[Footnote 2: Aen. viii. 90. foll. The Capitoline hill, which Virgil means by "arx" a conspicuous object from the river just below the Aventine, and would have been much more conspicuous in the poet's time. There is a view of it from this point in Burn's Rome and the Campagna, p. 184.]
[Footnote 3: Plutarch, Cato minor 39. Cato was expected to land at the commercial docks below the Aventine (see below), where the senate and magistrates were awaiting him, but with his usual rudeness rowed past them to the navalia.]
[Footnote 4: Aen. viii. 363. Possibly Virgil meant to put this dwelling on the site of the future Regia, just below the Palatine and between it and the Forum. See Servius ad loc.]
[Footnote 5: The modern visitor would cross by the Ponte Rotto, which is in the same position as the ancient bridge, just below the Tiber island.]
[Footnote 6: Livy v. 54.]
[Footnote 7: The Fratres Arvales.]
[Footnote 8: For navigation of the river above Rome see Strabo p. 235.]
[Footnote 9: Horace Od. i. 2. After a bad flood in A.D. 15 proposals were made for diverting a part of the water coming down the Tiber into the Arnus, but this met with fatal opposition from the superstition of the country people (Tacitus, Ann. i. 79). Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, i. p. 324, has collected the records of these floods.]
[Footnote 10: See Nissen, i. p. 407. But it seems likely that the Tiber valley was less malarious then than now (see Nissen's chapter on malaria in Italy, p. 410 foll.). In an interesting paper on Malaria and History, by Mr. W.H.S. Jones (Liverpool University Press), which reached me after this chapter was written, the author is inclined to attribute the ethical and physical degeneracy of the Romans of the Empire partly to this cause.]
[Footnote 11: Livy v. 54.]
[Footnote 12: Horace, Epode 16.]
[Footnote 13: Reden und AufsÄtze, p. 173 foll.]
[Footnote 14: Ib. p. 175.]
[Footnote 15: De Rep. ii. 5 and 6.]
[Footnote 16: Beloch, Die BewÖlkerung der griechisch-rÖmischen Welt, cap. 9, approaching the problem by three several methods, puts it in the first century A.D. at 800,000, including slaves. In Cicero's time it was, no doubt, considerably less; but we know that in his last years 320,000 free persons were receiving doles of corn, apart from slaves and the well-to-do.]
[Footnote 17: HÜlsen-Jordan, RÖm. Topographie, vol. i. part iii. pp. 627, 638.]
[Footnote 18: Ib. 643; Cic. ad Att. xv. 15. Here, after the death of his daughter Tullia, Cicero wished to buy land on which to erect a fanum to her (Cic. ad Att. xii. 19). Here also were the horti Caesaris.]
[Footnote 19: Livy xxxv. 40.]
[Footnote 20: HÜlsen-Jordan, op. cit. p. 143 note.]
[Footnote 21: See below, p. 302. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iii. 68) gives an elaborate account of it in the time of Augustus, when it had been altered and ornamented.—HÜlsen-Jordan, p. 120 foll.]
[Footnote 22: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 199; Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-EncyklopÄdie, s.v. Diana.]
[Footnote 23: The two roads converged just before arriving at the city. The reader may be reminded that it was by the via Appia that St. Paul entered Rome (Acts xxviii.). Another useful passage for this gate is Juvenal in. 10 foll.]
[Footnote 24: It might be useful here to follow the course of the pomerium, which also went round the Palatine, as described in Tacitus, Annals xii. 24.]
[Footnote 25: Cic. de Officiis iii. 16. 66, and the story there related.]
[Footnote 26: Strictly speaking, the Oppius Mons, or southern part of the Esquiline.]
[Footnote 27: See Lanciani's admirable chapter, "A Walk through the Sacra Via," in his Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 190 foll.]
[Footnote 28: Georg. ii. 502. Virgil, for all his admiration of Rome, did not love its crowds.]
[Footnote 29: Cic. pro Plancio, ch. 7. Cp. Horace, Sat. i. 9; Lucilius, Frag. 9 (ed. Baehrens), which last will be quoted in another context.]
[Footnote 30: On the vexed question of the position of the Subura and its history see Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, p. 230 foll.]
[Footnote 31: For excavations here see Lanciani, op. cit. p. 221 foll.]
[Footnote 32: Cic. Cat. iii. 9. 21 foll.]
[Footnote 33: Formerly we may assume that it faced south or south-east, like the temple.]
[Footnote 34: It was completed by Caesar in 46 B.C.]
[Footnote 35: Beloch, BewÖlkerung p. 382.]
[Footnote 36: C.I.L. i. 206, and Dessau, Inscr. Lat. Selectae, ii. 1. p. 493.]
[Footnote 37: Cic. ad Q. Fratr. iii.I. 14 Suet. de Grammaticis, 15; Corn. Nepos, Atticus, 13.]
[Footnote 38: HÜlsen-Jordan, RÖm. Topographie, vol. i. part iii. p. 323.]
[Footnote 39: This is the number receiving corn gratis when Julius Caesar reformed the corn-distribution.—Suetonius, Iul. 41.]
[Footnote 40: See Zeller, Stoics, etc., Eng. trans. p. 255 foll.]
[Footnote 41: cic. de Legibus, i. 15. 43. It was not as yet possible to be "poor, making many rich"; to have nothing and yet to possess all things.]
[Footnote 42: See the definition of insula in Festus. n. Ill. and for insula generally Middleton's article "Domus" in the Dict, of Antiquities, ed. 2. De Marchi (La Religione nella vita domestica, i. p. 80) compares the big lodging-houses of the poor at Naples.]
[Footnote 43: Cicero (Leg. Agr. ii. 35. 96) describes Rome as being (in comparison with Capua) "in montibus positam et convallibus, coenaculis (i.e. upper rooms) sublatum atque suspensam, non optimis viis," etc. Vitruv. ii. 17 is the locus classicus.]
[Footnote 44: Cic. pro Caelio 17.]
[Footnote 45: In C.I.L. vi. 65-67 we find a Bona Dea erected "in tutelam insulae," i.e. a common cult for all the lodgers. De Marchi l.c. compares the common shrine of the Neapolitan lodging-house. Tutela is mentioned as a protecting deity both of insulae and domus by St. Jerome, Com. in Isaiam, 672.]
[Footnote 46: Cic. de Domo 109.]
[Footnote 47: Cic. ad Att. xv. 17; cp. xiv. 9.]
[Footnote 48: Plut. Crassus 2: perhaps from Fenestella.]
[Footnote 49: "Dormientem in taberna," Asconius, ed. Clark, p. 37. Cp. Tacitus, Hist i. 86, for persons sleeping in tabernae.]
[Footnote 50: Tucker, Life in Ancient Athens, p. 10.]
[Footnote 51: The Moretum may be a translation from a Greek poet, perhaps Parthenius, but it is certainly as well adapted to the experience of Italians.]
[Footnote 52: e.g. Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 47. Cp. Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 24.]
[Footnote 53: On this point see Salvioli, Le Capitalisme dans le monde antique, ch. vi. is a book with many shortcomings, but written by an Italian who knows his own country.]
[Footnote 54: See the author's Roman Festivals, p. 76 (Cerealia).]
[Footnote 55: Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. pp. 107, 110 foll. A modius, which = nearly a peck, contained about 20 lb. of wheat (Pliny, N.H. xviii. 66). Four and a half modii x 20=90 lb.]
[Footnote 56: Hirschfeld, Verwaltungsbeamten, ed. 2, p. 231; Strabo, p. 652 (Rhodes).]
[Footnote 57: Caesar, B.C. iii. 42. 3.]
[Footnote 58: Marquardt, op. cit. p. 110.]
[Footnote 59: For Gracchus' motives see a paper by the present writer in the English Historical Review for 1905, p. 221 foll.]
[Footnote 60: Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48.]
[Footnote 61: Lex Julia municipalis, 1-20, compared with Suetonius, Jul. 41.]
[Footnote 62: A good example will be found in Cic. ad Att. iv. 1. 6 foll.; the first letter written by Cicero after his return from exile.]
[Footnote 63: See my Roman Festivals, pp. 85 and 204.]
[Footnote 64: Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 17.]
[Footnote 65: Suet. Aug. 42.]
[Footnote 66: Frontinus i. 4. The date of his work is towards the end of the first century A.D.]
[Footnote 67: See Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, p. 48; Mommsen, Hist. vol. i. Appendix.]
[Footnote 68: Frontinus i. 7, whose account is confirmed by the recently discovered Epitomes of Livy's lost books.—Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. 113.]
[Footnote 69: See the useful table in Lanciani, op. cit. 58.]
[Footnote 70: This dates from the reign of Domitian. The nature of the public fountain may be realised at Pompeii. See Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, p. 224 foll.]
[Footnote 71: Cic. de Officiis, i. 42. 150.]
[Footnote 72: Livy xxii. 25 ad fin.]
[Footnote 73: It is very conspicuous, e.g., in the novels of Jane Austen.]
[Footnote 74: G. Unwin, Industrial Organisation, etc., p. 2.]
[Footnote 75: Plutarch, Numa, 17; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 310 foll.]
[Footnote 76: J.B. Carter, The Religion of Numa, p. 48.]
[Footnote 77: Marq. iii. p. 138. See also Kornemann's article "Collegium" in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encykl., and Waltzing, Corporations professionelles chez les Romains, i. p. 78 foll.]
[Footnote 78: Le Capitalisme, etc., p. 144 foll.]
[Footnote 79: Cairnes, Slave Power, pp. 78, 143 foll. See below, p. 235.]
[Footnote 80: Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 107.]
[Footnote 81: C.I.L. i. 1013. The date is possibly pre-Augustan.]
[Footnote 82: Mau's Pompeii, p. 380.]
[Footnote 83: See my Roman Festivals, p. 148. For the mills of various kinds see also Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 405.]
[Footnote 84: Privatleben, p. 409.]
[Footnote 85: Pseudolus, 810 foll.]
[Footnote 86: Cp. the uncta popina of Horace, Epist. i. 14. 21 foll. Scene in a wineshop at Pompeii, Mau, p. 395.]
[Footnote 87: See, e.g., the Laudatio Turiae, C.I.L. vi. i. 1527, line 30.]
[Footnote 88: Only very rich families employed their own fullers.—Marq. Privatleben, p. 512.]
[Footnote 89: Menaechmi, 404: this may, however, be only a translation from the Greek.]
[Footnote 90: C.I.L. i. p. 389.]
[Footnote 91: Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 693 and reff.]
[Footnote 92: Cato, de re rustica, 135; a very interesting chapter, which shows that of the farmer's "plant," clothing, rugs, carts as well as dolia, were best purchased at Rome.]
[Footnote 93: Marq. Privatleben, p. 645.]
[Footnote 94: Strabo, p. 231.]
[Footnote 95: Lex Julia Municipalis, line 56 foll.]
[Footnote 96: Mau, Pompeii, p. 377.]
[Footnote 97: See Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 225.]
[Footnote 98: Lex Claudia; Livy xxi. 63.]
[Footnote 99: Plut. Crassus, 2; Pliny, N.H. xxxiii. 134: equivalent to about £160,000.]
[Footnote 113: e.g. Livy xxii. 60 praedibus et praediis cavere populo.]
[Footnote 114: Cicero, in his defence of Rabirius Postumus, 2.4, says that Rabirius' father magnas partes habuit publicorum. One Aufidius (Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) "Asiatici publici exiguam admodum particulam habuit." Cp. Cic in Vat. 12. 29]
[Footnote 115: This is the view of Deloume, Les Manieurs d'argent À Rome, p. 119 foll.]
[Footnote 116: Marq. Staatsverwaltung, ii. p.291]
[Footnote 117: Deloume, Manieurs d'argent, p. 317 foll.]
[Footnote 118: pro lege Manilia, 7. 18.]
[Footnote 119: Ib. 7. 19.]
[Footnote 120: ad Att. i. 17. 9. Crassus, no doubt a large shareholder, urged them on.]
[Footnote 121: In a letter to his brother, then governor of this province, Cicero contemplates the possibility of contracts being taken at a loss (ad Q.F. i. 1. 33), "publicis male redemptis." And in a letter of introduction in 46, he alludes to heavy losses suffered in this way, ad Fam. xiii. 10.]
[Footnote 122: ad Att. v. 16. 2.]
[Footnote 123: Ib. vi. 1. 16.]
[Footnote 124: ad Familiares, xiii. 65.]
[Footnote 125: Ib. xiii. 9. I have not adhered quite closely to his translation.]
[Footnote 126: "Qui est in operis ejus societatis," i.e. engaged as a subordinate agent.—Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. p. 291.]
[Footnote 127: Marq. ii. p. 35 foll.]
[Footnote 128: See his article in Dict. of Antiq. ed. 2, s.v. argentarii.]
[Footnote 129: Augustus' grandfather was an argentarius (Suet. Aug. 2), yet his son could marry a Julia, and be elected to the consulship, which, however, he was prevented by death from filling.]
[Footnote 130: The word for this cheque is perscriptio. Cp. Cic. ad Att. ix. 12. 3 viri boni usuras perscribunt, i.e. draw the interest on their deposits.]
[Footnote 131: Cic. ad Att. xii. 24 and 27.]
[Footnote 132: Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 4 and 9]
[Footnote 133: Cic. ad Att. xiii. contains many letters of interest in this connexion.]
[Footnote 134: Cic. ad Att. xiii. 2. 3. Cp. xii. 25. In xii. 12 Cicero's divorced wife Terentia wishes to pay a debt by transferring to her creditor a debt of Cicero's to herself. Another way in which actual payment could be avoided was by paying interest on purchase-money instead of the lump sum. Cp. xii. 22.]
[Footnote 135: A good example of this in Velleius ii. 10 (house-rent).]
[Footnote 136: Cic. de Officiis, ii. 24, 84.]
[Footnote 137: Caesar, de Bell. Civ. iii. 1 and 20 foll.]
[Footnote 138: Deloume in his Manieurs d'argent has a chapter on this (p. 58 foll.), but his details are not wholly to be relied on. Boissier's sketch in CicÉron et ses amis, 83 foll., is quite accurate.]
[Footnote 139: ad Fam. v. 20 fin.]
[Footnote 140: Ib. v. 9.]
[Footnote 141: Deloume's attempt to prove that Cicero speculated with enormous profits seems to me to miss the mark.]
[Footnote 142: ad Q. Fratr. ii. 4. 3. Cp. ad Att. iv. 2.]
[Footnote 143: ad Q. Fratr. ii. 14. 3.]
[Footnote 144: ad Att. xii. 22. I may add in a footnote a final startling example of recklessness we have been noting. Decimus Brutus had, in March 44 B.C., a capital of £320,000, yet next year he writes to Cicero that so far from any part of his private property being unencumbered, he had encumbered all his friends with debt also (ad Fam. xi. 10. 5). But this was in order to maintain troops.]
[Footnote 145: ad Att. xiii. 42. Cp. xvi. 5.]
[Footnote 146: What the king really wanted the money for, was to bribe the senate to restore him.—Cic. ad Fam. i. 1.]
[Footnote 147: Cic. pro Bab. Post. 8. 22.]
[Footnote 148: Varro, R.R. i. 2. Ferrero (Greatness and Decline of Rome) has the merit of having discerned the signs of the regeneration of Italian agriculture at this time, but he is apt to push his conclusions further than the evidence warrants. See the translation of his work by A.E. Zimmern, i. p. 124; ii. p. 131 foll. The statement of Pliny quoted by him (xv. 1. 3) that oil was first exported from Italy in the year 52 B.C., is, however, of the utmost importance.]
[Footnote 149: The Republic was not to last long; but among the consuls of the last years of its existence were several members of the old families.]
[Footnote 150: ad Fam. xv. 12. This rather stilted letter is nearly identical with one to the other consul-designate, another aristocrat, Claudius Marcellus. Cicero is in each case trying to do his own business, while writing to a man of higher social rank than his own.]
[Footnote 151: The letters of the years 58 to 54 are full of bitter allusions to the invidia of these men, which culminate in the long and windy one to Lentulus Spinther of October 54, where he actually accuses them of taking up Clodius in order to spite him. In a confidential note to Atticus in the spring of 56, he told him that they hated him for buying the Tusculan villa of the great noble Catulus.—ad Fam. i. 9; ad Att. iv. 5.]
[Footnote 152: Plutarch, Cato major 2 and 12.]
[Footnote 153: Corn. Nepos, Cato 1. 4, who remarks that Cato's return from his quaestorship in Sardinia with Ennius in his train was as good as a splendid triumph.]
[Footnote 154: Plut. Aem. Paul. 6 ad fin.]
[Footnote 155: Polybius, xxxii. 9-16.]
[Footnote 156: The difference between him and his father, especially in politics, is sketched in Plutarch's Life of the latter, ch. xxxviii.]
[Footnote 157: Leo, in Die griechische und lateinische Literatur, p. 337.]
[Footnote 158: The best specimens, or rather the worst, are to be found in the speeches in Pisonem, in Vatinium, and in the Second Philippic.]
[Footnote 159: The most instructive passage on vituperatio is Cicero's defence of Caelius, ch. 3. Cp. Quintilian iii. 7. 1 and 19. On the custom at triumphs, etc., see Munro's Elucidations of Catullus, p. 75 foll. for most valuable remarks.]
[Footnote 160: We have courteous letters from Cicero both to Piso and Vatinius, only a few years after he had depicted them in public as monsters of iniquity.]
[Footnote 161: Plut. C. Gracchus, ch. 6 ad fin. Cp. Livy vii. 33.]
[Footnote 162: These characteristic figures may be most conveniently seen in Strong's interesting volume on Roman sculpture, p. 42 foll.]
[Footnote 163: Plut. Cato, ch. 1. ad fin. Blanditia was the word for civility in a candidate: "opus est magnopere blanditia," says Quintus Cicero, de pet cons.§ 41.]
[Footnote 164: There is a pleasanter picture of Cato, sitting in Lucullus' library and in his right mind, in Cic. de Finibus iii. 2. 7.]
[Footnote 165: See Leo, in work already cited, p. 338 foll.]
[Footnote 166: For this remarkable writer, of whose work only a few fragments survive, see Leo, op. cit. p. 340, and Schanz, Gesch. der rÖm. Literatur, i. p. 278 foll.]
[Footnote 167: Cicero, Brutus, 75, 262.]
[Footnote 168: The other Caesarian writers followed him more or less successfully; Hirtius, who wrote the eighth book of the Gallic War, and the authors of the Alexandrian, African, and Spanish Wars (the first possibly by Asinius Pollio).]
[Footnote 169: Leo, op. cit. p. 355.]
[Footnote 170: See below, ch. vi.]
[Footnote 171: The passage just cited from the de Finibus (iii. 27) introduces us to the library of Lucullus at Tusculum, whither Cicero had gone to consult books, and where he found Cato sitting surrounded by volumes of Stoic treatises.]
[Footnote 172: The fragments of Panaetius are collected by H.N. Fowler, Bonn, 1885. The best account of his teaching known to me is in Schmekel, Philosophie der Mittleren Stoa, p. 18 foll. But all can read the two first books of the de Officiis.]
[Footnote 173: Leo, op. cit. p. 360. Schmekel deals comprehensively with Posidonius' philosophy, as reflected in Varro and Cicero, p. 85 foll.]
[Footnote 174: See Professor Reid's introduction to Cicero's Academica, p. 17. Cicero considered Posidonius the greatest of the Stoics.—Ib. p. 5.]
[Footnote 175: Cic. de Legibus i. affords many examples of this view, which was apparently that of Posidonius, e.g. 6. 18 and 8. 25. Cp. de Republica, iii. 22. 33.]
[Footnote 176: Gaius i. i; Cic. de Officiis iii. 5. 23; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. p. 604, based on the research of H. Nettleship in Journal of Philology, vol. xiii. p. 175. See also Sohm, Institutes of Roman Law, ch. ii.]
[Footnote 177: Brutus 41. 151, where he plainly ranks him above Scaevola. The passage is a most interesting one, deserving careful attention.]
[Footnote 178: The Ninth Philippic: the passage referred to in the text is 5. 10 foll.]
[Footnote 179: I omit pro Murena, chs. vii. and xxi., for want of space. Sulpicius was opposing Cicero in this case, and the latter's allusions to him are useful specimens of the good breeding spoken of above.]
[Footnote 180: See Dio Cassius xl. 59; and Cic. ad Fam. iv. 1 and 3, to Sulpicius, with allusions to his consulship.]
[Footnote 181: Tusc. Disp. iv. 3. 6.]
[Footnote 182: The speech in Pisonem; cp. the de Provinciis consularibus, 1-6. This Piso was the father of Caesar's wife Calpurnia, who survives in Shakespeare.]
[Footnote 183: The difficult passage in which Cicero describes the perversion of this character under the influence of Philodemus, has been skilfully translated by Dr. Mahaffy in his Greek World under Roman Sway, p. 126 foll.; and the reader may do well to refer to his whole treatment of the practical result of Epicureanism.]
[Footnote 184: This chapter is also useful as illustrating the urbanity of manners, for Lucullus and Pompeius were political enemies.]
[Footnote 185: ad Fam. viii. 5 fin.; viii. 9. 2.]
[Footnote 186: See the introduction of Asconius to Cicero pro Cornelio, ed. Clark, p. 58.]
[Footnote 187: ad Att. v. 21. 11, 13.]
[Footnote 188: ad Q. frat. ii. 1. 1; ii. 10. 1.]
[Footnote 189: The letters written immediately after Cicero's return from exile are the best examples of this paralysis of business, e.g. ad Fam. i. 4; ad Q. F. ii. 3. See a useful paper by P. Groebe in Klio, vol. v. p. 229.]
[Footnote 190: This appears from a letter of Oaelius to Cicero in 51.—ad Fam. viii. 8. 8.]
[Footnote 191: Asconius in Cornelianum, ed. Clark, p. 59. "Ut praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis ius dicerent."]
[Footnote 192: All his letters are in the eighth book of those ad Familiares.]
[Footnote 193: Tacitus, Annals xiii. 2: "voluptatibus concessis."]
[Footnote 194: Quintil. iv. 2. 123.]
[Footnote 195: Brutus 79. 273.]
[Footnote 196: e.g. ad Fam. ii. 13. 3.]
[Footnote 197: Exactly the same combination of real interest in, and frivolous treatment of, politics is to be found in the early letters of Horace Walpole to Sir H. Mann, especially those of the year 1742.]
[Footnote 198: ad Fam. viii. 14. 3.]
[Footnote 199: Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 20 foll.]
[Footnote 200: See above, p. 86; cp. p. 58.]
[Footnote 201: So for example Servaeus is disqualified, ad Fam. viii. 4. I.]
[Footnote 202: Ib. viii. 8. 2]
[Footnote 203: Ib. 8. 12]
[Footnote 204: Lucilius, Fragm. 9, ed. Baehrens.]
[Footnote 205: This probably means that the deity was believed to reside in the cake, and that the communicants not only entered into communion with each other in eating of it, but also with him. It is in fact exactly analogous to the sacramental ceremony of the Latin festival, in which each city partook of the sacred victim, in that case a white heifer. See Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 96 and reff.]
[Footnote 206: This interesting custom is recorded by Servius (ad Aen. iv. 374). For the whole ceremony of confarreatio see De Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, p. 155 foll.; Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 32 foll. Cp. also Gaius i. 112.]
[Footnote 207: Gaius l.c.]
[Footnote 208: Cic. de Off. i. 17. 54.]
[Footnote 209: i.e. ius commercii and ius connubii: the former enabling a man to claim the protection of the courts in all cases relating to property, the latter to claim the same protection in cases of disputed inheritance.]
[Footnote 210: i.e. ius provocationis, ius suffragii, ius honorum.]
[Footnote 211: This is how I understand Cuq, Institutions juridiques des Romains, p. 223. In the well known Laudatio Turiae we have a curious case of a re-marriage by coemptio with manus, for a particular purpose, connected of course with money matters. See Mommsen's Commentary, reprinted in his Gesammelte Schriften, vol. i.]
[Footnote 212: Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, ch. x.]
[Footnote 213: See, however, the curious passage quoted by Gellius (iv. 4. 2) from Serv. Sulpicius, the great jurist (above, p. 118 foll.), on sponsalia in Latium down to 89 B.C.]
[Footnote 214: For the other details of the dress, see Marq. Privatleben, p. 43.]
[Footnote 215: Cic. de Div. i. 16. 28.]
[Footnote 216: These lines suggested to Virgil the famous four at the end of the fourth Eclogue. See Virgil's "Messianic Eclogue," p. 72.]
[Footnote 217: She was addressed as domina, by all members of the family. See Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 57 note 3. It should be noted that she had brought a contribution to the family resources in the form of a dowry (dos) given her by her father to maintain her position.]
[Footnote 218: These details are drawn chiefly from the sixth book of Valerius Maximus, de Pudicitia.]
[Footnote 219: This is proved by an allusion to Cato's speech in support of the law, in Gellius, Noct. Att. vi. 13.]
[Footnote 220: Livy xxxiv. 1 foll., where the speech of Cato is reproduced in Livy's language and with "modern" rhetoric.]
[Footnote 221: De Marchi, op. cit. p. 163; Marq. Privatleben, p. 87 foll. Confarreatio was only dissoluble by diffarreatio, but this was perhaps used only for penal purposes. Other forms of marriage did not present the same difficulty, not being of a sacramental character.]
[Footnote 222: Plutarch, Aem. Paull. 5.]
[Footnote 223: Livy xl. 37.]
[Footnote 224: Livy, Epit. 48.]
[Footnote 225: Livy xxxix. 8-18.]
[Footnote 226: Plutarch, Cato the Elder 8.]
[Footnote 227: Gellius (x. 23) quotes a fragment of Cato's speech de Dotibus, in which the following sentences occur: "Si quid perverse taetreque factum est a muliere, multitatur: si vinum bibit, si cum alieno viro probri quid fecerit, condempnatur. In adulterio uxorem tuam si prehendisses sine indicio impune necares: illa te, si adulterares sive tu adulterarere, digito non auderet contingere, neque ius est." Under such circumstances a bold woman might take her revenge illegally.]
[Footnote 228: Gellius i. 6; cp. Livy, Epit. 59.]
[Footnote 229: e.g. ad Fam. xiv. 2.]
[Footnote 230: The story of the relations of Cicero, Terentia, Clodius, and Clodia, in Pint. Cic. 29 is too full of inaccuracies to be depended on. In the 41st chapter what he says of the divorce and its causes must be received with caution; it seems to come from some record left by Tiro, Cicero's freedman and devoted friend, and as Cicero obviously loved this man much more than his wife, we can understand why the two should dislike each other.]
[Footnote 231: Plutarch, Ti. Gracch. 1; Gaius Gracch. 19. The letters of Cornelia which are extant are quite possibly genuine.]
[Footnote 232: The recent edition of the Ars amatoria by Paul Brandt has an introduction in which these points are well expressed.]
[Footnote 233: Catullus 72. 75.]
[Footnote 234: CicÉron et ses amis, p. 175.]
[Footnote 235: Decimus Brutus, one of the tyrannicides of March 15, 44.]
[Footnote 236: Sall. Cat. 25.]
[Footnote 237: Plut. Lucullus 6.]
[Footnote 238: Cic. ad Fam. viii. 7: a letter of Caelius, in which he tells of a lady who divorced her husband without pretext on the very day he returned from his province.]
[Footnote 239: Plut. Cato min. 25 and 52. Plutarch seems to be using here the Anti-Cato of Caesar, but the facts must have been well known.]
[Footnote 240: e.g. ad Att. xv. 29.]
[Footnote 241: ad Fam. ix. 26.]
[Footnote 242: The so-called Laudatio Turiae is well known to all students of Roman law, as raising a complicated question of Roman legal inheritance; but it may also be reckoned as a real fragment of Roman literature, valuable, too, for some points in the history of the time it covers. It was first made accessible and intelligible by Mommsen in 1863, and the paper he then wrote about it has lately been reprinted in his Gesammelte Schriften, vol. i., together with a new fragment discovered on the same site as the others in 1898. This fragment, and a discussion of its relation to the whole, will he found in the Classical Review for June 1905, p. 261; the laudatio without the new fragment in C.I.L. vi. 1527.]
[Footnote 243: App. B.C. iv. 44. The identification has been impugned of late, but, as I think, without due reason. See my article in Classical Rev., 1905, p. 265.]
[Footnote 244: This is how I interpret the new fragment. See Classical Rev. l.c. p. 263 foll.]
[Footnote 245: For the legal question see Mommsen, Gesammelte Schriften, i. p. 407 foll.]
[Footnote 246: The account that follows is put together from Appian iv. 44, Valerius Maximus vi. 7. 2, and the Laudatio. Appian preserved some fifty stories of escapes at this time, and the only one that fits with the Laudatio is that of Lucretius.]
[Footnote 247: Newman, Politics of Aristotle, i. p. 372.]
[Footnote 248: A list of the best authorities will be found at the beginning of Professor Wilkins' book. Of these by far the most useful for a student is the section in Marquardt's Privatleben, p. 79 foll. The two volumes of Cramer (Geschichte der Erziehung, etc.), which cover all antiquity, are, as he says, most valuable for their breadth of view. See also H. Nettleship, Lectures and Essays, ch. iii. foll.]
[Footnote 249: Plut. Cato the Elder, ch. xx.]
[Footnote 250: Plut. Aem. Paul. ch. vi.]
[Footnote 251: Plut. Cato minor 1 ad fin. What is told in the earlier part of this chapter may perhaps be invention, based on the character of the grown man; but this information at the end may be derived from a contemporary source.]
[Footnote 252: Val. Max. iii. 1. 2.]
[Footnote 253: There is a single story of Cicero's boyhood in Plutarch's Life of him, ch. ii., that parents used to visit his school because of his fame as a scholar, etc., but to this I do not attach much importance.]
[Footnote 254: So in ad Q.F. iii. 1. 7: de Cicerone tuo quod me semper rogas, etc.]
[Footnote 255: Ib.]
[Footnote 256: Ib. iii. 3. 4.]
[Footnote 257: Ib. iii. 9.]
[Footnote 258: See the few fragments in the Appendix to Riese's edition of the remains of Varro's Menippean Satires, p. 248 foll.]
[Footnote 259: De Rep. iv. 3. 3.]
[Footnote 260: Plut. Cato 20.]
[Footnote 261: There is probably an allusion to the Stoic view, that reason is not attained till the fourteenth year, in Virgil's line in Ecl. 4. 27.]
[Footnote 262: in Nonius, p. 108, s.v. ephippium. Cp. the account of the education of Cato's young son, Plut. Cato, 20. Cp. also Virg. Aen. ix. 602 foll.]
[Footnote 263: in Nonius, p. 156, s.v. puerae.]
[Footnote 264: p. 281, ed. MÜller.]
[Footnote 265: Her. Odes iii. 6.]
[Footnote 266: Dionys. Hal. ii. 26.]
[Footnote 267: Cic. pro Cluentio 60. 165; Marq. Privatleben, p. 87.]
[Footnote 268: See a paper by the author in Classical Rev. vol. x. p. 317, in which evidence is collected in support of this view. That the praetexta had a quasi-sacred character seems certain; see e.g. Hor. Epod. 5. 7; Persius, v. 30; pseudo-Quintilian, Declam. 340. See Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium 15, for the pueri patrimi et matrimi, representing in that ancient cult the children of the old Roman family.]
[Footnote 269: Cic. de Legibus, ii. 59.]
[Footnote 270: Polyb. vi. 53. For an account of the practice of laudatio see Marq. Privatleben, p. 346 foll. This, too, degenerated into falsification.]
[Footnote 271: A full list of games will be found in Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 814 foll.]
[Footnote 272: The question is discussed by Quintilian, i. 2.]
[Footnote 273: Plut. Aem. Fault. 6.]
[Footnote 274: Full details about elementary schools in Wilkins, ch. iv., and Marq p. 90 foll.]
[Footnote 275: Quintil. i. 3. 14.]
[Footnote 276: Plutarch is careful to tell us that Aem. Paullus exercised this supervision himself (ch. vi.).]
[Footnote 277: Pro Flacco 4, 9. Cp. ad Quint. Fratr. i. 2. 4.]
[Footnote 278: That the boy was not always respectful is shown in an amusing passage in Plautus. Bacchides, III. iii. 34 foll.]
[Footnote 279: Sen. Controversiae, vii. 3. 8.]
[Footnote 280: London, O.J. Clay and Sons, 1895.]
[Footnote 281: Fortuna occurs many times, as in the so-called sententiae Varronis printed at the end of Riese's edition of the fragments of Varro's Menippean satires. This is characteristic of the period.]
[Footnote 282: Hor. Epist. i. I. 70.]
[Footnote 283: Marq. Privatleben, p. 95 foll.; Wilkins, p. 53.]
[Footnote 284: There is a good example of this in the well-known case of Brutus' loan to the Salaminians of Cyprus: see especially Cic. ad Alt. v. 21. 12.]
[Footnote 285: Hor. Ars Poet. 323 foll.]
[Footnote 286: Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, iv. p. 563.]
[Footnote 287: Quintilian was of opinion that Greek authors should precede Latin: i. I. 12.]
[Footnote 288: De Oratore, i. 187.]
[Footnote 289: There are many subjects in the book of other kinds, but all are illustrated in exactly the same way.]
[Footnote 290: H. Jordan, M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica quae extant, p. 80.]
[Footnote 291: Full information on this point will be found in Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 131 foll.]
[Footnote 292: See my Roman Festivals, p. 56. The Liberalia (March 17) was the usual day for the change, and a convenient one for the enrolment of tirones.]
[Footnote 293: See the very interesting note (11) in Marq. p. 123, as to the enrolment in municipal towns.]
[Footnote 294: Pro Caelio, 4. 9.]
[Footnote 295: Livy xlv. 37. 3.]
[Footnote 296: Pro Caelio, 30. 72.]
[Footnote 297: Pro Caelio, 31. 74.]
[Footnote 298: Roman Education, ch. v.]
[Footnote 299: Rhetorica ad Herenniwm, init. The date of this work was about 82 B.C. See a paper by the author in Journal of Philology, x. 197.]
[Footnote 300: H. Nettleship, Lectures, etc., p. III; Wilkins, p. 85; Quintil. xii. 2.]
[Footnote 301: Wilkins, l.c.]
[Footnote 302: Quintil. i. 4. 5; xii. 1. 1; xii. 2 and 7.]
[Footnote 303: Ib. xii. 1. 11.]
[Footnote 304: Plut. Cic. 4; Caes. 3.]
[Footnote 305: ad Fam. xvi. 21. The translation is based on Mr. Shuckburgh's.]
[Footnote 306: See Der Horn, Gutsbetrieb, by H. Gummerus, reprinted from Klio, 1906: an excellent specimen of economic research, to which I am much indebted in this chapter.—E. Meyer, Die Sclaverei im Altertum, p. 46.]
[Footnote 307: Strabo, p. 668.]
[Footnote 308: Livy, xlv. 34.]
[Footnote 309: Livy, Epit. 68.]
[Footnote 310: Caesar, B.G. ii. 33.]
[Footnote 311: ad Att. v. 20. 5.]
[Footnote 312: Wallon (Hist. de l'Esclavage, ii. p. 38) has noted that Virgil alone shows a feeling of tenderness for the lot of the captive, quoting Aen. iii. 320 foll. (the speech of Andromache): but this was for the fate of a princess, and a mythical princess. No Latin poet of that age shows any real sympathy with captives or with slaves.]
[Footnote 313: Cic. pro lege Manilia 12. 23. Plutarch, in his Life of Pompey 24, adds that Romans of good standing would join in the pirates' business in order to make profit in this scandalous way.]
[Footnote 314: Suet. Aug. 32, of the period before Augustus.]
[Footnote 315: Varro, R.R. ii. 10; Diodorus xxxvi. 3. 1.]
[Footnote 316: Hor. Epist. i. 6. 39:—
"Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex: Ne fueris hic tu." ]
[Footnote 317: Varro, R.R. i. 17.]
[Footnote 318: Ib. 2. 10. 3.]
[Footnote 319: Hor. Epode 2. 65. Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 25 "turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni."]
[Footnote 320: See Gummerus, op. cit. p. 63, who considers the obaeratus of Varro as the equivalent of the addictus of the Roman law of debt.]
[Footnote 321: See the well-known description of the Forum in Plautus' Curculio, iv. 1: "pone aedem Castoris, ibi sunt subito quibu' credas male"; Marq. Privatleven, p. 168; Wallon, op. cit. ch. ii.]
[Footnote 322: Gellius iv. 2 gives an extract from the edict of the aediles drawn up with the object of counteracting such sharp practice.]
[Footnote 323: Livy xxxix. 44.]
[Footnote 324: N.H.. vii. 55. This story affords a good example of the tricks of the trade: the boys were not twins, and came from different countries, though exactly alike.]
[Footnote 325: BevÖlkerung, p. 403.]
[Footnote 326: Cic. Off. ii. 21. 73.]
[Footnote 327: Galen v. p. 49, ed. Kuhn; Galen was a native of this great city.]
[Footnote 328: Dr. Gummerus promises it.]
[Footnote 329: Sittengeschichte, i., ed. 5, p. 264.]
[Footnote 330: Probably by Clodius in 58.]
[Footnote 331: Asconius ad Cic. pro Cornel., ed. Clark, p. 75; Waltzing, Corporations professionelles, i. p. 90 foll.]
[Footnote 332: Baking as a trade only came in, as we saw, in 174; Plautus died in 184; some doubt is thus thrown on the Roman character of the passage, or the allusion may not be to a public bakery.]
[Footnote 333: See a remarkable passage of Athenaeus (vi. 104) quoted by Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 156, on the use of slaves at Rome for unproductive labour.]
[Footnote 334: Sallust, e.g., says of his own life in retirement that he would not engage in "agrum colendo aut venando, servilibus officiis."—Catil. 4.]
[Footnote 335: Wallon, Hist. de l'Esclavage, vol. ii. ch. iii.]
[Footnote 336: Sall. Catil. 12.]
[Footnote 337: iv. 3. 11 and 12. Plutarch says that as military tribune Cato the younger had fifteen slaves with him.—Cato minor 9.]
[Footnote 338: Cato, R.R. 2. I.]
[Footnote 339: In ch. 185 he mentions towns where many other objects may be bought best and cheapest: at Rome, e.g., clothing and rugs, at Cales and Minturnae farm-instruments of iron, etc. See also Gummerus, op. cit. p. 36.]
[Footnote 340: R.R. 10 and 11.]
[Footnote 341: Assiduos homines quinquaginta praebeto, i.e. the contractor: ch. 144.]
[Footnote 342: See the discussion of this word in Gummerus, p. 62 foll. Varro defines them as those "qui suas operas in servitutem dant pro pecunia quam debebant" (de Ling. Lat. vii. 105), i.e. they give their labour as against servitude.]
[Footnote 343: R.R. i. 22.]
[Footnote 344: Cp. Plut. Cato the Elder 21; a slave must be at work when he is not asleep.]
[Footnote 345: This is a point on which I cannot enter, but there can hardly be a doubt that in the long run free labour is cheaper. See Cairnes, Slave Power in America, ch. iii.; Salvioli, Le Capitalisme, p. 253; Columella, Praejatio.]
[Footnote 346: Gummerus, p. 81. At the same time the small cultivator is an obvious fact in Columella, cultivating his bit of land without working for others.]
[Footnote 347: For Spartacus, Appian, B.G. i. 116; for Caelius, Caesar, B.C. iii. 22; and cp. B.C. i. 56.]
[Footnote 348: R.R. ii. 10.]
[Footnote 349: Columella i. 8.]
[Footnote 350: Gaius ii. 15.]
[Footnote 351: For examples of slaves' devotion to their masters, Appian, B.C. iv. 29; Seneca, de Benef. iii. 25.]
[Footnote 352: ad Fam. xvi. 1; read also the charming letters which follow. Tiro was manumitted by Cicero at an unknown date.]
[Footnote 353: ad Att. xii. 10.]
[Footnote 354: See the article "Manumissio" in Dict. of Antiquities.]
[Footnote 355: Only in exercising the jus suffragii he was limited with all his fellow libertini to one of the four city tribes.]
[Footnote 356: Val. Max. viii. 6. 2.]
[Footnote 357: Sall. Cat. 24 and 56; Wallon, ii. p. 318 foll.]
[Footnote 358: See, e.g., Cic. ad Att. ii. 24. 3; Asconius, in Milonianam (ed. Clark, p. 31); Milo's host of slaves had gladiators among them, and were organised in military fashion (an antesignanus, p. 32), when he fell in with Clodius.]
[Footnote 359: Pro Sestio, 15. 34.]
[Footnote 360: De Pet. Consulatus, 5. 17.]
[Footnote 361: ad Quint. Fratr. i. 2 ad fin.]
[Footnote 362: Strabo, p. 381.]
[Footnote 363: Dion. Hal. iv. 23.]
[Footnote 364: Wallon, op. cit. ii. p. 436.]
[Footnote 365: See Otto Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, ch. iv. and v.]
[Footnote 366: See Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 172.]
[Footnote 367: Wallon (ii. p. 255 foll.) has collected a number of examples. Plautus' slaves are as much Athenian as Roman, but the conditions would be much the same in each case. Cp. Varro, Men. Sat. ed. Riese, p. 220: "Crede mihi, plures dominos servi comederunt quam canes."]
[Footnote 368: Petronius, Sat. 75.]
[Footnote 369: Diodorus xxxiv. 38.]
[Footnote 370: "Coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est et quicquid agitur a desperantibus," wrote Pliny (Nat. Hist. xviii. 36) in the famous passage about latifundia.]
[Footnote 371: R.R. i. 17.]
[Footnote 372: See some excellent remarks on this subject in Ecce Homo, towards the end of ch. xii. ("Universality of the Christian Republic ").]
[Footnote 373: The Slave Power, ch. v., and especially p. 374 foll. A living picture of the mean white may be found in Mark Twain's Huckleberry Finn, drawn from his own early experience, particularly in ch. xxi.]
[Footnote 374: "Regum nobis induimus animos," wrote Seneca in a well-known letter about the claims of slaves as human beings, Ep. 47.]
[Footnote 375: Life in Ancient Athens, p. 55.]
[Footnote 376: For this view of the Lar see Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der RÖmer, p. 148 foll.; and a note by the author in Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, 1906, p. 529.]
[Footnote 377: Fasti, vi. 299.]
[Footnote 378: Cato, R.R., ch. ii. init.; Horace, Epode 2. 65; Sat. ii. 6. 65.]
[Footnote 379: Romische Religion, p. 214.]
[Footnote 380: Or lectulus adversus, i.e. opposite the door; Ascon. ed. Clark, p. 43, a good passage for the contents of an atrium.]
[Footnote 381: See Mau's Pompeii, p. 248.]
[Footnote 382: Mau, Pompeii, p. 240.]
[Footnote 383: The extent to which this could be carried can be guessed from Sall. Cat. 12.]
[Footnote 384: Quintus Cicero, growing rich with Caesar in Gaul, had a fancy for a domus suburbana: Cic. ad Q. Fr. iii. I. 7. Marcus tells his brother in this letter that he himself had no great fancy for such a residence, and that his house on the Palatine had all the charm of such a suburbana. His villa at Tusculum, as we shall see, served the purpose of a house close to the city.]
[Footnote 385: A great number of passages about the noise and crowds of Rome are collected in Mayor's Notes to Juvenal, pp. 173, 203, 207.]
[Footnote 386: Some interesting remarks on the general aspect of the city will be found in the concluding chapter of Lanciani's Ruins and Excavations. For the bore elsewhere than in Rome, see below, p. 256.]
[Footnote 387: ad Fam. ii. 12: "Urbem, Urbem, mi Rufe, cole, et in ista luce viva Omnis peregrinatio (foreign travel) obscura et sordida est iis, quorum industria Roma potest illustris esse," etc.]
[Footnote 388: Lucr. ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1060 foll. Cp. Seneca, Ep. 69: "Frequens migratio instabilis animi est!"]
[Footnote 389: de Oratore, ii. 22.]
[Footnote 390: These houses, with the coast on which they stood, have long sunk into the sea, and we are only now, thanks to the perseverance of Mr. R.T. GÜnther of Magdalen College, realising their position and former magnificence. See his volume on Earth Movements in the Bay of Naples.]
[Footnote 391: See Cic. pro Caelio, §§ 48-50.]
[Footnote 392: Cicero's Villen, Leipzig, 1889.]
[Footnote 393: Varro, R.R. iii. 13.]
[Footnote 394: The villa had once been Sulla's also: and the aristocratic connection gave its owner some trouble. See above, p. 102.]
[Footnote 395: Schmidt, op. cit. p. 31.]
[Footnote 396: de Finibus, iii. 2. 7.]
[Footnote 397: de Legibus, ii. 1.]
[Footnote 398: op. cit. p. 15. I am assured by a travelling friend that the Fibreno is a delicious stream.]
[Footnote 399: ad Quint. Fratr. iii. 1.]
[Footnote 400: ad Att. xiii. 19. 2.]
[Footnote 401: For further details of the amenities of the villa at Arpinum see Schmidt, op. cit.]
[Footnote 402: ad Att. ii. 14 and 15.]
[Footnote 403: O.E. Schmidt, Briefwechsel Cicero's, pp. 66 and 454; but see his Cicero's Villen, p. 46, note.]
[Footnote 404: ad Att. xii. 19 init.]
[Footnote 405: See Seneca, Epist. 69, on the disturbing influence of constant change of scene.]
[Footnote 406: There is an exception in the young Cicero's letter to Tiro, translated above, p. 202.]
[Footnote 407: Censorinus, De die natali, 23. 6.; Pliny, N.H. vii. 213. On the whole subject of the division of the day see Marquardt, Privatlben, p. 246 foll.]
[Footnote 408: In the XII Tables only sunrise and sunset were mentioned (Pliny, l.c. 212). Later on noon was proclaimed by the Consul's marshal (Varro, de Ling. Lat. vi. 5), and also the end of the civil day. Cp. Varro, L.L. vi. 89.]
[Footnote 409: Cic. pro Quinctio, 18. 59.]
[Footnote 410: See the article "Horologium" in Dict. of Antiquities, vol. i.]
[Footnote 411: Our modern hours are called equinoctial, because they are fixed at the length of the natural hour at the equinoxes. This system does not seem to have come in until late in the Empire period.]
[Footnote 412: For the water-clock see Marquardt, op. cit. p. 773 foll.]
[Footnote 413: The lines are so good that I may venture to quote them in full from Gell. iii 3 (cp. Ribbeck, Fragm. Gomicorum, ii. p. 34): "parasitus esuriens dicit:
Ut illum di perdant primus qui horas repperit, Quique adeo primus statuit hic solarium. Qui mihi comminuit misero articulatim diem, Nam olim me puero venter erat solarium, Multo omnium istorum optimum et verissimum: Ubivis ste monebat esse, nisi quom nihil erat. Nunc etiam quom est, non estur, nisi soli libet. Itaque adeo iam oppletum oppidum est solariis, Maior pars populi iam aridi reptant fame."
The fourth line contains a truth of human nature, of which illustrations might easily be found at the present day.]
[Footnote 414: Pliny, N.H. xv. 1 foll, supplies the history of the oil industry. For the candles see Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 690.]
[Footnote 415: See above, p. 93.]
[Footnote 416: Marq. Privatleben, p. 264.]
[Footnote 417: Cic. ad Q.F. ii. 3. 7. For the lippitudo, ad Att. vii. 14.]
[Footnote 418: Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 112; Pliny, Ep. iii. 5, 8, 9.]
[Footnote 419: Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 103: "Romae dulce diu fuit et solenne reclusa Mane domo vigilare, clienti promere iura" etc. It is curious that all our information on this early business comes from the literature of the Empire. The single passage of Cicero which Marquardt could find to illustrate it unluckily relates to his practice as governor of Cilicia (ad Att. vi. 2. 5).]
[Footnote 420: e.g. ad Q.F. i. 2. 16.; and Q. Cic. Commentariolum petitionis, sec. 17.]
[Footnote 421: See what he says of M. Manilius in De Orat. iii. 133.]
[Footnote 422: The word seems to be connected with ieiunium (Plant. Curculio I. i. 73; Festus, p. 346), and thus answers to our break_fast_. The verb is ientare: Afranius: fragm. "ientare nulla invitat."]
[Footnote 423: Galen, vol. vi. p. 332. I take this citation from Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 257; others will be found in the notes to that page. Marquardt seems to have been the first to bring the evidence of the medical writers to bear on the subject of Roman meals.]
[Footnote 424: See the interesting account of these (salutatores, deductores, assectatores) in the Commentariolum petitionis of Q. Cicero, 9. 34 foll.]
[Footnote 425: See above, p. 109.]
[Footnote 426: Q. Cicero, _Comment. Pet._9. 37.]
[Footnote 427: See the author's Roman Festivals, pp. 125 foll.]
[Footnote 428: Plutarch, C. Gracchus, 6.]
[Footnote 429: Cic. ad Fam. ii. 12.]
[Footnote 430: Fragm. 9. Baehrens, Fragm. Poet. Rom. p. 141. Cp. Galen, vol. x. p. 3 (Kuhn).]
[Footnote 431: Livy xlv. 36; Cic. ad Fam. i. 2; for a famous case of "obstruction" by lengthy speaking, Gell. iv. 10.]
[Footnote 432: Festus, p. 54.]
[Footnote 433: ad Fam. vii. 30.]
[Footnote 434: de Divinatione, ii. 142, written in 44 B.C.]
[Footnote 435: Varro, R.R. i. 2; the words are put into the mouth of one of the speakers in the dialogue. See, for examples from later writers, Marq., Privatleben, p. 262.]
[Footnote 436: ad Att. xiii. 52; the habit may have often been dropped in winter.]
[Footnote 437: Seneca, Ep. 86. The whole passage is most interesting, as illustrating the difference in habits wrought in the course of two centuries.]
[Footnote 438: Mau, Pompeii, p. 300. See above, p. 244.]
[Footnote 439: See the plan in Mau, p. 357; Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 272.]
[Footnote 440: See Professor Purser's explanation and illustrations in the Dict. of Antiquities, vol. i. p. 278.]
[Footnote 441: The subject of the public baths at Rome properly belongs to the period of the Empire, and is too extensive to be treated in a chapter on the daily life of the Roman of Cicero's time. Public baths did exist in Rome already, but we hear very little of them, which shows that they were not as yet an indispensable adjunct of social life; but the fact that Seneca in the letter already quoted describes the aediles as testing the heat of the water with their hands shows (1) that the baths were public, (2) that they were of hot water and not, as later, of hot air (thermae). The latter invention is said to have come in before the Social war (Val. Max. ix. 1. 1.). Some baths seem to have been run as a speculation by private individuals, and bore the name of their builder (e.g. balneae Seniae, Cic. pro Cael. 25. 61). In summer the young men still bathed in the Tiber (pro Cael. 15. 36). At Pompeii the oldest public baths (the Stabian; Mau, p. 183) date from the second century B.C.]
[Footnote 442: The tradition was that the paterfamilias originally also sat instead of reclining. See Marq. Privatleben, p. 292 note 3.]
[Footnote 443: Columella, ii. 1. 19, a very interesting chapter; Plutarch, Cato min. 56.]
[Footnote 444: Plut. Lucullus 40; see above, p. 242.]
[Footnote 445: Plut. Quaest. Conv. 1. 3 foll.; and Marq. p. 295.]
[Footnote 446: Hor. Sat. i. 4. 86; cp. Cic. in Pisonem, 27. 67.]
[Footnote 447: Cic. de Senect. 14. 46.]
[Footnote 448: Lucilius, fragm. 30; 120 foll.; 168, 327 etc. Varro wrote a Menippean satire on gluttony, of which a fragment is preserved by Gellius, vi. 16.]
[Footnote 449: See the interesting passage in Cic. pro Murena, 36. 75, about the funeral feast of Scipio Aemilianus.]
[Footnote 450: Catull. 47. 5: "vos convivia lauta sumptuose De die facitis?"]
[Footnote 451: 26. 65 foll; Hor. Od. iii. 19, and the commentators.]
[Footnote 452: ad Fam. vii. 26, of the year 57 B.C. The sumptuary law must have been a certain lex Aemilia of later date than Sulla. (See Gell. ii. 24: "qua lege non sumptus cenarum, sed ciborum genus et modus praefinitus est.") This chapter of Gellius, and Macrob. iii. 17, are the safest passages to consult on the subject of the growth of gourmandism.]
[Footnote 453: See Munro, Elucidations of Catullus, p. 92 foll.]
[Footnote 454: Tibull. ii. 1. 51 foll. Cp. ii. 5. 83 foll. Several are also described by Ovid in his Fasti. A charming account of feste in a Tuscan village of to-day will be found in A Nook in the Apennines, by Leader Scott, chapters xxviii. and xxix.: a book full of value for Italian rural life, ancient and modern.]
[Footnote 455: Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 366. "Feriae" came in time to be limited to public festivals, while "festus dies" covered all holidays.]
[Footnote 456: de Legibus, ii. 8. 19: cp. 12. 29.]
[Footnote 457: Georg. i. 268 foll. Cato had already said the same thing: R.R. ii. 4.]
[Footnote 458: Thus Ovid describes the rites performed by the Flamen Quirinalis at the old agricultural festival of the Robigalia (Robigus, deity of the mildew) as if it were a curious bit of old practice which most people knew nothing about.—Fasti, iv. 901 foll.]
[Footnote 459: Greenidge, Legal Procedure in Cicero's time, p. 457.]
[Footnote 460: It is the same word as our fair.]
[Footnote 461: Fasti, iii. 523 foll.; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 51.]
[Footnote 462: Roman Festivals, p. 185. The custom doubtless had a religious origin.]
[Footnote 463: Ib. p. 268. Augustus limited the days to three.]
[Footnote 464: Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 170. The cult of Saturn was largely affected by Greek usage, but this particular custom was more likely descended from the usage of the Latin farm.]
[Footnote 465: See above, p. 172. Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 586; Frazer, Golden Bough (ed. 2), vol. iii. p. 188 foll.]
[Footnote 466: Cic. Verr. I. 10. 31; where Cicero complains of the difficulties he experienced in conducting his case in consequence of the number of ludi from August to November in that year.]
[Footnote 467: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 217 foll.]
[Footnote 468: See the account in Dion. Hal. vii. 72, taken from Fabius Pictor.]
[Footnote 469: See FriedlÄnder in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, iii. p. 508, note 3.]
[Footnote 470: For full accounts of this procession, and the whole question of the Ludi Romani, see FriedlÄnder, l.c.; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 383 foll.; or the article "Triumphus" in the Dict. of Antiquities, ed. 2. All accounts owe much to Mommsen's essay in RÖmische Forschungen, ii. p. 42 foll.]
[Footnote 471: On the parallelism between the Ludi Plebeii and Romani see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. p. 508, note 4.]
[Footnote 472: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 179 foll.]
[Footnote 473: Ib. p. 69.]
[Footnote 474: Ib. p. 72 foll.]
[Footnote 475: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 91 foll.]
[Footnote 476: Livy xxii. 10.7; Dionys. vii. 71.]
[Footnote 477: Pliny, N.S. xxxiii. 138. The same thing happened once or twice under Augustus.]
[Footnote 478: Livy xl. 44.]
[Footnote 479: ii. 16, 57 foll.]
[Footnote 480: We have some details of the ridiculously lavish expenditure of this aedile in Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 114. He built a temporary theatre, which was decorated as though it were to be a permanent monument of magnificence.]
[Footnote 481: Verr. v. 14. 36.]
[Footnote 482: Plut. Caes. 5.]
[Footnote 483: Cio. ad Fam. viii. 9.]
[Footnote 484: ad Att. vi. I. 21.]
[Footnote 485: There is no evidence that slaves were admitted under the Republic. Columella, who wrote under Nero, is the first to mention their presence at the games (R.R. i. 8. 2), unless we consider the vilicus of Horace, Epist. i. 14. 15, as a slave. See FriedlÄnder in Marq. p. 491, note 4.]
[Footnote 486: See above, p. 13; Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 208.]
[Footnote 487: Roman Festivals, p. 241.]
[Footnote 488: Ib. p. 77 foll.]
[Footnote 489: Dionys. Hal. in. 68 gives this number for Augustus' time, and so far as we know Augustus had not enlarged the Circus.]
[Footnote 490: Gell. iii. 10. 16.]
[Footnote 491: Pliny, N.H. x. 71: he seems to be referring to an earlier time, and this Caecina may have been the friend of Cicero. In another passage of Pliny we hear of the red faction about the time of Sulla (vii. 186; Friedl. p. 517). Cp. Tertullian, de Spectaculis, 9.]
[Footnote 492: For a graphic picture of the scene in the Circus in Augustus' time see Ovid, Ars Amatoria, i. 135 foll.]
[Footnote 493: ch. 59.]
[Footnote 494: See Schol. Bob. on the pro Sestio, new Teubner ed., p. 105.]
[Footnote 495: Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The conjecture as to the object of the exhibition by the consuls is that of BÜcheler, in _Rhein. Mus._1883, p. 476 foll.]
[Footnote 496: The example was set, according to Livy, Epit. 16, by a Junius Brutus at the beginning of the first Punic war.]
[Footnote 497: ad Fam. ii. 3.]
[Footnote 498: The origin of these bloody shows at funerals needs further investigation. It may be connected with a primitive and savage custom of sacrificing captives to the Manes of a chief, of which we have a reminiscence in the sacrifice of captives by Aeneas, in Virg. Aen. xi. 82.]
[Footnote 499: See Lucian MÜller's Ennius, p. 35 foll., where he maintains against Mommsen the intelligence and taste of the Romans of the 2nd century B.C.]
[Footnote 500: Cic. Brutus, 28. 107, where he speaks of having known the poet himself.]
[Footnote 501: ad Att. ii. 19.]
[Footnote 502: Pro Sestio, 55. 117 foll.]
[Footnote 503: ad Q. Fratr. iii. 5.]
[Footnote 504: It is only fair to say that this information comes from a letter of Asinius Pollio to Cicero (ad Fam. x. 32. 3), and as Pollio was one who had a word of mockery for every one, we may discount the story of the tears.]
[Footnote 505: Tibicines, usually mistranslated flute-players; this characteristic Italian instrument was really a primitive oboe played with a reed, and usually of the double form (two pipes with a connected mouthpiece), still sometimes seen in Italy.]
[Footnote 506: See above, p. 70.]
[Footnote 507: Val. Max. ii. 4. 2; Livy, Epit. 48.]
[Footnote 508: Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 20.]
[Footnote 509: Tertullian, de Spectaculis, 10; Pliny, N.H. viii. 20.]
[Footnote 510: See the excellent account in HÜlsen, vol. iii. of Jordan's Topographie, p. 524 foll. Some of the arches of the supporting arcade are still visible.]
[Footnote 511: ad Fam. vii. I. Professor Tyrrell calls this letter a rhetorical exercise; is it not rather one of those in which Cicero is taking pains to write, therefore writing less easily and naturally than usual?]
[Footnote 512: I have used Mr. Shuckburgh's translation, with one or two verbal changes.]
[Footnote 513: Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 21.]
[Footnote 514: de Div. i. 37. 80. Cp. the story in Plut. Cic. 5.]
[Footnote 515: Hor. Ep. ii. 82; Quintil. ii. 3. Ill.]
[Footnote 516: Val. Max. viii. 10. 2. Cicero was said to have learnt gesticulation both from Aesopus and Roscius.—Plut. Cic. 5.]
[Footnote 517: Pliny, N.H. vii. 128.]
[Footnote 518: Pro Archia, 8.]
[Footnote 519: De Oratore, i. 28. 129.]
[Footnote 520: De Oratore, iii. 27, 59.]
[Footnote 521: A useful succinct account of the literature of this difficult subject will be found in Schanz, Gesch. der rom. Litteratur, vol. i. (ed. 3) p. 21 foll.]
[Footnote 522: This is the view of Mommsen, Hist. iii. p. 455, which is generally accepted. For further information see Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Literature, i. (ed. 2) p. 9. That they were in fashion before the mimus is gathered from Cic. ad Fam. ix. 16.]
[Footnote 523: Plut. Sulla, 2: ep. 36.]
[Footnote 524: Political allusions in mimes, were, however, not unknown. Cp. Cic. ad Alt. xiv. 3, written in 44 B.C., after Caesar's death.]
[Footnote 525: All the passages about Publilius are collected in Mr. Bickford Smith's edition of his Sententiae, p. 10 foll. On mimes generally the reader may be referred to Professor Purser's excellent article in Smith's Diet. of Antiq. ed. 2.]
[Footnote 526: Animo aequissimo, ad Fam. xii. 19. He means perhaps rather that flattering allusions to Caesar did not hurt his feelings.]
[Footnote 527: See Ribbeck, Fragm. Comic. Lat. p. 295 foll.]
[Footnote 528: Seneca, Epist. 108. 8.]
[Footnote 529: See another excellent article of Professor Purser's in the Dict. of Antiq.]
[Footnote 530: See the Hibbert Journal for July 1907, p. 847. In the second sense Cicero often uses the plural "religiones," esp. in de Legibus, ii.]
[Footnote 531: See Middleton, Rome in 1887, p. 423; Horace, Sat. i. 8. 8 foll.; Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. p. 522.]
[Footnote 532: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 336 foll.]
[Footnote 535: Valerius Maximus, Epit. 3. 4; Wissowa, Rel. und Kult. p. 293.]
[Footnote 536: See, e.g. Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, ch. v.]
[Footnote 537: See, e.g., pro Sestio, 15. 32; in Vatinium, 7. 18.]
[Footnote 538: Augustine, Civ. Dei, iv. 27.]
[Footnote 539: Cp. i. 63 foll.; iii. 87 and 894; v. 72 and 1218; and many other passages.]
[Footnote 540: iii. 995 foll.; v. 1120 foll.]
[Footnote 541: iii. 70; v. 1126.]
[Footnote 542: ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1003; v. 1116.]
[Footnote 543: Roman Poets of the Republic, p. 306.]
[Footnote 544: The secret may be found in the last 250 lines of Bk. iii., and at the beginning and end of Bk. v.]
[Footnote 545: v. 1203; ii. 48-54.]
[Footnote 546: v. 1129.]
[Footnote 547: "Philosophy has never touched the mass of mankind except through religion" (Decadence, by Rt. Hon. A.J. Balfour, p. 53). This is a truth of which Lucretius was profoundly, though not surprisingly, ignorant.]
[Footnote 548: See above, p. 115.]
[Footnote 549: e.g. xxi. 62.]
[Footnote 550: Ribbeck, Fragm. Trag. Rom. p. 54: Ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam coelitum, Sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus.]
[Footnote 551: See above, p. 114.]
[Footnote 552: See H.N. Fowler, Panaetii et Hecatonis librorum fragmenta, p. 10; Hirzel, Untersuchungen zu Cicero's philosophischen Schriften, i. p. 194 foll.]
[Footnote 553: See above, p. 115.]
[Footnote 554: Schmekel, Die Mittlere Stoa, p. 85 foll.; Hirzel, Untersuchungen, etc., i. p. 194 foll.]
[Footnote 555: The fragments are collected by E. Agahd, Leipzig, 1898. The great majority are found in St. Augustine, de Civitate Dei.]
[Footnote 556: As Wissowa says (Religion und Kultus der RÖmer, p. 100), Jupiter does not appear in Roman language and literature as a personality who thunders or rains, but rather as the heaven itself combining these various manifestations of activity. The most familiar illustration of the usage alluded to in the text is the line of Horace in Odes i. 1. 25: "manet sub Iove frigido venator."]
[Footnote 557: ap. Aug. Civ. Dei, iv. 11.]
[Footnote 558: Ib. vii. 9.]
[Footnote 559: ap. Aug. Civ. Dei, vii. 13: animus mundi is here so called, but evidently identified with Jupiter.]
[Footnote 560: Ib. vii. 9.]
[Footnote 561: Ib. iv. 11, 13.]
[Footnote 562: Aug. de consensu evangel. i. 23, 24. Cp. Civ. Dei, iv. 9.]
[Footnote 563: Ib. i. 22. 30; Civ. Dei, xix. 22.]
[Footnote 564: See Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, p. 103.]
[Footnote 565: de Rep. iii. 22. See above, p. 117.]
[Footnote 566: de Legilus, ii. 10.]
[Footnote 567: de Nat. Deor.. i. 15. 40: "idem etiam legis perpetuae et eternae vim, quae quasi dux vitae et magistra officiorum sit, Iovem dicit esse, eandemque fatalem necessitatem appellat, sempiternam rerum futurarum veritatem." Chrysippus of course was speaking of the Greek Zeus.]
[Footnote 568: e.g. de Off. iii. 28; de Nat. Deor. i. 116.]
[Footnote 569: Glover, Studies in Virgil, p. 275.]
[Footnote 570: It is interesting to note that in the religious revival of Augustus Jupiter by no means has a leading place. See Carter, Religion of Numa, p. 160, where, however, the attitude of Augustus towards the great god is perhaps over-emphasised. On the relation of Virgil's Jupiter to Fate, see E. Norden, Virgils epische Technik, p. 286 foll. Seneca, it is worth noting, never mentions Jupiter as the centre of the Stoic Pantheon.—Dill, Roman Society from Nero to M. Aurelius, p. 331.]
[Footnote 571: See an article by the author in Hibbert Journal, July 1907, p. 847.]
[Footnote 572: Plut. Sulla, 6.]
[Footnote 573: Valerius Maximus ii. 3.]
[Footnote 574: de Div. i. 32. 68.]
[Footnote 575: Plut. Brutus, 36, 37.]
[Footnote 576: Sall. Cat. 51; Cic. Cat. iv. 4. 7.]
[Footnote 577: Cic. de Rep. iv. 24.]
[Footnote 578: Reid, The Academics of Cicero, Introduction, p. 18.]
[Footnote 579: ad Att. xii. 36.]
[Footnote 580: ad Att. xii. 37.]
[Footnote 581: Suetonius, Jul. 88. See E. Kornemann in Klio, vol. i. p. 95.]
[Footnote 582: We do not know exactly when this preface was written. Prefaces are now composed, as a rule, when a work is finished: but this does not seem to have been the practice in antiquity, and internal evidence is here strongly in favour of an early date.]
[Footnote 583: Epode 16. 54; cp. 30 foll.]
[Footnote 584: Sir W.M. Ramsay, quoted in Virgil's Messianic Eclogue, p. 54.]
[Footnote 585: Dr. J.B. Mayor, in Virgil's Messianic Eclogue, p. 118 foll.]
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