 
36.Paus. viii. 4, 5. 37.Pindar, Ol. vii. 77-80. 38.Frazer, Paus. i. 29, 30. 39.Plut. Quaest. Symp. v. 2. 40.Unless we accept Mr. Myers’ translation of Pindar, Ol. i. 94, “And from afar off he beholdeth the glory of the Olympian games in the courses called of Pelops.” Most modern editors translate ????? t????e? d?d???e, “his glory shineth from afar,” which, in view of the words which follow, ?? d????? ????p??, seems decidedly preferable to making Pelops the subject. 41.It is perhaps no accident that in our imperfect records of the Olympic games the earliest victor outside the Peloponnese is Onomastus of Smyrna, who in Ol. 23 won the boxing, an event said to have been then introduced for the first time. He is said to have drawn up rules for boxing which were adopted at Olympia. Again, no family was more distinguished in the history of Greek athletics than the Diagoridae of Rhodes, whose victories in boxing and the pankration were immortalized by Pindar. The prominence of boxing in the East reminds us of Minoan times, and perhaps the tradition may have survived from these days. 42.Paus. iv. 4, 1; iv. 33, 2. 43.Pindar, Ol. i. (E. Myers’ translation). 44.Vide BÖtticher, Olympia, ch. i. 45.For the history of Olympia vide Curtius, “Entwurf einer Geschichte von Olympia,” in Ol. Text. i. pp. 16-68. 46.For the cult of Pelops vide Paus. v. 13, 2; Schol. to Pindar, Ol. i. 146, 149. 47.The latest excavations show that this site had been inhabited in prehistoric days. Traces of six buildings have been discovered below the geometric stratum; they are characterized by a semicircular apsidal ending. Ath. Mitth. xxxiii. 185; Year’s Work in Classical Studies, 1908, p. 12. 48.Pindar, Ol. xi. 64. 49.Cp. Louis Dyer, “The Olympian Council House,” in Harvard Classical Studies, 1908, where a full account of these Peloponnesian leagues will be found. 50.Paus. v. 20, 1; Plut. Lycurgus 1, 1. The part taken by Cleosthenes is vouched for by Phlegon, Frag. Hist. Gr. p. 602, and in a scholion on Plato’s Republic, 465 D. Vide Dyer, l.c. pp. 40 ff. 51.Thuc. v. 49; Demosth. De fals. leg., ?p??. p. 335. 52.Hell. iii. 2, 31; vii. 4, 28. 53.Hdt. iv. 148. 54.C.I.G. 11; Roberts’s Greek Epigraphy, 291. 55.Paus. v. 6, 7. 56.Paus. v. 16. 57.Paus. i. 44; Anth. Pal. App. 272; Thuc. i. 6. 58.For a full discussion of the register, its history and its sources, vide JÜthner, Philostratus, pp. 60-70. 59.De Olympionicarum Statuis, p. 36. 60.Thuc. iii. 8, v. 49; Ditt. Syll., 2nd Ed., 256. 61.Gym. 4. 62.Paus. v. 8, 6; viii. 26, 3; Athen. ix. 382 B. Details with regard to the various victors mentioned in this and the following chapters may be found under their names in Krause, Olympia, H. FÖrster, Olympische Sieger, and W. Hyde, De Olympionicarum Statuis, in all of which full references are given. 63.Paus. v. 2 and 3. 64.Bury, History of Greece, p. 110. 65.Pindar, Ol. ix. The date of Archilochus is fixed by Hauvette in the first half of the seventh century. Cl. Rev. xxi. p. 143. 66.Mimnermus, Fr. 9 (Bergk). 67.Aristot. Politics, v. 4. 68.The recent excavations at Sparta prove that the decline of athletics coincided with the decline of art. Mr. R. M. Dawkins, writing in last report of the B.S.A., vol. xiv. p. 2, says: “In every case we have the remarkable result that the finest works belong to the seventh century, and that the sixth already shows the beginning of the decline which is so marked in the very poor character of the finds of the fifth century.” 69.Hyde, op. cit. p. 56. 70.Paus. iii. 13, 9. 71.For the treasuries at Olympia vide Louis Dyer, in J.H.S. vols. xxv. and xxvi. 72.The legends connected with these festivals are collected in Krause, Pythien, and the various articles on them in Dar.-Sagl. 73.The victory of Chromius of Aetna, celebrated by Pindar, Nem. ix., was won not at Nemea but at the Sicyonian Pythia. 74.The existence of such rivalry is suggested by the quarrel recorded by Pausanias v. 2, 3, with regard to the colossal statue set up by Cypselus at Olympia, and in the account given by Herodotus ix. 81 of the distribution of the Persian spoils. A statue of Zeus 10 cubits high is set up at Olympia, while that of Poseidon at the Isthmus is only 7 cubits high. So Pindar, Ol. xiii. 25, prays that Zeus may not be jealous if he sings the praise of Corinth. 75.Adapted from Jebb’s Bacchylides. 76.Hdt. ii. 160. 77.Louis Dyer, “The Olympic Council” in Harvard Studies, 1907, p. 36; Paus. vi. 3, 7; Ol. Ins. 372-486 passim. 78.W. Helbig, Les Hippeis athÉniens. 79.Pindar, Ol. ix, xiii. etc. 80.B.M. Bronzes, 135. 81.Hdt. i. 59. 82.Hermipp. Fr. 14. The story is suspicious, because the Spartans are said not to have been allowed to compete in boxing. 83.Hdt. vi. 103. 84.Hdt. ii. 7. 85.At a later time a drachma was a day’s pay for a sailor, hoplite, or artisan, and in Pericles’ time a juryman received only two obols. In Solon’s time, owing to the scarcity of money, the value of a drachma must have been considerably higher. 86.On the Panathenaea vide A. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen. 87.The palm branch as a symbol of victory does not occur till the close of the fifth century. Mr. F. B. Tarbell traces its origin to Delos, and derives its popularity from the restoration of the Delian festival by Athens in 426 B.C. “The Palm of Victory” in Classical Philology, vol. iii. pp. 264 ff. 88.Paus. vi. 13, 1. Hieron is apparently a mistake for Gelon. 89.Krause, Olympia, pp. 195-201. 90.Hdt. v. 47. 91.Pliny, H. N. vii. 47. Strabo, vi. 255. 92.Paus. vi. 11, 9; Lucian, Deor. Concilium, 12. 93.Simonides, 163 (Bergk). Quoted by Aristotle, Rhet. i. 7 and 9. 94.The attitude of the Spartans towards athletics is expressed in a poem of Tyrtaeus (Bergk, No. 12), in which he declares that he would set no store by speed of foot or skill in wrestling, apart from warlike might. Later their contempt of training and skill degenerated into sheer brutality. Phil. Gym. 9 and 58; Plutarch, Apophthegm. Lac. Var. 25 (233 E); Anth. Plan. i. 1. 95.Paus. vi. 11, 5. 96.Athenaeus, 522, 523. 97.Gym. 43. 98.Aelian, V.H. xii. 22. 99.Ol. Ins. 717. This and the Santorin stone (I.G. xiii. 449) are discussed in J.H.S. xxvii. p. 2. 100.Athenaeus, 412 D, E. 101.A. FurtwÄngler, Die Bedeutung der Gymnastik in der griechischen Kunst. 102.x. ll. 21 ff. (Bergk). 103.Greek Sculpture, Fig. 25; cp. B.C.H., 1907, p. 187. 104.Greek Sculpture, Figs. 34, 35, 36. 105.Cp. a fine archaic bronze diskobolos in the Metropolitan Museum of New York, published in the Museum Bulletin, iii. p. 33; vide infra Fig. 83. 106.Such attributes are common in bronzes, cp. Pausanias v. 26, 3; 27, 12; vi. 3, 9; 10, 4; 13, 7. 107.Paus. vi. 10, 1-3. 108.Paus. i. 23, 9. 109.Cp. Walter Pater, Greek Studies, pp. 281 ff. 110.Vide Krause, Gym. pp. 943 ff., a criticism of the exaggerated view put forward in Becker’s Charicles. 111.Cp. Aristoph. Nub. 995— ???? te ?d?? a?s???? p??e??, ? t? t?? ??d??? ???e? t??a?’ ??ap??se??. The Spartans considered ??d?? a goddess, Xen. Symp. 8, 36. 112.Vide infra, Figs. 167 ff. 113.For the following sections vide Jebb’s Bacchylides, Introduction. 114.Pindar, N. v. 49. 115.Vide the list of Olympic victors for Ol. 75-83 found on an Oxyrhyncus papyrus. Grenfell and Hunt, Ox. Pap. ii. 222; C. Robert, Hermes, xxxv. pp. 141 ff. 116.N. iii. 70. 117.P. ii. 63. 118.I. i. 47 ff. 119.I. i. 42, iv. 57, v. 10. 120.Herodotus of Thebes, I. i. 121.Thrasybulus, P. vi.; I. ii. 122.Greek Sculpture, Fig. 138. The identification of this statue is uncertain. It has been suggested that the word “Polyzalos” on the basis is an adjective, and that the victory recorded is that of Arcesilas of Cyrene. This view has been assailed in Ath. Mitth. xxxiv. by A. D. Keramopoullos, who believes that the statue was vowed by Gelon and actually set up by Polyzalos. 123.O. vi. 9. 124.I. iv., v.; N. v. 125.O. ix. 100. 126.O. i. 56, xiii. 10; N. i. 65; I. iii. 2. 127.O. vii. 44. 128.P. iv. 173. 129.O. vii. 89; cp. vi. 76, where ????? is a?d??a as the giver of a?d??. 130.O. vii. 15, 90. 131.N. ix. 33. 132.s?f??s??? does not occur in Pindar; s?f??? only twice: P. iii. 63, of Cheiron; I. vii. 27, of the sons of Aeacus. For the meaning of a?d?? cp. Gilbert Murray, The Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 88. 133.O. xiv. 5. 134.Aelian, V.H. ii. 6. 135.Ol. Ins. 54. 136.Paus. v. 9, 5. 137.vi. 23. 138.Polybius iv. 73. 139.L. Dyer, “The Olympian Theatron” in J.H.S. xxviii. p. 265. 140.L. Dyer, l.c. 142.Paus. v. 20, 2; Pliny, N.H. xxxv. 54. 143.These figures are taken from the lists given in Hyde’s De Olympionicarum Statuis. 144.The first trainer of whom we hear is Tisias, who trained Glaucus of Carystus (Philostratus, Gym. 20). Pindar mentions Menander (N. v.; cp. Bacchylides xii.), Orseas (I. iii.), Ilas (O. xi.), Melesias (O. viii.; N. iv., vi.). 145.Symposium, 2, 17. 146.Mem. iii. 10, 6; iii. 8, 4; cp. P. Gardner, Grammar of Greek Art, p. 17. 147.Greek Sculpture, p. 550; and J.H.S. 1905, p. 235. 148.B.M. Vases, 607. Quite different is the type of the long-distance runner of B. 611 (328 B.C.) and B. 609 (333 B.C.), and of the Hoplitodromos of B. 608 (336 B.C.). Vide Figs. 51, 58. 149.Paus. vi. 7, 10 t???? ?? t?? ta?????. Diogen. Laert. ?s??s? ???a?? ?a? p?????. Philostrat. Gym. 43 a? te ??a? ?a? t?? ??t?? ?? ?pt?st?? ?a? ? ???ta? ?a? t?? ??e?? t? ?e?? te ?a? ta??e?a ?a? t???e?a ?a? d?????. Vide JÜthner, Philostratus, pp. 268 ff., and Krause, Gym. pp. 654 ff. 150.B.C.H., 1899, p. 611. I have accepted the rendering of the inscription given by A. D. Keramopoullos in ?f. ???., 1906, p. 167. Instead of the name ??d????, an utterly unknown hero, of whose shrine not a vestige has been found, he reads d????. He repeats a misstatement made in Dar.-Sagl., Paully-Wissowa, and other dictionaries to the effect that athletes were not allowed to drink any wine. The only authority for the statement is a single passage from Galen, de Salub. vict. rat., in which he says that “after exercise athletes do not drink wine but water first, having learnt this from experience!” An egregious example of the absurdities which crowd the pages of our dictionaries! 151.Paus. vi. 7, 3; Diogen. Laert. viii. 13; Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxiii. 7. 152.Xen. Mem. i. 2, 4; Aristoph. Pax, 33, 34; Aristot. Eth. Nic. ii. 6, 7. Eating like a wrestler was proverbial. 153.Pol. v. 1339 a. Krause (Gym. p. 645, n. 3), and other writers following him, discredit this statement, not realizing that Aristotle is speaking of professional athletics. Of the eight examples quoted by Krause of athletes who had won victories both as boys and as men, five belong to the sixth or early fifth century, one is later than Aristotle, one is contemporary with him, the date of the eighth is doubtful. 154.Corn. Nepos, Epam. 2. 155.Rep. iii. 404 A; cp. Arist. Pol. 1335 b. 156.Plutarch, Vit. Alexander and Philopoemon. 157.Galen, ???t?ept. ???. ii. ? d? t?? ????t?? ?p’ ????? e?e??a sfa?e?? te ?a? e?et?pt?t??. Krause, Gym. p. 47, n. 1. 158.Leg. 794 ff. 159.Leg. 833 ff. 160.Rep. 406 B; Protag. 316 D; Aristot. Rhet. i. 5. An entirely different view of Herodicus is ably stated by Dr. JÜthner in the introduction to his Philostratus. He regards Herodicus as the father of scientific and medical gymnastic, as applied to the preservation of health and the cure of disease, and he claims that Plato himself shows warm recognition of his merits in the passage in the Protagoras, where he classes him with Homer, Hesiod, and others, among the great sophists who beguiled mankind. The passage certainly proves the ability and popularity of Herodicus, but I can see in it no evidence that Plato did not genuinely dislike his system. The strongest proof of the unscientific and useless character of his system is supplied by the deterioration of the athlete and of the national physique, which dates from this period. 161.Plato, Leg. 839 C. 162.Plutarch, Vita. Alexand. 35. 163.Plutus, 1161. 164.Xen. Hell. i. 5, 19; Paus. vi. 7, 4. 165.Mem. iii. 12. For the contrast between ????t?? and ?d??t?? cp. Hieron, 4, 6; Mem. iii. 7, 7. 166.Nub. 961-1023; Ran. 1086. 167.Thus in the present day professional football-players are largely drawn from the country districts of Scotland. 168.Plato, Meno, 93 D. 169.Nubes, passim. 170.Thuc. vi. 16, 2. The epinikion written by Euripides states that he was first, second, and third. So too does Isocrates, de Bigis, 34. 172.Part of the inscription was found in 1877, and is now in the Museum at Sparta. Tod, Sparta Mus. Cat. 440. The rest has been recently discovered during the excavations of the British School, and is discussed in the B.S.A. xiii. p. 174. It contains a list of victories won by Damonon and his son, Enymacratidas, in the chariot-race, horse-race, and foot-races at nine local festivals, most of them in Laconia. The inscription belongs to the middle or end of the fifth century. It throws an interesting light on the number of local festivals at this period. 173.Ox. Pap. ii. 222. 174.Paus. vi. 2, 6. 175.Paus. vi. 18, 4. 176.Paus. v. 21, 5. 177.Paus. v. 21, 5. 178.Paus. vi. 3, 7. 179.Paus. vi. 1, 4. 180.These changes were particularly connected with the Athenian Iphicrates and Jason of Therae. 181.Taking the lists given by Hyde, pp. 75-77, we find that between Ols. 84-106 out of 54 statues 20 were in honour of boxers, 6 of pankratiasts, 11 of wrestling, 7 of runners, 2 of pentathletes, and 8 of chariots or horses. 182.Isocrates, Panegyric, 43 ff.; Lysias, Olymp. 183.Thuc. v. 49; cp. viii. 10 of the Isthmia. 184.Isocrates, de Bigis, 32, ???? t?? ?? ???p?? pa??????? ?p? p??t?? ?????p?? ??ap????? ?a? t??? ?????a? ?p?de???? ?? a?t? p????????? p???t?? ?a? ???? ?a? pa?de?se??, ?t?. 185.Paus. v. 23, 4. 186.Paus. v. 12, 8; Thuc. v. 47. 187.Thuc. iii. 8 ff. 188.Phil. Vita. Soph. i. p. 209. 189.Paus. vi. 17, 7; Ol. Ins. 293. 190.Paus. vi. 3, 11; Anth. Pal. xiii. 5; Hyde, Olymp. Stat. p. 33. 191.Lysias, Olympiakos; Dionys. Hal. Jud. de Lysia, p. 519; Diodor. xiv. 109. A similar tale is narrated by Aelian of Themistocles, who is said to have urged the Greeks in 476 not to allow Hieron of Syracuse to compete, on the ground that he had not shared in the dangers of Greece. Ael. V.H. 9. 5. 192.Isocrates, Panegyrikos. 193.Helmet of Argives (Ol. Ins. 250), spears of Sicyonians, Methonii, Tarentines (Ins. 245, 247, 254), of Argives and Athenians for Tanagra (Paus. v. 10, 4). 194.Paus. v. 24; Ol. Ins. 252. 195.Such must certainly have been the statue of Victory by Calamis set up by the Mantineans. Paus. v. 26, 6. 196.Paus. v. 26, 1. 197.Paus. v. 27, 11; 24, 4. 198.They were merely competitions in strength of lung. Herodorus of Megara, a famous trumpeter who won ten times at Olympia, was said to be able to blow two trumpets at once with such force that no one could stand in his neighbourhood. Athen. 10, 7, p. 415. 199.Hence the term “Mercatus Olympiacus,” Vell. Paterc. i. 8; Cicero, Tuscul. v. 3; Krause, Olympia, p. 190, n. 2. 200.Lucian, Herodotus. 201.Paus. vi. 3, 14. 202.Paus. vi. 18, 2. 203.Polyb. iv. 73. 204.Thuc. v. 31 and 49. 205.From Pausanias, v. 4, 8, and 27, 11; vi. 2, 8, we gather that the Eleans, in the course of this war, obtained a decided success in a fight which took place at Olympia, and erected a trophy for the same in the Altis. Was it really this success which prevented the Spartans from depriving them of the presidency of the games, or have we here the Elean version of the war? 206.Xenophon, Hell. iii. 2, 31. 207.FÖrster, Ol. Sieger. 208.Xenophon, Hell. iv. 5. 1, 2. 209.Inscriptions found at Olympia illustrate the political relations of this time. In Ol. Ins. 31, Theban, Sicyonian, and Argive benefactors of Olympia are named p???e??? of the Arcadians. In Ol. Ins. 36, two Sicyonians are named p????e??? and ?ea??d???? of the Pisatans. Curtius, Ol. Text, i. 50. 210.Compare the triumphant inscription on Sophius of Messene, who won the same events circa 300 B.C. Paus. vi. 2, 10, and 3, 2. 211.The view adopted above is that of the late Mr. Louis Dyer, and is fully discussed by him in J.H.S. vol. xxviii. pp. 250 ff. The word ??at??? is here used of the arrangements for spectators overlooking the bare north-eastern corner of the Altis, and consisting in (1) the tiers of steps at the foot of the treasuries, (2) the Colonnade and its southward extension by the Hellanodiceon. 212.Ol. Ins. 260. 213.Quintilian aptly contrasts the bulging muscles, “tori,” of such athletes with the “lacertus” of soldiers. 214.Paus. v. 21, 10. 215.Polyb. 27, 7 A. 216.A third-century inscription from Epidaurus, Dittenb. Syll. 2nd Ed., 689, records that three athletes, a stadiodromos, a pentathlete, and a pankratiast, were fined 1000 staters each d?? t? f?e??e?? t??? ????a?. The next inscription, 690, records a similar fine on certain actors. 217.Roberts and Gardner, Greek Epigraphy, ii. p. 145. 218.Roberts and Gardner, Greek Epigraphy, ii. 61, p. 162 ( = I.G. ii. 444); cp. I.G. ii. 445, 446. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athens, pp. 278 ff. 219.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 522, 523, 524, 672, 673, 674. 220.Krause, Olymp. p. 215. Diodorus and Ulpian assign the founding of these games to Archelaus, another account assigns it to Philip II. 221.Xen. Hell. vi. 4, 29. 222.Arr. Anab. ii. 15. 223.Ol. Ins. 276, 277. Another such courier was Deinosthenes of Sparta, who won the foot-race in Ol. 116, and set up beside his statue a pillar giving the distance from Olympia to Sparta as 630 stades, and from Sparta to the next pillar (at Amyclae) as 30 stades. Paus. vi. 16, 8; Ol. Ins. 171. 224.Alexandrian victories in 272, 256, 240, 228, 212 B.C. Vide FÖrster, op. cit. 225.Ol. Ins. 294. 226.Ol. Ins. 39. 227.This victory was commemorated by the founding of a new festival, the Soteria, which is mentioned in various athletic inscriptions of the period. 228.FrÄnckel, Antiq. Pergam. viii. 1, pp. 8, 10. 229.Ol. Ins. 308. 230.Ol. Ins. 306, 307. 231.Little weight can be attached to such a statement. The list may well have been transferred to the gymnasium when it was built. A similar list was set up by the father of Paraballon whose victory in the diaulos is placed by Hyde between Ol. 91-101, when the gymnasium certainly did not exist. 232.B.C.H., 1899, pp. 565 ff. The inscription is dated by the archonship of Dion, 258 B.C. 233.Of the statues seen by Pausanias none can be much later than 150 B.C. (vide Hyde, Olymp. Statues). The Olympic inscriptions show that the custom was revived at the close of the first century B.C. Ins. 213, 219, 224, 225, etc. 234.The only statue from Sicily is that of Hieron II. of Syracuse. 235.Tacitus, Annals, xiv. 20. For the attitude of the Romans towards athletics vide Wilkins, Roman Education, pp. 31-33. 236.Ol. Ins. 191-210. 237.Africanus states that the discontinuance of these events lasted from Ol. 178 to Ol. 194, when the chariot-race, after being “long prohibited,” was won by Germanicus. The inaccuracy of this statement is proved by the discovery of an earlier inscription recording the victory of Tiberius Claudius Nero. Ol. Ins. 220-221. 238.Julius Caesar, c. 39. 239.Octavianus, c. 45. 240.Ol. Ins. 59-141. 241.No satisfactory explanation of this rule has been offered. It certainly does not seem to have been always observed in earlier times. For example, Xenombrotus, Ol. Ins. 170, seems to have set up a portrait statue of himself for a single victory in the horse-race. 242.Louis Dyer, “The Olympian Council House,” in Harvard Studies, vol. xix. pp. 36 ff. 243.Ol. Ins. 56; cp. Mie, Quaestiones Agonisticae, p. 43. 244.Krause, Olympia, p. 203. 245.I.G. xiv. 739, p??te?????d???? ?? ?f?s? ?a? ?? S????. 246.Curtius, Ol. Text, i. 52; Krause, Olympia, p. 207. 247.Suetonius, Nero, c. 23 ff. 248.Dion of Prusa, Or. xxxi. 249.Anth. Pal. xi. 75. The translation is taken from the “Dissertation on the Olympic Games,” in a translation of the Odes of Pindar, by Gilbert West (London, 1753), vol. ii. p. 92. 250.Or. vii. ???????? ? pe?? ??et??; Or. viii. ???????? ? ?s?????. 251.Gym. 45. 252.Paus. v. 21. 253.Or. xxix., xxx. 254.Dio Cassius, lii. 30. 255.Suetonius, Octavianus 45. 256.Krause, Gym. p. 131; I.G. xiv. 1102-1110. 257.I.G. xiv. 1054, 1055. 258.Mie, Quaestiones Agonisticae, p. 46. 259.I.G. xiv. 746. 260.Ol. Ins. 436. 261.B.S.A. xii. p. 452. 262.Historia Numorum, p. 357. 263.Ol. Ins. 150-153. 264.Ol. Ins. 225. 265.I.G. xiv. 1102-1104. 266.The word ?s?????st?? recalls the feats recorded of Milo and other athletes, whom no one could move from the place where they had taken their stand. 267.Such I take to be the meaning of the words ?t’ ?pe?e???? ?te pa?a?t?s?e???. But the precise meaning of this and the following phrases ?te ?at? ????? as?????? ????a ???? ?d? ?a???? ????a ?e???sa? is hard to determine. ?pe?e????ta bears this meaning in the Iobacchi Inscription. Roberts and Gardner, Epigraphy ii. 91, l. 92. The antithesis of pa?a?t?s?e??? would rather suggest the rendering “seeking a contest,” e.g. “pot-hunting.” 268.Pindar, Ol. vii., ix. 269.Ol. Ins. 54, 436. Both inscriptions belong to the close of the first century A.D. In two earlier inscriptions of the time of Augustus (53, 366) the distinction between ?? ?????e? and ? ???????? is still maintained. 270.The Alexandrine Olympia were probably founded in A.D. 176 by Marcus Aurelius, I.G. xiv. 1102. 271.I.G. xiv. 746. 272.p??t?? t?? ?p’ a????? p??t??, I.G. iii. 128. Cp. p??t?? ?p? t?? ?????????, C.I.G. 2723. 273.N.H. vii. 20; cp. ii. 73. 274.Ol. Ins. 356. 275.The matter of this section is taken from the reports of the B.S.A., vols. xii., xiii. 276.B.S.A. xii. 314. 277.B.S.A. xii. 445 ff. Another Spartan festival mentioned in inscriptions is the Euryclea founded by Eurycles, a rich and powerful friend of Herod the Great, C.I.G. 1378, 1389. 278.B.S.A. x. 63, xii. 212. 279.B.S.A. xii. 352, xiii. 182. 280.The whole mosaic is published by Secchi in his Musaico Antoniniano, and a large portion of it in Baumeister’s DenkmÄler, Fig. 174. 281.Dr. JÜthner, in the introduction to his Philostratus, shows that there was a long-standing quarrel between doctors and trainers. The doctors resented the encroachments of the trainers on their domain, and regarded them as ignorant and unscientific quacks. 282.Vide JÜthner, op. cit. pp. 285 ff. 283.I am glad to find my estimate of Philostratus in substantial agreement with that of Dr. JÜthner. Philostratus had, as he shows, no technical knowledge of gymnastic. He was a rhetorician, writing an essay on what was evidently a burning question, and, like a modern journalist, he naturally derived his knowledge from one of the many technical treatises on gymnastic which existed, and as naturally made mistakes (op. cit. pp. 97-107). 284.L. Weniger, Clio, 1905, pp. 1-38. 285.L. Weniger, Clio, 1904, pp. 126 ff. 286.Ib. p. 127, n. 1. 287.Quoted in Schol. Pindar, Ol. v. 6. 288.Pindar, Ol. v. 6 ?p? ????s?a?? ?????? te pepta????? ????a??. The reading and interpretation are much disputed. The scholiasts certainly interpreted pepta????? “as lasting five days,” and even if the reading pepta????? is correct, the occurrence of the form pept?? for pep?s, and the analogy of forms like ??d????ta, ?d?????ta make this meaning at least possible, while there is considerable evidence against the rendering “fifth-day contests.” Mie, Quaestiones Agonisticae, p. 29. 289.Schol. Pindar, Ol. v. 8, iii. 33. 290.Schol. vet. Pindar, Ol. v. 8 pepta????? ????a??? ?pe? ?p? p??ta ???as ???et? a?t? t? ?????sata. 291.v. 9, 3. 292.Hellen. vii. 4. 293.Carl Robert in Hermes xxxv.; C. Gaspar in Dar.-Sagl. s.v. “Olympia.” It had been my intention to discuss Robert’s theory in the J.H.S., but I find that nearly all my objections to it have been anticipated by Frederic Mie in Philologus, lx. Mie’s own theory has in its turn been superseded by Weniger’s, which alone offers a satisfactory explanation both of Xenophon and of Pausanias. 294.Robert’s theory of the two sacrifices of thanksgiving offered after the pentathlon and horse-races on the 3rd and 5th days of the festival is pure fiction, and has been conclusively disproved by Mie, l.c. 295.Clio, 1904, p. 127; Krause, Olympia, p. 84. 296.Paus. vi. 15, 5. 297.Quaest. Symp. ii. 5. 298.Paus. vi. 13, 3. The same order is twice adopted by Philostratus in Gym. ch. 4 and 32. 299.If the final of the stade-race followed the dolichos, the heats would naturally precede it, so as to allow competitors a rest between the heats and the final. 300.Paus. vi. 6, 5; vi. 15, 4. 301.Plut. Quaest. Symp. ii. 5, 2; Paus. iii. 14, 3; Phil. Gym. 7; Artemidorus, Oneirocrit. i. 65. 302.Paus. vi. 24, 1. 303.Lucian, Timon, 50. 304.Robert and Mie hold that the crowns were presented after each event, Weniger that they were all presented on the 16th. 305.Schol. Pindar, Ol. v. 8 t?? ???a?de??t?? ?? ? t? ???a ?d?d?t?. This is possibly a paraphrase of an earlier scholion on Ol. iii. 35 ?a? t? ???a?de??t? ???eta? ? ???s??. 306.Paus. v. 21, 14. 307.Africanus, 6, 67, R. 308.Imag. ii. 6. This passage is particularly important, as the picture represents the very moment after the contest is over. 309.In Homer the prizes are set at the finish of the race, or beside the ring, and are awarded immediately afterwards. They are represented similarly on black-figured vases. The same idea is suggested by the well-known epigram on Myron’s statue of Ladas, Anth. Pal. xvi. 54 p?d?se? t??a ?a???? ?p? st?f??. 310.Weniger, Clio, 1905, pp. 184-218. 311.Paus. v. 21. 13, 14. Cp. Ol. Ins. 56, l. 20-30, regulations for the Augustalia at Naples, which were modelled on those of Olympia. Athletes were required to give in their names to the Agonothetai thirty days beforehand; if they failed to give full information, they incurred a fine; if a competitor arrived late, he had to report the cause to the Agonothetai, and any one might lodge a protest against him; if found guilty, he was disqualified from competing. 312.Philostr. Gym. 11, 18, 54. 313.Ib. 25; Paus. vi. 23, 24. 314.Vit. Apoll. Tyan. v. 43. 315.Paus. v. 16, 8. 316.The statement that they quitted Elis a month before the festival is quite inconsistent with the account given by Pausanias vi. 23, 24, and with the narrative in Lucian’s De Morte Peregrini, ch. 31, 32. The scene of the earlier chapters is laid in Elis, where the Hellanodicae are training the athletes. From Elis Lucian goes straight on to the festival at Olympia. Perhaps the procession from Elis to Olympia took place on the 10th or 11th of the month. 317.v. 24, 9. 318.Dio Cass. lxxix. 10. 319.Pind. Ol. v. 6; i. 90. 320.Paus. vi. 20, 15; vii. 17, 14. 321.Anth. Pal. xi. 16, 33. 322.Philostrat. Im. ii. 6. 323.The evidence for most of the statements contained in this paragraph is late. It will be found in Krause, Olympia, pp. 138, 139. 324.Quoted in Julian, p. 318: ???e? ?? ????, t?? ?a???st?? ????? ta?a?. ?a???? de ?a?e? ???t? ???e??. ???? ?????te? t?? ?et??a? ?????a ???.... ?t’ ?? ??t?pa??? ?stas?e ???s?? ????? de t???? ???? e??se?. A similar proclamation closed the proceedings, vide Lucian, Demonax, 65. Cp. Clio, 1904, pp. 141, 142. 325.Lucian, Hermotim. 39. 326.Paus. v. 20, 2. 327.Arch. Zeit., 1853, 52, 3; Gerl. A. V. 274, 1. Cp. Stephani, O. R. Atlas, 1874, pl. vii.; Krause, Olympia, p. 173. 328.Ol. Ins. 54, and notes thereon. 329.Pindar, Ol. ix. 1, 2. 330.Krause, Olympia, pp. 180, 181. 331.Pseudo-Andocides, iv. 29, p. 126. 332.C.I.G. 1688. 333.N.H. xxxv. 58. 334.Pindar, Fr. 83. 335.B.C.H. xxiii. p. 613. 336.A list of victors in the Pythian games is given in Krause, Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien, pp. 85 ff. Details of the stadium and gymnasium at Delphi will be found below, pp. 257, 483. 337.B.C.H. xxx., 1906, pp. 191-328. 338.Plut. Quaest. Symp. ii. 5; Sophocles, El. 698. 339.Strabo viii. 6, 20; Aristid. Isthm. 45; Dion of Prusa, ????. ? ?s?. etc. 340.Unger, Philologus, xxxvii. p. 1. 341.xxxiii. 32. 342.Lucian, Nero, 1. 343.Krause, op. cit. p. 209. 344.A full account of this inscription is given in Jebb’s Bacchylides, pp. 187 ff. 345.Pindar, O. xiii. 98; N. ii. 22. 346.Pax, 880. In this play the personified Theoria comes back to earth in the train of Eirene, but Theoria is not confined to the Isthmian theoria. 347.Thucyd. viii. 9. 348.Xen. Hell. iv. 5. 349.Polyb. ii. 13. 350.Paus. ii. 2, 2. 351.Gaz. Arch., 1884, 1885. 352.Lucian, Nero. 353.B.C.H. xii. 510-528. 356.Julian, Epist. 35. 357.I.G. iv. 203. 358.Xen. Hell. iv. 5. 359.Bacchylides i., ii. 360.Ib. ix. 361.Pindar, I. i., ii. 362.Paus. vi. 1, 7; 2, 2. 363.Paus. vi. 13, 10. 364.I.G. ii. 1367. 365.Hyginus, Fab. 165, 173. 366.Plut. Quaest. Symp. ii. 4, v. 2, viii. 4. 367.H.N. xxxv. 58. 368.Krause, op. cit. p. 197. 369.B.M. Cat., Coins of Corinth, 509-512, 564, 602, 624; cp. I.G. ii. 1320, where we find ?s??a enclosed in a wreath of pine leaves. 370.The cup, which forms part of the Bernay treasure, is in the Cabinet des mÉdailles at the BibliothÈque Nationale. Le Prevost, MÉm. sur la collection des vases de Bernay, Pls. viii., ix.; Schreiber, Atlas, xxv. 1, 2. 371.Xen. Hell. iv. 7, 2; v. 1, 29. 372.Plutarch, Aratus, 17. 373.Plutarch, Philopoemen, 11. 374.Livy xxvii. 30, xxxiv. 41. 375.Paus. v. 16, 4. 376.Frazer, Pausanias, iii. 91. 377.Pindar, N. v., vii.; Bacchylides, i. xii. 378.Phil. Gym. 7; Paus. vi. 16, 4. 379.The athletic character of the Nemea is emphasized in Bacchylides’ Twelfth Ode, in which the origin of the pankration is traced to the victory of Heracles over the Nemean lion. 380.Krause, op. cit. p. 147. 381.The following section is taken chiefly from A. Mommsen’s Feste der Stadt Athen. 382.O. ix. 89, xiii. 110; I. viii. 79. 383.O. ix.; I. 1. 384.Athen. 495 F. 385.Vide p. 296. 386.I.G. ii. 466, 468, 470, 471. 387.I.G. iii. 1160. 388.N. ii. 23. 389.Op. cit. p. 153. 390.e.g. Priene, Priene Inschriften, 5; a decree of the people of Priene not later than 326 B.C. for the sending of two Theoroi to Athens with a panoplia. Similarly Colophon 306 B.C., I.G. ii. 164, ii. 5. 391.Suidas, ii. 2, p. 1691. 392.Pericles, 13. 393.Schol. to Pindar, P. xii. 394.B.M. Vases, B. 139, 141; cp. Berl. Vas. 1873. 395.iii. 56. 396.I.G. ii. 965. 397.I.G. ii. 2758. 398.Pollux, iv. 83. 399.Plato, Rep. 398-399; Aristotle, Pol. 1341 a. 400.I.G. ii. 965; cp. 966-970. 401.Plato, Leg. 833 A. 402.Mommsen, p. 83. 403.Etym. M., ?? ??e??d??. 404.B.M., B. 130. 405.?d?f????, “eating its full,” appears to be a fanciful synonym for t??e???, perhaps with a special reference to the cost of breeding race-horses. To those familiar with the ordinary type of horse existing in Greece to-day, there is a peculiar appropriateness about the word. In the Thesean inscription, I.G. ii. 445, ?ap??? has a similar meaning. 406.I.G. ii. 968, 969. 407.Mommsen, op. cit. p. 89. 408.Bekker, Anecd. 426. 409.B.M. Guide to Parthenon, p. 109. 410.vii. 73. 411.Op. cit. pp. 102 ff., 121. 412.I.G. ii. 1291, 5, 1305b; Xen. Hipparch. 3, 11. 413.Lys. 21. 1, 4. 414.BeulÉ, L’Acropole d’AthÈnes, ii. pl. 4; Schreiber, Atlas, xx. 8, 9. 415.Xenoph. Quaest. Symp. iv. 17; Athen. p. 565 F. 416.?f. ???. 1862, Pl. xxix. 417.1-1/2 kotylai for each tree. These details are mostly derived from Aristotle, ??. p???t. 60. 418.Pindar, N. x. 36. 419.B.M. Vases, B. 130. 420.B.M. B. 603; American Journal of Archaeology, ii. p. 332, xii. p. 48. 421.Cecil Smith in B.S.A. iii. 194 ff. 422.Sikelos, 5th cent., Kittos, 4th cent., B.M. B. 604. 423.Mon. d. I. X. 48, g. 11. 424.B. 145; Salzmann, NÉcropole de Camiros, lvii. 425.Hdt. vi. 129. 426.On either side of Athene is a diminutive figure of a man, a most unorthodox addition. The inscription is wanting on most of the smaller vases. 427.Cecil Smith in B.S.A. iii. 183 ff. 428.Ib. Pl. xvi. 429.Stuart and Revett, Antiquities of Athens, iii. 3, p. 20; Schreiber, Atlas, xxv. 9. 430.Mommsen, op cit. p. 278 ff. 431.I.G. ii. 444-450. 432.Only four foreigners’ names appear, Mommsen, op. cit. p. 295, n. 1; F. Mie in Ath. Mitth. xxxiv. p. 1. Mie distinguishes the term in ?? p??t??, which occurs in athletic and equestrian events, and denotes competitions open to all comers, and the term d?? p??t??, which occurs only in musical competitions, and appears to denote a final competition in which all the competitors in different musical events took part. 433.Krause, Gym. pp. 131 ff.; J.H.S. xxiii. pp. 261 ff. 434.Paus. ii. 27. 5. The stadium of Epidaurus is st?d??? ??a ????s? t? p???? ??? ??a. Cp. viii. 47. 4, ix. 23. 1, of the stadia of Tegea and Thebes. That at Corinth in contrast is described as ????? ?e????, ii. 1. 7; cp. Delphi x. 32. 1, and infra. 435.Ol. Text. ii. 63 ff.; Frazer, Pausanias, iv. 78. 436.Paus. vi. 20, 8. 437.The stadium of Pergamum was, however, 210 m. according to DÖrpfeld, the standard settled by Philetaerus being higher than that on the mainland. Ath. Mitth. xxxiii. 341. 438.??a?t???. 1902, pp. 78-92, Pl. A-D; Frazer, Pausanius, v. 576. 439.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., ii. 688. 440.A drawing from the Codex Ursinianus in the Vatican, published in RÖm. Mitth. 1890, p. 156, Taf. vii., represents runners standing behind a wooden barrier. 441.B.C.H., 1899, pp. 601-615. 442.Pindar, Pyth. viii. 19-20, x. 15, xi. 21. 444.Pausanias, x. 32, 1. 445.B.C.H., 1899, pp. 564, 613. 446.Frazer, Pausanias, ii. 205; Politis in The Olympic Games in 1896, pp. 31 ff. 447.Hipparch. ch. 3. 448.One may be seen in the museum at Athens, another has been re-erected in the stadium. 449.Wiegand u. Schrader, Priene, pp. 258 ff. 450.Schreiber, Atlas, xxvi. 1; Blouet, ExpÉd. de MorÉe, ii. Pl. xxxix. The stadium is stated to belong to the third century B.C. 451.Krause, Gym. Pl. iv. 5. 452.Ionian Antiquities of the Dilettanti, iii. Pl. xxi. 453.Ib. ii. Pl. lxxxiv. Durm, Baukunst der Griechen, gives in his “Register” numerous references to accounts by early travellers of stadia at Aezani, Aphrodisias, Ephesus, Laodicea, Messene, Perga, Pessinus. 454.Electra, 680 ff. 455.On earlier black-figured vases the finish is represented by tripods or vases set as prizes (Gerh. A. V. 257), or by the seats of the judges as on the Amphiaraus vase (Fig. 3). 456.Krause, Gym. p. 348. 457.Bacchylides, ix. tet?a????t?? ?pe? ???e? d????; Eurip. Electra, 825; Pausanias, vi. 16, 4; Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 676. 458.Leg. viii. 833, C, D. 459.Pausanias, v. 16, 2. 460.Ol. Inschr. 56. 461.Pausanias, vi. 14, 1. 462.Ib. 15, 1. 463.Ib. 2, 10. 464.Mie, Quaestiones Agonisticae, p. 48; Ditt. Syll. 2nd. Ed., 677, 678. 465.Roberts and Gardner, Greek Epigraphy, ii. p. 166. 466.C.I.G. 1590. 467.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 524. 468.I.G. ii. 444. 469.Pausanias, v. 16, 2. 470.In J.H.S. xxiii. p. 266 I have myself made the mistake. 471.These figures are drawn up from the tables given in Hyde’s De Olympionicarum Statuis. 473.Mr. R. E. Macnaghten, in a very suggestive paper in the Classical Review, xxi. p. 13, attributes to the Athenians the degradation in meaning of all words denoting toil, among which he cites ??????. 474.Bacchylides, ix. 475.Krause, Gym. p. 362. 476.Pomtow, Poetae Lyrici Graeci Minores, ii. p. 154 a??d? p?d?? ???te? p?da pa? p?da. Julian, 318. 477.Aristophanes, Eq. 1161. 478.Sophocles, El. 711. 479.Hdt. viii. 59. 480.The only vase which could possibly represent this position is a r.-f. skyphos reproduced in J.H.S. xxiii. p. 283. It represents a hoplitodromos leaning forward, his right hand resting on the ground. But it will be remarked that his feet are in the usual position, level with the pillar where the starting lines should be. Opposite stands an official in the attitude shown in Fig. 47, and I am now inclined to think that the runner in practising a start has overbalanced himself, and that the official is telling him to get back to his mark. 481.J.H.S. xxiii. pp. 269 ff. 482.Jahrb. 1886, Pl. ix. Cp. Dr. Hauser in Jahrb. 1887 and 1895; M. A. de Ridder in B.C.H., 1897; criticisms on the same in J.H.S. l.c. 483.Bull. Nap. nouv. sÉr. vi. 7; J.H.S. l.c. p. 270, Fig. 1. 484.The passages relating to the ?sp??? are collected by me in J.H.S. xxiii. p. 263. To these may be added, Bekker, Anecd. 220, 31 a???. ???a d?? t?? d????? ?f’ ?? s??????? t? d?at?tata?, ? ?a?e?ta? a???, ??a ??e??e? ??d???s?? ?? ???????e???; FrÄnckel, Antiq. Pergam. viii. 1, p. 8, 10, epigram on the victory of Attalus in the chariot-race; Schol. to Aristoph. Eq. 1159 a???? ? ?p? t?? ?sp???a ?e????? ????. 485.Lysist. 1000. 486.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 688; ?f. ???., 1884, 169. 487.Lycophron 13 a??da ??????? s??sa?. 488.J.H.S. l.c. p. 264. 489.Anth. Pal. ix. 557. 490.Schol. to Aristoph. Eq. 1159 a??? d? ?a?e?ta? t? ?? t? ???? t?? d???? ?e?e??? ???a?s??? ?????, ? ?a? ?fet????? ?a?e?ta?, ?pe? et? t? ?t??as???a? t??? d???a? e?? t? d?ae?? ?fa????e??? ?f?esa? t???e??. 491.This is the method for drawing the ties for wrestling and boxing described by Lucian, Hermotim, 40. 492.Pausanias, vi. 13, 2. The text of the passage is unfortunately corrupt. 493.Strabo, vi. 12. 494.Out of fifteen such vases, one has two runners, three have three, three have five, and eight have four. The number four is more usual also in representations of the longer races. 495.Krause, Gym. p. 363. J.H.S. l.c. p. 262. In Vergil Nisus trips Salius, Aen. v. 335; in Statius, vi. 616, Idas seizes Parthenopaeus by the hair. More important is a passage in Lucian, Calumn. non temere cred. 12 ??a???? ??ta????st?? ?p?????? t?? ?? t?? t????? ??p?da ?p? t?? ?a??te???a? ?t??pet? ?a? t??t? ???? ?? ?pa?t?? s??pe? ?p?? t?? t?????ta ?p????? ? ?p?d?sa? ?p?st??e?. Cp. Cicero, de Officiis, iii. 10. 496.It is unnecessary to repeat here the arguments on which these conclusions are based. They are stated fully in J.H.S. xxiii. p. 267. 497.Gym. 32 ???? pte???e??? ?p? t?? ?e????. Winged figures are very frequent in early Greek art: a very beautiful later representation of a winged runner occurs on a r.-f. vase published in B.C.H., 1899, p. 158. 498.Practical Track and Field Athletics, by John Graham and Ellery H. Clark (D. Nutt), p. 24. A photograph of two runners (Pl. vi.) taken in an actual race bears a striking resemblance to the pictures on Greek vases. 499.C.R., 1876, Pl. i. 500.National Museum, 761. 501.Mon. d. I. X. 48 h, 15. 502.Tusc. Disp. ii. 23. 503.Anacharsis 27. 504.Krause, Gym. p. 379. 505.Xen. Anab. iv. 8, 27. The Damonon inscription records the successes of Damonon and his son in local festivals. Damonon won many victories in the stade and diaulos; his son twice won the stade, the diaulos and the long race on the same day. The inscription is a good proof of the athletic ability of the Spartans in the fifth century; specialization in athletics found no favour at Sparta, B.S.A. xiii. 179. 506.Anth. Plan. iv. 54; Pausanias, iii. 21. 507.Philostr. Gym. 23. 508.Diodor. Sic. xiv. 11. 509.Jul. Africanus, Ol. 113; I.G. iv. 1349. 510.Artemidor. i. 63; Plutarch, Quaest. Symp. ii. 5; Pausanias, iii. 14, 3; Philostr. Gym. 7; Heliodor. Aeth. iv. 511.For a full discussion of the armed race vide J.H.S. xxiii. p. 280 ff. On vases this race is frequently connected with boxing and the pankration, the events which probably preceded it in the programme. Vide Figs. 54, 151. 512.Phil. Gym. 8, 24. I have already pointed out that Philostratus is somewhat credulous, and too much inclined to accept without investigation the tales poured into his ears by the authorities at Elis and elsewhere. It was the fashion in his time to exaggerate the Spartan severity of Greek athletics. 513.For Nemea vide Philostratus, l.c.; for Olympia, Paus. ii. 11, 8; for Athens Aristoph. Av. 291, and Scholiast. 514.Paus. v. 12, 8; vi. 10, 4. 515.Hauser, Jahrb., 1895, p. 199. 516.B.M. Vases, E. 22; Gerh. A. V. 258, 1. 517.Theb. vi. 587. 518.Av. 291. 519.J.H.S. l.c. pp. 284-287. 520.J.H.S. l.c. pp. 282-284. The argument which I drew from the use of the epithet p??????? in the passage of Philostratus must be abandoned. Dr. JÜthner’s recent edition of the Gymnastik proves that there is no authority for this reading; he himself suggests p??a???. The general conclusions drawn in my article are not really affected by the change. 522.Aristophanes, Ran. 1087; Lysistr. 1002. 523.I.G. ii. 444, 446. 524.Vesp. 1203. 525.I.G. 444. 526.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 680. 527.De Gressu Animal. p. 709. 528.Arrian, iii. 22. 529.Gym. 11. 530.Pliny, H. N. xxvi. 13, 83; xxviii. 19, 78. The spleen was supposed to cause stitch; Plautus, Merc. i. 2, 14. 531.J.H.S. xxiii. p. 60; Paus. v. 27, 8; vi. 3, 10. 532.Anacharsis, 4. 533.Ep. xv. 534.Lysistrata, 82; cp. Krause, Gym. p. 398, n. 11. 535.Aristoph. Plut. 1129; Plato, Symp. 190 D; cp. Krause, Gym. p. 399. 536.Vide J.H.S. xxiv. pp. 74 ff. 537.J.H.S. xxiv. pp. 70 ff., where I have shown that there is no distinction between s??a and t? ?s?a??a. 538.Theocrit. iv. 10. 539.Gym. 55 ?? ??? s???????s? d?aet?e?? t? p?d?a ?? ? ??t??? ??? t?? ??????. 540.All the evidence about Phaÿllus is collected and discussed in J.H.S. xxiv. l.c. 541.Fig. 65; cp. J.H.S. xxiv. p. 186. 542.This is clear from the proverb ???????a t?? at??a. 543.The bater is perhaps represented on a vase reproduced by Krause, Gym. ix. 23, as a small raised platform. We may remark that in this case the jump is a standing one and without halteres. 544.Pollux, iii. 151. The so-called measuring ropes and compasses have been shown by JÜthner to be merely boxing thongs and amenta. 545.?f. ???., 1883, 190. Roberts and Gardner, ii. 391, give the inscription ??(?)?e??? ????se? ?pa??et?? ???e?a t??de ?. 547.Gym. 55. Dr. JÜthner in his Antike TurngerÄthe, p. 11, identifies them, wrongly as I think, with the two early types. It is hard to see how either of these types could exercise the fingers. 548.“They lighten the jump, serving as a guide to the hands, and enabling the jumper to land firmly and evenly.” 549.Caelius Aurelianus, De morb. acut. et chron. v. 2, 38. Such sufferers are to be given “wax to mould, or manipuli, which athletes call halteres, to hold, and to move, either of wax or of wood, at first with only a little lead, afterwards gradually increased in weight.” 550.Plutarch, De musica, 1140; Paus. v. 17, 10. 551.For vase paintings representing jumpers in various positions vide J.H.S. xxiv. pp. 184 ff. 552.Inghirami, Mus. Chius. cxxv.; Krause, ix. c. 25. 553.J.H.S. xxiv. p. 187. 554.J.H.S. xxvii. p. 260. 555.J.H.S. xxiii. p. 288, Fig. 15. 556.Mr. George Rowdon, who formerly held the championship for the high jump, once gave me the following description of the method of using weights in the high jump: “The jumper starts about 14 yards from the posts, taking two-thirds of the distance with short, quick steps, scarcely swinging the weights at all, after which he takes one or two comparatively long, slow strides, swinging the bells together twice, and on the second swing taking off from the ground as the bells come to the front.” The weights used are usually 5 lb. dumb-bells or even heavier. The run for the long jump with such weights would be very similar, the chief difference being that while in the high jump the weights are thrown away at the moment of jumping, in the long jump they are retained. 557.J.H.S. xxiv. pp. 193, 194. 558.Anth. Pal. App. 297— p??t’ ?p? pe?t????ta p?da? p?d?se F?????? d?s?e?se? d’ ??at?? p??t’ ?p??e?p?????. The argument in the following passage is stated more fully in J.H.S. xxiv. pp. 77 ff., where the reader will find full references. 559.???es?a? ?p?? t? s??a. J.H.S. l.c. p. 71. 560.In Oribasius, vi. 14. 34, the passages from Antyllus and Galen are quoted. The chapter of Oribasius on exercises contains a variety of interesting quotations from earlier medical writers. 561.On this subject vide Ernst BrÜcke, The Human Figure, translated by William Anderson, pp. 115 ff. 562.For this chapter vide J.H.S. xxvii. 1-36, where full references will be found; and JÜthner’s Antike TurngerÄthe, pp. 18 ff. 563.References collected by JÜthner, pp. 19-21. 564.Dodwell, Tour through Greece, 1819, ii. p. 39. 565.Ol. x. 72; Isthm. i. 23. 566.Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, 70, 72; Kavvadias ???pt? t?? ??????? ????. 93; Salzmann, NÉcropole de Camiros, Pl. viii. 568.??s??da(?) ’ ??????e ????? F?(?)???? e?????? ????e?? ? ???ase ?efa?(?)??a? e?a?????. 569.JÜthner, pp. 28, 29; Figs. 21, 22, 23. 570.Paus. i. 35, 3. 571.Paus. vi. 19, 3. 572.Philostratus, Heroic. p. 291. 573.l.c. 574.Theb. vi. 675. 575.Im. i. 24 (Benndorf and Schenkl). Fully discussed in J.H.S. xxvii. 9; cp. JÜthner in Eranos Vindob. p. 317; Pernice in Jahrb., 1908, p. 95. 576.Cp. G. S. Robertson, “On throwing the Discos,” in Official Handbook of the Olympic Games, 1908, pp. 79-85. 577.vide p. 261. 578.This is the obvious meaning of ? t??a p???? in Pindar, Nem. vii. 70. 579.In Jahrb., 1908, pp. 95 ff., he enumerates Gerh. A. V. 22, Naples 3084, B.M. Vases, E. 256. On the B.M. vase we see a familiar type of a youth preparing to throw a javelin; the vase in Gerh. represents the same type, but left-handed, whether by accident or intention; the Naples vase is equally inconclusive. 580.Theb. vi. 679-712. 581.Vide Kietz, Diskoswurf, Munich, 1892. Six in Gaz. ArchÉolog. 1888, 291. JÜthner l.c. Chryssaphis, Bulletin du ComitÉ des Jeux Olympiques 1906, p. 57. Criticisms of these schemes will be found in J.H.S. l.c. 582.A full list of the vases and bronzes representing these two types is given in J.H.S. l.c. pp. 14-24. 583.J.H.S. l.c. p. 18. 584.No. 561. 585.No. 7412. Cp. r.-f. amphora, Munich, 374, published in Hoppin’s EuthymidÊs. 586.Philopseud. 18. 587.Dr. JÜthner deduces from these vases his theory of the Kreisschwung, an impossible method of throwing the diskos by whirling the arm right round, for a criticism of which vide J.H.S. l.c. p. 33. 588.Gerh. A. V. 260, Naples 3084, B. M. Vases, B. 361 (Fig. 77), and a lekythos in Boulogne (J.H.S. l.c. Fig. 22). 589.C.I.G. i. 2076. 590.Carm. i. 8, 10. 591.Anacharsis, 27. 592.Krause, Gym. p. 464, n. 9. 593.JÜthner, Antike TurngerÄthe, p. 37; J.H.S. xxvii. pp. 249-273. 594.De re equestri, viii. 10. 597.Lucian, Anacharsis, 32. 598.JÜthner, l.c., Figs. 34, 35, 36. JÜthner proves conclusively that the objects represented on the Panaetius kylix and elsewhere (Fig. 17) are not compasses, but amenta misdrawn. 599.Schliemann-Schuchardt (Eng. Trans.), Figs. 284, 285. 600.Anab. v. 2, 12. 601.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., ii. 520, 521, 522, 523. 602.For fuller details vide J.H.S. xxvii. p. 255. 603.Gym. 31, and JÜthner’s note, p. 249. 604.The lightness of the Greek javelin is illustrated by Xenophon. In the passage of the Ten Thousand through the mountainous territory of the Carduchi, the Greeks picked up the long arrows of the enemy, and, fitting thongs to them (??a??????te?), used them as javelins. By means of a thong it is possible to throw a dart too light to be thrown effectively by hand alone. Anab. iv. 2, 28. 605.Berlin Vas., 1805. 606.Ol. x. 71. 607.Vasen von d. Acrop. 590, Pl. xxvii. 608.Ceos, Sestos, Samos, Tralles, Larisa. Vide J.H.S. l.c. notes 21 and 53. 609.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., ii. 670, 671. 610.Nem. vii. 70; Isthm. ii. 35; Pyth. i. 44. 611.Lucian, Anacharsis, 27. 612.Meno 93 D; Leg. 834 D. 613.Hipparch. i. 6; De re equest. viii. 10. 614.Collignon, 1478; Millin, i. 45. Both vases are reproduced by P. Wolters, Zu griechischen Agonen (WÜrzburg Programm, 1901). 615.Epigram of Simonides on Diophon— ?s??a ?a? ????? ???f?? ? F?????? ????a ??a, p?d??e???, d?s???, ????ta, p????. Epigram quoted by Eustathius, Il. ? 621, p. 1320— ??a p?d?? d?s??? te ??? ?a? ????t?? ???? ?a? d???? ?de p???? ?a d’ ?p?et? p?s? te?e?t?. cp. Epigram of Lucilius, Anth. Pal. xi. 84; Philostratus, Gym. 3, 11, 31, 55; Artemidorus, Oneir. i. 55; and numerous scholia. 616.E.g. of the games at the court of Alcinous. No argument can be based on the accidental occurrence on vases of boxing together with some of the events of the pentathlon, e.g. Fig. 150. 617.Isthm. i. 26. 618.Three events, B.M. B. 134. Arch. Zeit., 1881, ix.; diskos and javelin, B.M. B. 142, Mus. Greg. xliii. 2 b; jump and javelin, Munich, 656; diskos, B.M. B. 136, 602, etc.; javelin, B.M. 605, etc. 619.J.H.S. xxiii. p. 60. 620.Aristot. Rhet. i. 5; cp. Plato, Amatores 135 D, E. 621.Phil. Gym. 3. 622.To the works enumerated by me in J.H.S. xxiii. pp. 55 ff., I may add K. E. Heinrich, Über das Pentathlon d. Gr., WÜrzburg, 1892; C. A. M. Fennell in Pindar: Isthm. and Nem. Odes, 1883; Ph. E. Legrand in Dar.-Sagl. s.c. “Quinquertium,” 1907. 623.Bacch. ix. 30-36 te?e?ta?a? ?????a p??a?; Hdt. ix. 33; Xen. Hellen. vii. 4. 29. 624.Vide p. 120. 625.The following are the orders given in the various lists:—
In 6 and 7 the order of the text is obviously reversed, and I have therefore reversed again. No. 9 is of very little value and may be disregarded. 626.Bacch. ix. 30-36; Pind. Nem. v. 72; Isthm. ii. 30. Little value can be attached to these passages or to the vases. 627.The system adopted by BÖckh, Hermann and Dissen. 628.This interpretation is, I am glad to find, adopted by Dr. JÜthner in his recent edition of Philostratus. 629.Schol. Aristid. Pan. p. 112 ??? ?t? p??t?? ?? p??ta???? p??ta ????s??? ???e? ??? a?t??? ?’ t?? ? p??? ?????. Plut. Symp. ix. 2 d?? t??? t??s?? ?spe? ?? p??ta???? pe??est? ?a? ????. 630.Bacchylides, l.c. 631.For a fuller treatment of this point vide J.H.S. xxiii. p. 63, and JÜthner, Philostratus, p. 207. The passage quoted by me from Philostratus on p. 65 n. 47, ?????eta? t? t?? t????, appears to be corrupt and cannot be used as evidence for speaking of t??a??? as applied to the three events of the pentathlon which secured victory, or the three events peculiar to the pentathlon, and JÜthner seems to me correct in his criticism that this use of the word is “mehr als unsicher.” 632.In J.H.S. xxiii. p. 65 I was mistaken in rejecting this conclusion. I cannot, however, accept as proved either Holwerda’s or Heinrich’s application of it. Holwerda in particular, like many of the Germans, attaches an altogether undue importance to wrestling, which was certainly not the most important of the five events. 633.Schol. Pindar, Nem. v. 49. 634.Aelian, Var. Hist. ii. 4. Cp. J.H.S. xxv. p. 19, n. 27. 635.vi. 4, 2. 636.J.H.S. l.c. p. 15. Freeman, Schools of Hellas, p. 130. 637.Ox. Pap. iii. 466. For a full discussion of it vide JÜthner, Philostratus, p. 26. With the papyrus may be compared a curious passage in Lucian’s Asinus, c. 9, and an epigram in Anth. Pal. xii. 206. The latter, like the passage in Lucian, is probably erotic. Such a metaphorical use of wrestling terms is common. Cp. Aristoph. Pax 895, Av. 442, and the expressions ??a?????p???, ?????p???. 638.Ol. Ins. 225, 226, 54; Paus. vi. 1, 2. 639.Hermotim. 40. 640.Ol. viii. 68; Pyth. viii. 81. 641.Ol. Ins. 164, 174. 642.Ib. 225, 226. 643.Anth. Pal. xi. 316. 644.Paus. vi. 11, 4. 645.Ol. Ins. 153. 646.Gym. 11; vide JÜthner’s note, p. 206. 647.Aethiop. iv. 2. 648.Philostrat. Vit. Soph. 225, perhaps a mistake for stada?a. 649.Vide JÜthner, Philostratus, p. 212. 650.Ib. pp. 206, 297. This place was called ????d???a, Aristoph. Ran. 904. Cp. Lucian, Anacharsis, 2, 28, 29. 651.Euripides, Bacchae, 455. 652.Krause, Gym. p. 541, n. 6. 653.J.H.S. xxv. 21. Cp. JÜthner, Philostratus, p. 212. 654.Anth. Plan. iii. 25; Anth. Pal. ix. 588. Cp. Aristoph. Eq. 571; Aeschylus, Suppl. 90. 655.Anth. Pal. xi. 316. 656.Agamemnon 63; Persae 914; Anth. Plan. iii. 24. 657.Collected in my article on the Pentathlon, J.H.S. xxiii. p. 63; cp. xxv. p. 26. JÜthner, Philostratus, 207. 658.“Luctator ter abjectus perdidit palmam.” Cp. Sophocles, Fr. 678. 659.J.H.S. xxv. 29. where I have somewhat understated the evidence for tripping. 660.796 A, B, discussed more fully op. cit. p. 27. 661.l. 26, s? ?at? t?? d?? p????, for the interpretation of which see JÜthner, p. 28. 662.Mus. Greg. i. 103. 663.Heliodorus, Aethiop. x. 31. 664.Homer, Il. xxiii. 712; Lucian, Anacharsis, 1; Philostrat. Vit. Soph. 225. 665.Plutarch, Symp. ii. 4, enumerates as wrestling terms s?st?se??, pa?a??se??, ???a?, pa?e??a?. JÜthner in his interesting account of the Oxyrhynchus Papyrus appears to deny this interpretation, but suggests no satisfactory alternative. 666.On the interior of this kylix the same group is repeated, but the moment is not quite the same. Cercyon appears to be trying to draw back. 667.Homolle, Fouilles de Delphes, iv. 76. 668.Anacharsis, 24. 669.A small ivory statuette of two boys wrestling, recently acquired by the British Museum, perhaps represents the moment of the turn. 670.Dar.-Sagl. 4624. 671.Phil. Gym. 35; Xen. Lac. Rep. 5, 9; Aristoph. Eq. 491. 672.Athenaeus xiii. p. 566. 673.Munich, 3; Gerh. A. V. 114. In J.H.S. xxv. I have dealt more fully with the fights of Heracles. 674.Schreiber, Atlas, xxiv. 10. 675.J.H.S. xxv. p. 280, d?a?a??e??, es?f??de??, es?f??d??, ?s?? ??e??; d?a?a??e?? means to clasp both hands round an opponent’s waist; pe??t????a? means rather to put one arm round an opponent as in taking a grip for the heave, but does not necessarily imply that the hands are clasped. Vide JÜthner, Philostratus, p. 28. 676.Vide J. H. S. xxv. pp. 281 ff., and Figs. 18, 19, 20. 677.For references see J.H.S. p. 283, n. 76. 678.Quintus iv. 215; Nonnus xxxvii. 553-601. For a brief account of these vide J.H.S. xxv. p. 25. 679.l. 25 s? a?t?? eta?? p?????? s? etaa???. 680.xxiv. 111. 681.Char. xxvii. 682.Fouilles de Delphes, iv. 46, 47. 683.Collection Philip, Paris, 1905, No. 484; de Ridder, Collection de Clercy, Paris, 1905, iii. 253, Pl. xli. 3. 684.Ocypus, 60. 685.Equites, 261-3; Demosthenes in Cononem, 8. For a full discussion of this passage and of the bronzes vide J.H.S. xxv. pp. 289-293. 686.Krause, Gym. 428. 687.Aelian, Var. Hist. xi. 688.Eustathius, Il. ii. p. 331, 18, 39. 689.Epigram on a Spartan by Damagetus, Anth. Plan. i. 1. 690.Quaest. Symp. ii. 5, 2. 691.For mythological references vide Krause, pp. 498 ff. 692.Philostr. Gym. 9, 12. 693.For a fuller account of this subject the reader is referred to the admirable chapter in Dr. JÜthner’s Antike TurngerÄthe, pp. 66-95, where he will find full references both literary and monumental. 694.Paus. vi. 23, 4; viii. 40, 3. Plato, Leg. viii. 830 B. 695.Ant. Turn. p. 67. 696.Plato, Theaet. 27. Krause, p. 323, distinguishes two games, one described as d?e???st??da or d?? ??a?? pa??e??, a tug-of-war between teams, the other called s??pe?da or ????st??da, a game in which two youths tried to lift one another off the ground by means of a rope passed through a hole in a pillar. Roulez was the first to suggest this explanation of the thongs shown on vases. His explanation is adopted in a recent article on a fine r.-f. kylix representing wrestling and boxing scenes, Pl. xxxv. in the Transactions of the University of Pennsylvania, 1907, p. 140. 697.Op. cit. p. 69. 698.Gym. 10 ?p??st? d? ? ???a?a p??? t?? t??p?? t??t??? ?? st??f??? ?? t?tta?e? t?? da?t???? ??e?????t? ?a? ?pe??a???? t?? st??f??? t?s??t?? ?s??, e? s???????t?, p?? e??a?, s??e????t? d? ?p? se???? ?? ?a??pe? ??e?sa ?????t? ?? t?? p??e??. Cp. Paus. viii. 40, 3. 699.Sometimes the thongs are drawn only on the hand, sometimes only on the wrist, sometimes they are completely wanting. This is probably due to nothing but carelessness, but in some cases these lines, which were usually painted in after the rest of the figure was finished, may have simply worn off. 700.JÜthner, Fig. 59. 701.JÜthner, Fig. 66. 702.JÜthner, p. 79, Figs. 62-64. 703.Gym. 10. 704.Plutarch, Mor. 825 E. 705.JÜthner, Fig. 68. Helbig, 619. 706.Cp. Inschr. v. Priene, 112, l. 91, where mention is made of boxing ?? e?as?. 707.The word ????e?, which is used by the epigrammatists (Anth. Pal. xi. 78), appears to be merely a humorous designation of these weapons, but to have no special significance. 708.JÜthner, pp. 87 ff., Figs. 69-74; cp. Hans Lucas, Jahrbuch, 1904, pp. 127-136. 709.JÜthner, Fig. 61, pp. 75, 76. 710.R. M. Burrows, Discoveries in Crete, p. 35. As far as the athletic argument is concerned, the connexion which Professor Burrows suggests between Crete and Central Europe and Etruria appears to me entirely without foundation. 711.Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, passim. 712.Tunis, ii. 30. 713.Mon. d. I. XI. Pl. 25. 714.Athenaeus quotes Poseidonius as saying that the Celts were addicted to fights with arms, wounding and even killing one another. ?? ??? t??? ?p???? ??e????te? s??aa???s? ?a? p??? ???????? ?????e??????ta?, Athen. 154 A. 715.Rambles in Greece, 2nd Ed., p. 314. There is no foundation at all for his description of the meilichai as weights held in the hand and fastened by thongs. 716.xxii. 93. 717.Dion Chrysostom, Orat. 29. 718.JÜthner, p. 71. 720.Paus. viii. 40, 3. 721.Gym. 10, 23. 722.Benndorf, Gr. Sic. Vasenb. xxxi. 2; Gerhard, A.V. 177 (= Munich 584); Le MusÉe, ii. p. 276, Fig. 24 (b.-f. vase at Boulogne). Other examples of a blow with the left hand are: a Fragment in the Louvre (Hartwig, Meisterschalen, Fig. 31); Mus. Greg. ii. 17 (very similar to B.M. B. 271); Krause, Gym. xviii. d. 66 f.; Brussels 336. In the Benndorf vase and some others the blow seems to be somewhat downward, which is probably due to the fact that the opponent is in the act of falling. 723.Gorgias, 516 A; Protag. 342 B; cp. Theocritus xxii. 45. For full references vide Krause, Gym. pp. 516, 517, and J.H.S. xxvi. p. 13. 724.Philostratus, Heroic. 180 t? d? ?ta ?atea??? ?? ??? ?p? p????. 725.Theb. vi. 731-825. 726.Gym. 34 p??s??a? ta?? t?? ??t?p???? ???a?? ????? ?a? e????t?? t? p??s??t?. Cp. c. 11 ? p??t?? t????seta? ?a? t??se? ?a? p??s?seta? ta?? ???a??. To p??s??a? I have given the somewhat wider sense of “advancing” or “lunging” which is undoubtedly implied in the following words, ???t???te??? t? s??a t?? p??te???t?? ?? ? s?a???s?? ?? ????. The addition of the words ta?? t?? ??t?p???? ???a?? is a difficulty. There can be no question of “kicking” which was certainly not allowed in boxing, nor are any of the vases quoted by JÜthner in his note on the passage appropriate. The words can only mean “advancing against an opponent’s shins.” Shoving an opponent backwards in this way may occur in “in-fighting,” in which case his only remedy is “slipping.” But the tactics are not particularly effective, and shoving is not allowed in modern boxing. I have a suspicion that Philostratus was very vague in his ideas about boxing. As JÜthner has shown in his recent edition, Philostratus was a rhetorician, not a practical athlete, and he owed his athletic knowledge to some technical treatise on gymnastics, which he did not always quite understand. 727.Bacchylides i. 728.Dion. Orat. xxix.; cp. Eustath. Il. ? 1322, 1324. Eusebius, Histor. Syn. p. 350, quoted in Krause, p. 510. 729.ii. 25-97. 730.Symp. ii. 4. 732.Pausanias viii. 40. 733.Paus. vi. 9, 6; Pindar, Ol. v. 34 Schol. 734.Krause, p. 517. 735.Fabretti, De Columna Trajani, p. 267. The evidence for these lappets is all late, but the caps belong to the fifth century B.C. 736.Aristotle, Nic. Eth. iii. 1; Plato, I. Alcib. 107 E. For further references vide Krause, p. 510, and J.H.S. xxvi. p. 14. 737.Plato, Legg. viii. 830 C. 738.Paus. vi. 10, 1. 740.Theocritus, iv. 10. 741.J.H.S. xxvi. pp. 4-22. 742.Im. ii. 6. 743.Heracles, according to Bacchylides, xiii., first employed the art of the pankration against the Nemean lion; according to another tradition, Theseus employed it against the Minotaur. 744.Paus. vi. 6, 5; 15, 5; Artemidor. Oneir. i. 64. 745.Im. ii. 6. 746.Aves, 442; Pax, 899. 747.J.H.S. xxvi. p. 14. 748.Phil. Gym. 36. I do not agree with JÜthner’s division of the text. He makes the account of ?? ?? ???? e????? the beginning of the classification of athletic types which follows. Kayser rightly connected it with the account of wrestling and the pankration which preceded. 749.Anacharsis, 1. 750.J.H.S. xxv. pp. 283 ff., Figs. 19, 20. 751.Gym. 36. 752.Heroic. 53, 54. The word pte????e?? is used in the LXX. of Jacob supplanting Esau (Gen. xxvii. 36, cp. xxv. 26). J.H.S. xxvi. 20. 753.lxxi. 7. 754.Alc. 2; Apophthegm. Lac. 234 D, 44. 755.xxii. 66. 756.???t?ept. ?p? t???a?, 36. 757.Lucian, Anachars. 9; Aristoph. Eq. 273, 454; Pollux, iii. 150. 758.Paus. vi. 4, 2. 759.J.H.S. xxvi. 15. 760.Lucian, Anachars. 31. 761.From Lucian’s Asinus we gather that knee wrestling (t? ?p? ????t??) was systematically taught in the palaestra. Cp. Aristoph. Pax, 895. 762.Legg. 795, 834. 763.Nem. iii. 29; Isthm. v. 60. 764.J.H.S. xxv. 30, xxvi. 19. 765.Aeth. x. 31, 32. 766.Phil. Im. ii. 6; Paus. viii. 40, 2. 767.Many of them are discussed in my articles in the J.H.S. xxv., xxvi. Cp. Grasberger, 349-374; Krause, 400-438, 534-556. 768.B.S.A. xiii. pp. 174 ff. 769.The four-horse chariot occurs on coins of Agrigentum, Camarina, Catana, Eryx, Gela, Himera, Leontini, Panormus, Segesta, Syracuse; the two-horse chariot on coins of Messana; the mule car on coins of Rhegium and Messana; numerous riding types on coins of Tarentum. In the early coinage of Syracuse the tetradrachm bears a four-horse chariot, the didrachm a horseman leading another horse, the drachma a horseman, and the obol a chariot-wheel. Vide Hill, Coins of Sicily, pp. 43-46 and passim. 770.Gerh. A.V. 267. 771.Mus. Greg. ii. xxii. 1 A. 772.In Roman times both stadium and hippodrome merge into the circus. The hippodrome at Constantinople is a purely Roman structure and does not concern us; so is the hippodrome at Pessinus (Texier, Asie Mineure, Pl. lxii.). 773.Paus. viii. 38, 5; ExpÉdition en MorÉe, ii. p. 37, Pls. xxxiii. 774.Paus. vi. 16, 4; Plut. Sol. 23; Photius, p. 296. 775.Paus. vi. 20. Many of the details are much disputed. I have followed in the main the account given by A. Martin in Dar.-Sagl. s.v. “Hippodrome.” 776.Quoted in Dar.-Sagl., s.v. “Olympia,” p. 177, n. 5; cp. Frazer, Pausanias, v. p. 616, and Schoene in Jahrb. xii. p. 150. Schoene’s conclusions as to the distances of the races seem to me quite impossibly long. 777.Martin’s statement that the part of the aphesis near the base was open, and the apex covered in, is hardly warranted by the words of Pausanias, and seems improbable. 778.Alcibiades on one occasion entered no less than seven chariots of his own. Thuc. vi. 16, 2. 779.Ervinus Pollack, Hippodromika. Leipsic, 1890. 780.It can hardly have been as fair; for the outside chariots had the enormous advantage of a flying start. I conjecture, however, that the chariots did not really start racing till they were all in line, and that the object of the aphesis was partly to facilitate the getting them into line, no easy matter with a large field. 781.Sophocles, El. 709. 782.Pindar, Ol. ii. 50, iii. 33, vi. 75; Pyth. v. 30. The passages referring to the measurements are collected by Pollack, op. cit. pp. 103 ff. 783.Paus. vi. 13, 9. 784.J.H.S. xix. p. 8. B.M. Guide to Greek and Roman Life, p. 200. 785.In the catalogue this instrument is described as a ?a?a????, but I can find no authority for this use of the word. 786.Paus. v. 5, 2. 787.Munich, 805; Schreiber, Atlas, xxiv. 9. 788.The Horsemen of Tarentum, passim. 789.Paus. vi. 2, 1. 790.Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ii. 222. 791.Paus. vi. 2, 8. 792.M. A. Bayfield in Class. Rev. xxii. p. 45. 793.Gerh. A.V. 267. 794.Hill, Coins of Sicily, p. 63. 795.Od. iv. 605. 796.Hdt. vi. 126. Cp. Eur. Andromache, 599. 797.Eur. Hipp. 229; Hec. 207. 798.Paus. v. 15, 8; vi. 21, 2. 799.Aristoph. Av. 141; Antiphon, Tetr. ii. 800.Axioch. 366 C, 367 A. 801.Xen. Rep. Ath. 2, 10. 802.E.g. Taureas (Plato, Charm. 153), Timagetus (Theocrit. ii. 8), Sibyrtius (Plut. Alcib. 3), Hippocrates (Plut. Vit. dec. or. 837), Timeas and Antigonus in second century (I.G. ii. 444, 445, 446). Cp. Staseas at Delos (B.C.H., 1891, p. 255). 803.M. FougÈres (Dar.-Sagl., s.v. “Gymnasium”) considers the earliest gymnasium to be that of Messene, which he identifies with the colonnade surrounding the sphendone of what is usually considered to be the stadium. The identification and the date of the building must be regarded as very doubtful in the absence of more systematic excavation. 804.ii. 10. 805.Plato, Euthydemus. 806.Phaedr. 227 A. 807.Theaetet. 144 C; Aristoph. Nub. 1005. 809.Gerh. A. V. 272, 294. 810.Hartwig, Meisterschal. liii.; Freeman, Schools of Hellas, Pl. x. 811.The hare was frequently offered as a present. Gerh. A. V. 275, 276, 280, 290. 812.Demosth. in Timocr. 114. 813.Plato, Theaet. 144 C. 814.Mus. Greg. i. 37: Schreiber, Atlas, xxiii. 9. 815.Helbig, FÜhrer, p. 388. 816.Hdt. iv. 75; Aristoph. Eq. 1060; Nub. 835, 991, 1045. 817.Plato, Legg. vi. 761. 818.Roulez, Vases peints du MusÉe de Leyde, Pl. 19. A similar scene in a woman’s bath occurs on a b.-f. amphora in Berlin 1843. Vide Schreiber, Atlas, xxi. 9, lvii. 4. 819.Aristoph. Ran. 710. 820.Tischbein, i. 58; Schreiber, Atlas, xxiii. 3. 821.Dar.-Sagl., Fig. 747; Schreiber, Atlas, lvii. 5. 822.Homolle, B.C.H., 1899, pp. 560 ff. 823.The purchase of a pick (s?afe???) and rollers (t?????e?a?) for the palaestra is mentioned in the Delian accounts for 279 B.C., B.C.H., 1890, p. 397, ll. 98, 99; cp. p. 488 note 2, for similar purchases in other years. 824.Similarly in Ath. Mitth. v. 232 t? p???at????? ?a? t? ????sa; Lebas Waddington, Inscr. As. Min. 1112 ???t???a ?a? ????sa. The open court for exercise was an essential part of every bath. The ????sa must not be confused with the konisterion or powdering-room of Vitruvius. 825.Plato, Theaet. 146 A, and Schol. on the same. The game of bouncing the ball on the ground was called ?p???a???. 826.Char. xxi. a???d??? pa?a?st??a??? ????? ???? ?a? sfa???st?????. This palaestra he lends to philosophers, sophists, fencing-masters (?p??a???) and musicians for their displays, at which he will himself appear on the scene rather late in order that the spectators may say one to another, “This is the owner of the palaestra.” 827.Athen. i. 34, p. 19 A. 828.Ol. Text. ii. pp. 113, 127. 829.Overbeck, Pompeii, 4th Ed., p. 219. 830.For the sake of uniformity I have kept the Greek spelling of the names of different rooms instead of the Latin forms actually used in Vitruvius. 831.For references to the numerous inscriptions connected with the provision of oil vide Dar.-Sagl., s.vv. “Gymnasiarchia,” p. 1682, “Gymnasium,” p. 1689. 832.In inscriptions we find mention of a special room called ??e?pt?????, which is sometimes used as synonymous with palaestra or gymnasium, just as ?? ??e?f?e???? is equivalent to ?? ???a??e???. Vide Hermes, vii. 42; C.I.G. 2782, l. 25; B.C.H. xii. p. 326. 833.Phil. Gym. 58. I am pleased to find the explanation of ???a???fe?? given above, which had occurred to me independently, anticipated and confirmed by JÜthner in his recent edition of Philostratus. The word occurs in a decree of Solon quoted by Aeschines. Galen defines it as rubbing with pure oil as opposed to ??t???s?a?, rubbing with oil mixed with water. But this distinction can hardly be ascribed to Solon or to the Spartans. The latter appear to have used a primitive kind of sweating-bath in the open air (Strabo, iii. 3, 6), and the rubbing connected with such a bath might well be described as ???a???fe?? in contrast with the rubbing usual in other parts of Greece, which was associated with bathing or washing in water. JÜthner, pp. 181, 182. 834.Lucian, Anachars. 2, 29. 835.Philostr. Gym. 56. 836.Priene, pp. 265 ff. 837.Priene Inschriften, 112. The authors date the inscription after 84 B.C. 838.Ath. Mitth. xxix. pp. 121 ff., xxxii. pp. 190 ff., xxxiii. pp. 327 ff. 839.Op. cit. xxix. p. 158. 840.Op. cit. xxxii. p. 273, 10. 841.Op. cit. xxxii. p. 257, 8. 842.For the Gymnasiarchia vide the article by G. Glotz in Dar.-Sagl., where a full bibliography of the subject and copious references to inscriptions are given. For the Gymnasiarchia at Athens vide also Freeman’s Schools of Hellas, p. 155. 843.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 522. 844.I. G. xiv. 256. 845.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 523. 846.Th. Reinach, Rec. des Études gr. vi. p. 164, n. 847.I. G. xiv. 422? 848.Aeschines in Timarch. 10; Aristoph. Nub. 973; Eq. 1238. 849.Athen. 584 C. 850.Antiphon. Tetr. ii. 851.Ditt. Syll. 2nd Ed., 523. 852.Isocr. ?e?? ??t?d?se??, 181-185. 853.Plato, Rep. 406. 854.Philostr. Gym. 14; Galen, De San. ii. 86, 90. 855.The word first occurs in Xenophon, Mem. ii. 1, 20. But the fact that it does not occur in literature earlier is no proof that it was not in use; for the cognate words ??????a? and ????s??? were in use at a much earlier date. 856.Pindar, Ol. viii.; Nem. iv., vi. 857.Pindar, Nem. v. 858.Xenophon, Mem. l.c.; Aristotle, Pol. 1338 b. 859.l.c. 860.Plato, Protag. 313 E. 861.Plato, De virtute, 378 E.; Amator. 134 E. 862.Pol. 1288 b. 863.The account of the paidotribes and gymnastes was written before I had read JÜthner’s learned discussion of the subject in the introduction to his Philostratus, but I see no reason to alter my views. JÜthner regards the gymnastes as from the first “the professor of physical culture,” but himself inadvertently applies the term to Pindar’s Melesias (p. 22), who was merely a teacher of boxing. Further JÜthner seems to me vastly to overrate the value of the medical gymnastics and the science of health based on the teaching of Herodicus of Selymbria. 864.Nic. Eth. ii. 6, 7. 865.Bacch. iii. 3, 24. 866.Isocrates, l.c. 869.Athen. 631 B. 870.Plato, Legg. 689 D. 871.Paus. ii. 35, 1. 872.Vide three papers in the J.H.S. by Prof. Percy Gardner, vol. ii. p. 90 and p. 315, vol. xi. p. 146. 873.De San. Tu. ii. 8-11. Oribasius, vi. 14.
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