the day before,
establishing and settling itself. A moment later I learned
that Sheikh Faiz Ulla was on the opposite bank with his
army and his artillery, that he intended to wait for me in a
narrow place called Choquova,[151] at the foot of which my boats
must pass, and that he was diligently making entrenchments
there. My embarrassment was then extreme. I found
myself surrounded on all sides; I was without any provisions,
destitute of the most necessary articles of life. In
this perplexity I saw only the most cruel alternatives, either
to surrender or to fight to the death so as to perish with our
arms in our hands. The latter appeared to be less dreadful
than the former.
"After repeated consultations, we determined it would
be best to risk the passage of the fleet by Choquova. We
thought that possibly we should find provisions there, and
that certainly the position could not be worse (for defence)
than that in which we then found ourselves. The passage
was carried out in three hours' time without confusion or
disorder, by means of my Swedish guns on the boat which
led the van. What was our delight to find, not only a better
position than that which we had quitted, but one that was
almost completely entrenched by nature, and had villages
full of rice to the right and left of it.
"Next day I collected provisions in abundance, cleared
the country round for a quarter of a league, and did my best
to ameliorate my condition. The enemy were disconcerted by
my boldness. They pretended as usual, in order to deceive
me the more easily, that they were not surprised at my march.
They feared rightly that if I commenced new entrenchments
all their trouble would begin again. Besides, I had completely
protected myself from the possibility of surprise. Pourparlers
for an accommodation were renewed and lasted three
days, at the end of which it was agreed that I should
continue my march, that two hostages should be given me
for my safety, and that the army with its guns should retire
from Choquova, and should be sent a long way ahead across
country, and as, at half a league from this place, the river
was no longer navigable because of the bank which had
formed in it, I should be supplied with people to facilitate
my passage. Thou wilt notice, my dear wife, that in all the
negotiations I had for various reasons and on several occasions
proposed to suspend all hostilities until an answer
could be received from Jafar All Khan and the English, to
whom I said I would write to come to some accommodation
with them, offering to send my letter open. This was repeatedly
refused, but the refusal did not prevent my asking
for the honours of war. My letters were despatched secretly
by my own messengers.
"At last, on the 23rd, I quitted, though with regret
(always expecting treachery), my new position, and approached
the shallow or bank mentioned. It was night when I
arrived. In spite of this I could understand, from the
dreadful noise made by the waters, that I should have
difficulty in traversing this dangerous passage even with the
assistance promised me. I was only too well convinced of
the truth of this when day broke, and I saw that I had
again been betrayed. There was nothing to be seen of the
work which the Moors had engaged to do to lessen the
difficulty of the passage. However, I did not hesitate to
put out with my lighter boats, firmly resolved, if they arrived
safely, to sacrifice the larger, with all that was upon them,
to my safety, and thus to effect my retreat during the night.
With the exception of two, which were lost, they all arrived
safely. During this piece of work, which took up the whole
day, I dissimulated my intentions in the presence of my hostages,
merely letting them see I was somewhat surprised to
find that, contrary to the promise given, there were no workmen,
but that the army, which ought to have been withdrawn,
was still close to us. Their excuses were vague and unsatisfactory.
One of them, who, no doubt, knew the enemy's plans,
asked permission to go to their camp, promising to come
back the next day. Though his demand accorded with my
designs, I agreed to it only after much persuasion, warning
him not to break his parole to return the next morning very
early. This he swore to do. As a rule these people think
nothing of an oath. I did not intend to wait for him, which
his comrade clearly perceived, for, seeing that he himself
had been sacrificed by his master's perfidy, he approved of
the resolution I had taken to set out by night, and swore
that he had acted in good faith, and was ignorant of the
treachery that had been concocted. 'You can,' he said to me,
'have my throat cut. You would be justified in doing so;
but I will not quit you, even if you give me permission.
If I went to my own people, they would say that I had
disclosed to you the trick which you have yourself discovered,
and would certainly show me less mercy than I
have experienced from you.' After this I contented myself
with having him closely watched.
"Orders being given to the remaining boats to start by
night, I mounted on horseback to carry certain necessaries
to my detachment on land, which was already a little in
advance and had crossed a small river with the guns. I
had only three blacks with me, and none of us knew the
way. The night was dark, and we wandered from it. I
narrowly escaped being drowned with my horse, and at last
we lost ourselves entirely. If we had been met by any
horsemen, nothing would have been easier than for them to
capture me, our arms and cartridges being all soaked with
water. Luckily I heard our drums beating, and this told us
in what direction we could safely go.
"My intention was to march by land with my troops and
guns. They objected to this, as I was wet to the skin and
had a cold on the chest, which hardly allowed me to speak;
so I went back to the boats, though with much regret, and
resolved to manage so as not to lose sight of my detachment.
I was in constant anxiety about the latter till 8 o'clock the
next day, when we all came together, except one soldier
topass, who, by his own fault, had remained on a big boat
which we had abandoned, and a manjhi,[152] who was drowned
in one of the two little ones which had sunk.
"Finding myself in the territory of the Raja of Dinajpur,
I imagined I had nothing to do with any one except him, and
that Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his army would not think of
following me through a country which, though tributary to
the Nawab of Bengal, still in no way belonged to Faiz Ulla's
master. The hostage who remained with me, and to whom
I spoke about the matter,[153] did not altogether dissuade me
from this idea, but counselled me to continue my march
and to get farther away, which I did till 6 o'clock in the
evening. What was my surprise when, at 9 o'clock, my
scouts reported that the enemy were pursuing me, and were
not more than a league away at the most. I could not
advance during the night for fear of running on the banks
or shallows with which the river was filled, and which might
cause the loss of my boats and of my people. Accordingly,
I did not set out till the morning, and always remained
myself in the rear (of the fleet). I had stopped to wait for
my land detachment and the guns, and was at some distance
from the rest of my little fleet, when, about half-past nine,
I heard several musket shots fired. In an instant I was
surrounded by the enemy. M. Chevalier, who conducted the
land detachment, fortunately perceived my situation, and,
seeing my danger, brought up the two guns and fired about
20 shots, which disengaged me, and gave me time to regain
my boats by swift rowing. I had with me only Pedro and
the Moorish hostage mentioned before. Then I landed with
MM. Brayer, Gourlade, and in general every one who was
strong enough to defend himself. At the same time I ordered
the boats to go on. In this skirmish our loss was only one
man slightly wounded in the ear by a musket-ball.
"My little fleet en route, we marched by land on the
bank opposite to that on which was, the main body of the
enemy, who had only cavalry, which we did not trouble
ourselves about It was not the same, however, with the
boats. At the end of an hour the boatmen abandoned them
in a sudden panic, and hurried tumultuously to join me.
When my people were collected, I would have tried to go
and recapture my boats, which the enemy had not delayed
to seize; but not only would this have been a rash undertaking
with so small a force against 3000 men, but also
there was a little river which formed an island between my
boats and me, and so prevented the passage of my guns
This determined me to abandon the boats, and to retreat to
Dinajpur, where I hoped to find an asylum with the Raja
whilst I waited for a reply to my letters to Jafar All Khan
and the English. We marched till 1 o'clock in the afternoon
without being harassed or disquieted—no doubt because
during this time Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people were
occupied in plundering the boats. We were now not very
far from Dinajpur, when we met a body of the Raja's cavalry,
the commander of which begged me to take another road so
as not to pass through his town. Accordingly he gave me
a guide, with whom we marched till half-past five, when we
arrived at a great gunge (market place) at the extremity of
Dinajpur. There they lodged us in a great thatched building.
The want of provisions had caused us to suffer very much in
this retreat."

This was the battle of Cantanagar. Kasim Ali described it as follows to Clive:—

"My people and the French had a battle, and the latter
finding themselves much, beat, they run away, and left their
boats. They went to Oppoor" "and begged protection of
the Kajah's people.... Bahadur Sing came and told my
people to go a little further off, and they would deliver
them up, but they put us off from day to day."[154]

About the time he was writing this, Clive was writing to say that he had received Courtin's offer of surrender, and that Kasim Ali was to cease hostilities and allow the French to come to him with their boats and necessaries. Kasim Ali had received orders to the same effect from Mr. Scrafton, who informed him he was sending an officer to accept their surrender. This did not however prevent Kasim Ali from trying to get hold of them, which accounts for the following letter from Raja Ram Nath to Clive:[155]—

"The French are now coming from another country by
boats to go towards Muxadavad, and Kasim Ali Khan's
people have followed them, out of his own country into
mine. They have left their boats among Kasim Ali Khan's
people and are now travelling to Jangepors" (? Tangepur).
"When I heard this I sent people with all expedition to look
after them, and I now hear that they have surrounded them.
The French want the Nawab's and your orders and call for justice[156]
from you. They have hoisted the Nawab's[157] and
your colours, have put on your cloaths (?) and want to go
to Muxadavad. Kasim Ali Khan's people want to carry
them to Rungpore but they refuse to go, and say that if one
of us is taken they will destroy themselves.[158] I am a poor
Zemindar who pays revenues[159] and ready to obey your
orders. If the Rungpore people should take them by force,
and they should kill themselves, it would be a troublesome
affair."

To return to Courtin's letter.

"The Raja of Dinajpur did not fail to be embarrassed by
the favour which he had shown to us. Fear was the only
motive which influenced him. He sent word to me to
depart by night under an escort of 200 of his people, who
would conduct me to Murshidabad. I was very nearly
accepting his suggestion, but the hunger and thirst, from
which we suffered greatly, prevented me. So I postponed
giving him a final answer till the next morning, and
then, after full reflection, decided not to move from the
place to which. I had been conducted until I received an
answer to the letters sent to Murshidabad. I thought this
all the wiser, as I was informed that nothing would induce
my enemies to approach or attack me in my asylum.[160] The
place was so retired and so well provided with storehouses,
that I found there a greater appearance of security than in
the open country or the escort offered by the Raja, as his
men were subordinate to the same Prince as the people who
composed the army of Sheikh Faiz Ulla, and were likely
enough to abandon me or to join my enemies in overwhelming
me. My conjectures were well founded, as, several days
after, this same Raja, prompted by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, sent
me word that he could not answer for what might happen to
me if I were attacked; that his troops, being subject to
Murshidabad like those of Kasim All Khan, could not
support me, nor fire on the latter. Finally he sent a certain
priest of his faith, a grave man, who came to suggest to us
that our best course was to leave Dinajpur and gain the
open country, otherwise we were lost. He said that he
knew for certain that if I were so obstinate as to persist in
wishing to remain there, orders had been given to attack us,
cut our throats, and send our heads to Murshidabad. This
person wished to terrify us so as to rid the Raja of us, as he
was dying with fright lest war should be made in the very
heart of his town. I replied that I was resolved to defend
myself against any one who attacked me, to set fire to
everything I found within my reach, to kill as many people
as I could, and to die on my guns when I had used up all
my ammunition; that this was also the intention of my companions,
who preferred to die thus, like brave men, rather than
to be exposed to the ignominies and indignities that we should
undergo if we allowed ourselves to be made prisoners by the
people of Kasim All Khan. The timid Raja, threatened by
both parties, found himself in the utmost embarrassment, for
Sheikh Faiz Ulla, at the gates of his town, put, as it were,
his country under contribution, and demanded from him,
with all imaginable insolence, that he should deliver us up
to him, a thing which the Raja found difficult to do.

"Some days passed in this way, during which we had
frequent alarms, but the letters I received from Murshidabad
filled every one with perplexity. The English sent me
people on their own account. One of my private friends,[161]
whom I had been so fortunate as to oblige on a similar
occasion, wrote me not to trouble myself about my boats or
my effects, but to come at once to him, and he would see
that they restored or paid for my property, and that they
gave me all that I might need. The orders received by
Sheikh Faiz Ulla and the Raja at the same time, ordered the
one to leave me in peace and the other to furnish me with
everything I wanted. This put my mind in a condition of
serenity to which it had long been a stranger, and threw my
enemies into much confusion. They proposed that I should
resume possession of my boats. I knew, with absolute
certainty, that they had been half looted, still I accepted
them on condition they were brought to Dinajpur. They
did not wish, to do this; but next morning after reflection
they consented, when, in my turn, I declined, and asked only
for provisions and other things necessary for my journey.
This they had the harshness to refuse, doubtless because they
thought that I, being destitute of everything, would have to
go down by whatever route they pleased. I would not
trust them in anything, fearing treachery.

"At last, without linen, without clothes, except what we
had on our bodies, on the 1st of March, the seventeenth day
after our retreat[162] we set out with our arms and our two
Swedish guns to go to Murshidabad to the English, from
whom I had demanded the honours of war."

We learn from the correspondence between Mr. Scrafton and Clive, that Drake, the cowardly
Governor of Calcutta, very naturally could not understand what was meant by this claim to the
honours of war.[163]

Courtin had written to Clive, asking permission to go down to Pondicherry. Clive replied on the 15th of July, 1758, granting permission. His letter concludes:—

"I am at this moment sending an order to the Captain
Commandant of our troops to restore to you your two guns.
I am charmed at this opportunity of showing you my
appreciation of the way in which you have always behaved
to the English, and my own regard for your merit."[166]

Courtin continues:—

"Saved from so many perils and sufficiently fortunate
to have won such sensible marks of distinction from our
enemies, ought not this, my dear wife, to make me hope that
the gentlemen of the French Company will do their utmost
to procure me some military honour, in order to prove to the
English that my nation is as ready as theirs to recognize my
services?[167]
"Now, my dear wife, I must end this letter so that it
may be ready for despatch. For fear of its being lost I will
send in the packet another letter for thee.
"Do not disquiet thyself regarding my health. Thanks
to God I am now actually pretty well. I dare not talk to
thee of the possibility of our meeting. Circumstances are
not favourable for thee to make another voyage to the Indies.
That must depend upon events, thy health, peace, and
wishes, which, in spite of my tender longing for thee, will
always be my guide.
"If the event of war has not been doubly disastrous to
me, thou shouldst have received some small remittances,
which I have sent, and of which I have advised thee in
duplicate and triplicate. If the decrees of the Lord, after
my having endured so many misfortunes and sufferings, have
also ordained my death before I am in a position to provide
what concerns thee, have I not a right to hope that all my
friends will use their influence to induce the Company not
to abandon one who will be the widow of two men who have
served it well, and with all imaginable disinterestedness?
"For the rest I repeat that, thanks to God, I am fairly well.
"I kiss thee, etc., etc."

One would be glad to be assured that Courtin re-established his fortune. If he is, as I suppose, the Jacques Ignace Courtin, who was afterwards Conseiller au Conseil des Indes, we may be satisfied he did so; but French East India Company Records are a hopeless chaos at the present moment, and all that one can extract from the English Records is evidence of still further suffering.

From Murshidabad or Cossimbazar, Courtin went down to Chandernagore, whence the majority of the French inhabitants had already been sent to the Madras Coast. The Fort had been blown up, and the private houses were under sentence of destruction, for the English had determined to destroy the town, partly in revenge for the behaviour of Lally, who, acting under instructions from the French East India Company, had shown great severity to the English in Southern India, partly because they did not think themselves strong enough to garrison Chandernagore as well as Calcutta, and feared the Moors would occupy it if they did not place troops there, and partly because they dreaded its restoration to France—which actually happened—when peace was made. At any rate Courtin found the remnants of his countrymen in despair, and in 1759 he wrote a letter[168] to Clive and the Council of Calcutta, from which I quote one or two paragraphs:—

"With the most bitter grief I have received advice of
the sentence you have passed on the French Settlement
at Chandernagore, by which all the buildings, as well of
the Company as of private persons, are to be utterly
demolished.
"Humane and compassionate as you are, Sirs, you would
be sensibly affected—were your eyes witnesses to it as mine
have been—by the distress to which this order has reduced
the hearts of those unhappy inhabitants who remain in that
unfortunate place, particularly if you knew that there is
nothing left to the majority of them beyond these houses, on
whose destruction you have resolved. If I may believe
what I hear, the motive which incites you is that of reprisal
for what has happened at Cuddalore and Madras: it does
not become me to criticize either the conduct of M. Lally,
our general, who, by all accounts, is a man very much to be
respected by me, or your reasons, which you suppose sufficient.
Granting the latter to be so, permit me, Sirs, to
address myself to your generosity and humanity, and those
admirable qualities, so universally esteemed by mankind,
will encourage me to take the liberty to make certain representations.
"All upbraidings are odious, and nothing is more just
than the French proverb which says, to remind a person of
favours done him cancels the obligation. God forbid, Sirs,
I should be guilty of this to you or your nation by reminding
you for a moment, that these houses, now condemned by
you, served you as an asylum in 1756, and that the owners,
whom you are now reducing to the greatest distress and are
plunging into despair, assisted you to the utmost of their
power, and alleviated your misfortunes as much as they were
able. But what am I saying? Your nation is too polished to
need reminding of what is just. Therefore excuse my saying
that this reason alone is sufficient to cancel the law of
retaliation which you have resolved to execute, and to make
you revoke an order which, I am sure, you could not have
given without much uneasiness of mind. I cast myself at
your feet, imploring, with the most ardent prayers, that
compassion, which I flatter myself I perceive in your hearts,
for these poor creatures, whom you cannot without remorse
render miserable. If you really, Sirs, think I too have had
the happiness to be of some use to you and your nation,
whilst Chief at Dacca, and that I have rendered you some
services, I only beg that you would recollect them for one
moment, and let them induce you to grant the favour I
request for my poor countrymen. I shall then regard it as
the most happy incident in my life, and shall think myself
ten thousand times more indebted to you.
"If, Sirs, you have absolutely imperative reasons for
reprisal, change, if you please, the object of them. I offer
myself a willing victim, if there must be one, and, if blood
were necessary, I should think myself too happy to offer
mine a sacrifice. But as these barbarous methods are not
made use of in nations so civilized as ours, I have one last
offer to make, which is to ransom and buy all the private
houses at Chandernagore, for which I will enter into whatever
engagements you please, and will give you the best
security in my power."

The last words seem to imply that Courtin had recovered his property, at least to a great extent; but his pathetic appeal was useless in face of national necessities, and so far was Chandernagore desolated that, in November of the same year, we read that the English army, under Colonel Forde, was ambushed by the Dutch garrison of Chinsurah "amongst the buildings and ruins of Chandernagore."

From Chandernagore Courtin went to Pondicherry, where he became a member of the Superior Council. He was one of the chiefs of the faction opposed to Lally, who contemptuously mentions a printed "Memorial" of his adventures which Courtin prepared, probably for presentation to the Directors of the French East India Company.[169] When, in January, 1761, Lally determined to capitulate, Courtin was sent to the English commander on the part of the Council. Still later we find his name attached to a petition, dated August 3, 1762, presented to the King against Lally.[170] This shows that Courtin had arrived in France, so that his elevation to the Council of the Company is by no means improbable.

To any one who has lived long in India it seems unnatural that in old days the small colonies of Europeans settled there should have been incited to mutual conflict and mutual ruin, owing to quarrels which originated in far-off Europe, and which were decided without any reference to the wishes or interests of Europeans living in the colonies. The British Settlements alone have successfully survived the struggle. The least we can do is to acknowledge the merits, whilst we commiserate the sufferings, of those other gallant men who strove their best to win the great prize for their own countrymen. Of the French especially it would appear that their writers have noticed only those like Dupleix, Bussy, and Lally, who commanded armies in glorious campaigns that somehow always ended to the advantage of the British, and have utterly forgotten the civilians who really kept the game going, and who would have been twice as formidable to their enemies if the military had been subordinate to them. The curse of the French East India Company was Militarism, whilst fortunately for the English our greatest military hero in India, Lord Clive, was so clear-minded that he could write:—

"I have the liberty of an Englishman so strongly implanted
in my nature, that I would have the Civil all in all,
in all times and in all places, cases of immediate danger
excepted."

How much might have been achieved by men like Renault, Law, and Courtin, if they had had an adequate military force at their disposal! They saw, as clearly as did the English, that Bengal was the heart of India, and they saw the English denude Madras of troops to defend Bengal, whilst they themselves were left by the French commanders in a state of hopeless impotence. On the other hand, owing to the English Company's insistence that military domination should be the exception and not the rule, British civilians and British soldiers have, almost always, worked together harmoniously. It was this union of force which gave us Bengal in the time of which I have been writing, and to the same source of power we owe the gradual building up of the great Empire which now dominates the whole of India.

Notes:

[122: Probably Portuguese half-castes.]

[123: Matchlock men. Consultations of the Dacca Council, 27th June, 1756. Madras Select Committee Proceedings, 9th November, 1756.]

[124: When Courtin was sent by Count Lally with the proposals for the surrender of Pondicherry he had to take an interpreter with him. Memoirs of Lally, p. 105.]

[125: I.e. official order.]

[126: I cannot ascertain where M. Fleurin was at this moment. If at Dacca, then Courtin must have left him behind.]

[127: MSS. FranÇais, Nouvelles Acquisitions, No. 9361. This is unfortunately only a copy, and the dates are somewhat confused. Where possible I have corrected them.]

[128: Calcapur, the site of the Dutch Factory. See note, p. 64.]

[129: From a map by Rennell of the neighbourhood of Dacca it appears that the French Factory was on the River Bourigunga. There are still several plots of ground in Dacca town belonging to the French. One of them, popularly known as Frashdanga, is situated at the mouth of the old bed of the river which forms an island of the southern portion of the town; but I do not think this is the site of the French Factory, as the latter appears to have been situated to the west of the present Nawab's palace.]

[130: Now used in the sense of messengers or office attendants.]

[131: Orme says (bk. viii. p. 285) that Courtin started with 30 Europeans and 100 sepoys. From Law's "Memoir" we see that M. de Carryon took 20 men to Cossimbazar before Law himself left. This accounts for the smallness of Courtin's force.]

[132: Jafar Ali Khan married the sister of Aliverdi Khan, Siraj-ud-daula's grandfather.]

[133: I think he must mean the mouth of the Murshidabad River.]

[134: Courtin means the lower ranges of the Himalayas, inhabited by the Nepaulese, Bhutiyas, etc. His wanderings therefore were in the districts of Rungpore and Dinajpur.]

[135: Sinfray, Secretary to the Council at Chandernagore, was one of the fugitives who, as mentioned above, joined Law at Cossimbazar.]

[136: Assaduzama Muhammad was nephew to Kamgar Khan, the general of Shah Alam. Holwell. Memorial to the Select Committee, 1760.]

[137: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2859, No. 246.]

[138: Orme says the Fort was on the River Teesta, but Rennell marks it more correctly a little away from the river and about fifteen miles south of Jalpaiguri.]

[139: These guns Courtin calls "piÈces À la minute." The proper name should be "canon À la suÉdoise" or "canon À la minute." They were invented by the Swedes, who used 3-pounders with improved methods for loading and firing, so as to be able to fire as many as ten shots in a minute. The French adopted a 4-pounder gun of this kind in 1743. The above information was given me by Lieut.-Colonel Ottley Perry, on the authority of Colonel Colin, an artillery officer on the French Headquarters Staff.]

[140: This squadron, under the command of Mons. Bouvet, actually did arrive.]

[141: This rebellion was really conducted by Ukil Singh, the Hindoo Diwan of Hazir Ali.]

[142: Mir Jafar, Jafar Ali, Mir Jafar Ali Khan, are all variations of the name of the Nawab whom the English placed on the throne after the death of Siraj-ud-daula.]

[143: Law says that the French soldiers who wandered the country in this way were accustomed to disguise themselves as natives and even as Brahmins, when they wished to avoid notice.]

[144: A kind of native house-boat.]

[145: A heavy gun fired from a rest or stand.]

[146: A ditch or ravine.]

[147: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2901, No. 374.]

[148: A thick quilt used as a covering when in bed, or sometimes like a blanket to wrap oneself in.]

[149: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2915, No. 417.]

[150: Bengal Select Com. Consultations, 22nd February, 1758.]

[151: I have not been able to identify this place.]

[152: A boatman.]

[153: See note, p. 88.]

[154: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2923, No. 432.]

[155: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2926, No. 438.]

[156: This expression is characteristically Indian, and is used when any one, finding himself oppressed, appeals to some great personage for protection.]

[157: The Nawab's flag was the usual Turkish crescent.]

[158: Another Indian expression. The last resource against oppression or injustice in India is to commit suicide by starvation or some violent means, and to lay the blame on the oppressor. This is supposed to bring the curse of murder upon him.]

[159: This means simply that the Raja was not an independent ruler. The sovereign owning all land, land revenue and rent meant the same thing.]

[160: This seems to want explanation. Probably Courtin had got into some sort of house used for religious ceremonies, such as are often found in or close to the market-places of great landowners.]

[161: He probably refers to Mr. Luke Scrafton.]

[162: I.e. from his entrenchments.]

[163: "Courtin and his party arrived here the 10th. They are 6 soldiers, Dutch, German and Swede, such as took service with the French when our Factory at Dacca fell into the hands of Surajeh Dowleit, 4 gentlemen, some Chitagon (sic) fellows and about 20 peons. Courtin, on his way hither, has, by mischance, received a ball through his shoulder. They demanded honneurs de la guerre, which Drake has not understood" (Scrafton to Clive, March 12, 1758).]

[164: According to Orme, Courtin's force was reduct from 30 to 11 Europeans, and from 100 to 30 sepoys.]

[165: The manuscript I translate from contains only the postscript of the 10th of August.]

[166: A translation. Clive generally wrote to French officers in their own language.]

[167: Such honours were not uncommonly granted. Law was made a Colonel, so was another French partisan named Madec. On the other hand, when a French gentleman had the choice, he often put his elder son in the Company's service and the younger in the army. Law's younger brother was in the army. Renault's elder son was in the Company and the younger in the army.]

[168: Appended to "Bengal Public Proceedings," May 31, 1759.]

[169: I do not know whether this "Memorial" still exists, but see "Memoirs of Count Lally," p. 53.]

[170: "Memoirs of Count Lally," p. 367.]

INDEX
Abdulla Khan
Admiralty, the English
Aeneas
Afghan General, the
See Abdulla Khan
Agra
Ahmed Khan Koreishi
Alamgir II., Emperor, assassinated November 29, 1759
Ali Gauhar
See Shah Alam
Aliverdi Khan
his opinion of Europeans
sister of
Allahabad
Amina Begum, mother of Siraj-ud-daula
Anquetil du Perron, M.
Anti-Renaultions
"Arabian Nights"
Archives, French
Areca-nut
Armenian officers
Armenians
Arz-begi (Gholam Ali Khan)
Arzi
Asiatic Annual Register
Assaduzama Muhammad, Raja of Birbhum
Assam, King of
Audience Hall, the
Augustine Father
Aurengzebe
Bahadur Singh
Bahar
See Bihar
Bajarow
Balasore
Bandel
Bankers, influence of Indian
Banowra River
Barber, a native
Battle of the 5th of February
Becher, Mr. Richard
Beinges, M.
Benares
Bengal
Nawabs of
records
revolution in
rivers of
Bengali merchant
Berhampur
Betel
Bettiah, Raja of
Bhagulpur
Bhutiyas
Bibi Lass
See Mrs. Law
BibliothÈque Nationale
Biderra, battle of
Bihar, Hindu Rajas of
map of south
province of
town of
Birbhum
Raja of See Assaduzama Muhammad
Bisdom, Adrian, Director of the Dutch in Bengal
Black Hole, the
Bloomer, Lieut.
Boissemont, M.
Bombay
Bourigunga River
Bouvet, M.
Brahmins
Brayer, Ensign
M., one of Courtin's companions
Brereton, Lieut. William
Bridgewater, H.M.S. (Captain Smith)
British. See English
civilians
Museum, MS. Department
Broome, Captain A., Author of the "Rise and Progress of the
Bengal Army" (Calcutta, 1850)
Budge Budge, battle of
Bugros, M.
Bukshi
Bulwant Singh, Raja of Benares
Bundelkand or Bundelcund
Bussy, M.
Buxerries
Caillot, or Caillaud
Calcapur
Calcutta
English Council at
CalvÉ, M.
Cannon balls of clay
Cantanagar, battle of
Capitulation of Chandernagore, dispute as to terms of
Capucins, church of
Carnac, Major John
Carryon, M. le Comte de
Carvalho, Jeanne. See Mrs. Law
Cause of Siraj-ud-daula's attack on the English
Chambon, M
Chandernagore
booty taken at
cemetery at
council at
deserters from
garrison of
possibility of its capture by English land forces alone
terms of capitulation of
Chatrapur
Chauth
Chevalier, M.
Chinese
Chinsurah
Chittagong
Choquova
Christian clerks
Christians
Chunargarh
Chunam
Chupra or Chapra.
Cicero
Civil Power, the
Clive, Lieut.-Colonel Robert (Lord Clive)
Coja Wajid
Colbert, M.
Colin, Catherine
Colonel
Coote, Captain (Sir) Eyre
Coromandel, Coast of, See Madras Coast
Cossimbazar
Cossimbazar River
Courtin, FranÇois,
Jacques Ignace
Courtin, Mrs.
See Madame Direy
Courtin's Memorial
Cuddalore
Cudmore, Lieut. John
Cuttack
Dacca;
Council at;
Government College at;
Nawab of;
Palace of present Nawab
D'Aillot, powders
D'Albert, M. le Chevalier
Dana Shah
Danes
Dangereux, M.
Davis, Mr.
DebellÊme, M. le Capitaine
De Carryon, M. le Comte
Deccan
De Kalli, M.
Delabar, M.
De la Bretesche, M.
Delamotte, Mr. John
De la Vigne Buisson;
M. le Capitaine;
jun.
De Leyrit, M.
Delhi
De Montorcin, M.
Desbrosses, M.
Deserters, English;
French
Desjoux, M.
De Terraneau, Ann.;
Lieut. Charles Cossard;
senior
De Tury;
M., Commandant of Chandernagore
D'Hurvilliers, M.
Dido
Dinajpur;
Raja of
Dinapur
Direy, Madame, See Mrs. Courtin
Diwan
Doctor, French
Doidge, Mr.
Drake, Roger, jun.;
President of the Council at Calcutta
Droguet, M.
Dubois;
M., French Company's servant;
M., Sturgeon Major
Du Cap, M.
Dupleix, Marquis
Du PrÉ, M.
Durbar, The
Dustuck
Dutch;
Director. See M. Bisdom;
Octagon, the
East India Company, English;
Forces
East India Company, French
Elephants, gentleness of
Engineers, want of
England
English;
See British;
agent of;
ladies at Dacca;
Records;
trade privileges of
Eunuchs
Europe
Europeans
Europeans, generosity and courage of,
Fakir, See Dana Shah
Farmers of estates,
Farukhabad,
Faujdar,
Fazl-kuli-khan,
Feringhees,
Firman,
Fleurin, M.,
Forde, Colonel,
Fort Bourgogne,
d'Orleans,
William,
Fournier, M.,
France,
King of,
Frashdanga,
French,
civilians,
ladies,
mistaken for Muhammadans,
proverb,
soldiers,
up-country factories,
Fringuey Raja,
Fullerton, Dr. William,
Fulta,
Ganges river, See Hugli River
Gaya,
Gentiles, or Gentoos,
Germans,
Ghazipur,
Gholam Husain Khan,
Gourbin, M.
Gourlade, M.,
Grand Monarque, the,
Great Britain,
King of,
Gunge,
Gunny,
Hackerys,
Haillet, M.,
Hardwicke, Lord,
Hazir Ali Khan,
Hey, Lieut.,
Himalayas,
Hindu advisers of the Nawab,
Hindu Rajas,
women, ill-treatment of—by Siraj-ud-daula,
Hindus, the,
Hindustan,
Holkar,
Holwell, John Zephaniah, Governor,
Honours of war,
Hugli, Faujdar of, See Nand Kumar
fort,
River,
town,
Imad-al-Muluk, Ghazi-ud-din Khan,
India,
Southern,
Indian expressions, characteristic,
minds, motives of,
ways of business,
Indies, The,
Indrapat, Raja of Bundelkand,
Inhabitants,
Innocent, or Innocent Jesus,
Ironside, Colonel Gilbert,
Ives, Surgeon Edward, author of "A
Voyage from England to India in
1754, with, a narrative of the operations
of the squadron and army in
India, under Watson and Clive,
1755-1757; Also a Journey from Persia to England," (London, 1799)
Jafar Ali Khan.
See Mir Jafar Ali Khan
Jagat Seth, family of
See Seths
Jalpaiguri
Jats, the
Jemadars
Jesuit Church, the
Fathers, the
Jobard, M.
Jugdea
See Luckipore
Jusserat Khan, Nawab of Dacca
Kaffirs
Kamgar Khan
Karical
Kasim Ali Khan, Nawab of Bengal
See Mir Kasim
Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore
Kent, H.M.S.
Kerdizien, M.
Khodadad Khan Latty
Kilpatrick, Major James
King
See Mogul
Kingfisher, H.M.S.
Kissendas, son of Raj Balav
Knox, Captain Ranfurlie
Kooti Ghat
Koran, the
La Haye, M.
Lal Dighi
Lally, Count
Memoirs of
Laporterie, M.
La Rue, M.
Latham, Captain
Launay, M.
La Ville MartÈre, M.
Law, Jacques FranÇois
Jean, of Lauriston
Madame Jeanne
John, of Lauriston, the Financier
William
Law's Memoir
Le Conte Dompierre
Lee, Corporal
Le Noir, M.
Le Page, M., Second Surgeon
Locusts
Luckipore
See Jugdea
Lucknow
Lynn, Captain
McGwire, Mr. William
Madec, Colonel
Madras
Coast
See Coromandel
Malleson, Colonel G.B., Author of "History of the French in India
from the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674 to the Capture of that
Place in 1761" (London, 1868)
Manik Chand, Raja
Manjhi
Maratha Commander
Law's altercation with
General, the
Marathas
Martin, Captain
Martin de la Case, Ensign
Matel, M.
Midnapur
Militarism
Minchin, Captain George, Captain-Commandant of Calcutta
Mir Abdulla
Miran, son of Mir Jafar
Mir Daood, brother of Mir Jafar, and Faujdar of Rajmehal
Mir Jafar Ali Khan, made Nawab by the English after Plassey
Mir Kasim, or Kasim Ali Khan, son-in-law and successor of Mir Jafar
army of
Mir Madan
Mogul
See King
Mohan Lal, favourite of the Nawab
Monsoon
Moor hostages
nobles
Moorish colours
forts
soldiers
treachery
Moors
Muhammadhans
Murshidabad
See Muxadabad
or Cossimbazar River
Murshid Kuli Khan
Mustapha Ali Khan
Mutinies
Muxadabad
See Murshidabad
Naib
Nand Kumar, Faujdar of Hugli
Native indifference to the quarrels of the Europeans
Nautch
Naval officer, an English
Nawab, the
See Siraj-ud-daula
Hindu advisers and servants of
Nawajis Muhammad Khan, uncle of Siraj-ud-daula
Nawajis Muhammad Khan's widow
Nazir Dalal, the
Negroes
Nepaulese
Neutrality in the Ganges
News from Bengal
Nicolas, M.F.
Nover, Sergeant
Nullah
Omichand
Onofre, Reverend Father
Oppoor
Orissa
Orme Papers or MSS.
Orme, Robert, historian
Oudh
Nawab of. See Suja-ud-daula
Pagodas or Hindu Temples
Paris
Parwana
Pathans
Patna
Naib of
River
Pattamar
Pavilion, Bastion du
Pearkes, Mr. Paul Richard
Pedro
Peons
Perry, Lieut.-Colonel Ottley
Phulbari
Picques, M.
Pilots, French
Plassey, battle of
Pocock, Admiral (Sir) George
Pondicherry
Superior Council of
Porte Royale, the
Portuguese half-castes
Predestination
Priest, Hindu
Probate Records (Mayor's Court, Calcutta)
Prussian Gardens
Purneah
Nawab of. See Saukat Jang
Raj Durlabh Ram, Raja
Rains, the
Raj Balav, Raja
Rajas, Hindu
Rajmehal
Faujdar of.
See Mir Daood
Ramnarain, Raja, Naib or Deputy Governor of Patua
Ram Nath, Raja of Dinajpur
Ranjit Rai, agent of the Seths
Raymond, M.
Renault, Pierre, Director of Chandernagore (Malleson calls him
Renault de St. Germain, but he never signs himself as such)
Renault, de St. Germain, eldest son of Pierre Renault
Renault, Lieut., second son of Pierre Renault
Renault, de la Fuye, M.
Renaultions, the
Rennell, Major James, geographer
Rezai,
Royal Music, the
Rungpore
Raja of. See Kasizn All Khan
Sahibgunj, Raja of
Saidabad.
Saint Contest, the
St. Didier, M.
St. Louis, Order of
Parish Church of
Salabat Jang
Salisbury, H.M.S.
Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab of Bengal, defeated and killed in battle
by Aliverdi Khan in 1742
Saukat Jang, Nawab of Purneah and cousin of Siraj-ud-daula
Scrafton, Mr. Luke, Author of "Reflections on the Government
of Indostan" (London, 1770)
Scrafton's "Reflections"
Select Committee at Calcutta
at Madras
Sepoys, 10. See Telingas
French
Law's opinion of
Serampore, Danish Settlement
Seth Mahtab Rai, grandson of Jagat Seth
Seth Sarup Chand, grandson of Jagat Seth
Seths, agent of
See Ranjit Rai
Seths: the family of Jagat Seth
Shah, Alam
See Ali Gauhar
Shahzada or Crown Prince
See Shah Alam
Sheikh Faiz Ulla
Sinfray, M.
Siraj-ud-daula
See Nawab
cause of his attack on the English
his aunt, widow of Nawajia Khan
his mother
See Amina Begum
his younger brother
See Fazl-kuli-khan
Slippers, a pair of
Sooty
Soupy, fort of
Speke, Captain
Spies employed by the English,
by the Nawab
Suan, battle of
Subah
Suja-ud-daula, Nawabof Oudh
Summer, Mr. William Brightwell
Surgeons, French
Swedes
Swedish guns
Swiss
Tangepur, or Tanjipur,
Tanks used for military purposes
Tartars
Teesta River
Telingas or Tellingees
Tibet
king of,
Toby, Captain—of the Kingfisher
Tooke, Mr. William
Topasses
Treaty between the English and Mir Jafar
between the English and Siraj-ud-daula
between the French and Siraj-ud-daula
Turkish Crescent, the
Tyger, H.M.S.
Ukil Singh
Vansittart, Governor Henry
Vernet, M. George, Lodewjk
Villequain, M.
Vizir, The
Volunteers, English
French
Wakils
Walcot, Clive Correspondence at
Waller, Mr. Samuel
War, Declaration of, between England and France
Water Gate, the
Watson, Admiral Charles
Watts, Mrs. Amelia
the Worshipful Mr. William
Zemindar, collector of revenue
THE END

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