[1] iii.¹, 552.

[2] See also the long treatise, de conscribendis epistolis, i., 341-483.

[3] iii.², 1821.

[4] i., 787-810.

[5] Bibliotheca Erasmiana; Repertoire des oeuvres d'Érasme. Ghent, 1893.

[6] Bibliotheca Erasmiana; Bibliographie des oeuvres d'Érasme. Ghent, 1897.

[7] Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami opera omnia, emendatiora et auctiora, etc., ed. Johannes Clericus (Jean Leclerc), 10 vols., folio. Leyden, 1703-1706.

[8] Horawitz, Adalbert, Erasmiana; in Sitzungsberichte der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften. Vienna, 1878-1885. Text and documents. Ueber die Colloquia des Erasmus; in Raumer's Historisches Taschenbuch. 1887.

[9] Vischer, Wilhelm, Erasmiana. Basel, 1876.

[10] Fruin, R., Erasmiana; in Bijdragen voor vaderlandsche geschiedenis en ouheidkunde, new series, x., 1880; 3d series, i., 1882.

[11] Jean Leclerc, Vie d'Érasme tirÉe de ses lettres, etc., in BibliothÈque choisie. Amsterdam, 1703 sqq., vols. i., v., vi., viii.

[12] Drummond, Robert B., Erasmus, his Life and Character as shown in his Correspondence and Works. 2 vols. London, 1873.

[13] Durand de Laur, H., Érasme, prÉcurseur et initiateur de l'esprit moderne. 2 vols. Paris, 1872.

[14] Froude, James Anthony, Life and Letters of Erasmus; lectures delivered at Oxford, 1893-94. London and New York, 1894.

[15] Knight, Samuel, The Life of Erasmus. Cambridge, 1726. With many valuable documents.

[16] iii.¹, 582-C.

[17] I quite agree with Dr. A. Richter, Erasmus-Studien, 1891, that Erasmus cannot be accused of any contempt for the vulgar tongues or any lack of sympathy with common human life, but I do not find his arguments for a thorough command of any modern language altogether convincing. That he could speak French enough for travelling purposes and write it, as he says himself, "badly," is probable.

[18] The careful inquiry of Dr. Richter into the birth-year of Erasmus attempts to fix the year 1466 as the correct date, but rather succeeds in showing the hopeless confusion of our material, and the evident ignorance and indifference of Erasmus himself on the subject.

[19] A papal brief of the year 1517, found recently at Basel, is endorsed: Dilecto filio Erasmo Rogerii Roterodamensi clerico. The editor, W. Vischer, believes, on this evidence, that the family name of our scholar was Roger and his baptismal name Erasmus. He thinks it probable that Erasmus had been more frank in his statements to the Pope than he usually cared to be and had given his true name in the petition to which this brief is the answer.

[20] H. KÄmmel, "Erasmus in Deventer," in Neue JahrbÜcher fÜr Philologie und Paedagogik, 1874, Bd. 110, p. 305, quotes from Wm. Bates, an English editor of Erasmus' Compendium VitÆ in 1687, the desperate conjecture that this phrase refers to some manual prepared by the father of Erasmus! I suspect—assuming that we have a correct text—that the reference is to some forgotten Latin phrase-book, beginning perhaps with the words "pater meus." "Tempora" can hardly refer to anything but the tenses of the grammar.

[21] See in ii., 166, 167, the adage, "quid cani et balneo."

[22] Compare page 27.

[23] On the question of the value of Erasmus' letter see note to p. 223.

[24] iii.¹, 1024.

[25] iii.²; 1529-D.

[26] It was at the same time that he received from the bishop of Utrecht ordination as priest. Strictly speaking, this ordination was uncanonical, on account of his defect of birth, but we have no reason to think that it caused him or anyone else any scruples until many years afterward, when the point is distinctly covered in a papal dispensation of 1517.—W. Vischer, Erasmiana, pp. 26, 27.

[27] Car. Jourdain, Index chronologicus chartarum Universitatis Parisiensis, 1862, p. 301, n. I cannot quite adopt Mr. Rashdall's rendering that Master Standonch "took rich boarders and made them support the 'Pauperes.'" H. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, i., 512, n.

[28] Colloquia Fam., i., 806.

[29] Gargantua, i., 37. See also H. SchÖnfeld, "Rabelais and Erasmus," in Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, viii. 1.

[30] iii.¹, 18-B.

[31] iii.¹, 13.

[32] iii.¹, 27-F.

[33] iii.¹, 5.

[34] iii.¹, 6.

[35] iii.¹, 46.

[36] iii.¹, 86.

[37] iii.¹, 83.

[38] iii.², 1837. The approximate date is fixed by a reference to the death of the Bishop of BesanÇon, Francis Busleiden, on the twenty-third of August, 1502, in whom Erasmus says he had the highest hopes.

[39] Third ed., 1887.

[40] iii.¹, 12.

[41] iii.¹, 41.

[42] iii.¹, 451.

[43] iii.¹, 42-F.

[44] The Life of Sir Thomas More, by his great-grandson, Cresacre More, 1828, p. 93. This life is largely made up from earlier sources.

[45] The earliest known letter of Erasmus to More (iii.¹, 55), a mere note, bears date Oxford, Oct. 28, 1499. It refers to former correspondence, and Mr. Seebohm, anxious to save the anecdote of the dinner, is inclined to imagine an even earlier date and, of course, a place other than Oxford. My impression is that the date is correct, that Erasmus heard of More first at Oxford, then began to correspond with him, and out of this correspondence saved only the little note in question.

[46] In Catalogus omnium Erasmi Rot. lucubrationum ipso autore. Basil, 1524, i., ad init.

[47] iii.¹, 56.

[48] Ep. ad Coletum, v., 1263-1264.

[49] Catalogus lucubrationum, op. i.

[50] Catalogus lucubrationum, i.

[51] ii., ad init.

[52] iii.¹, 57.

[53] See p. 48 & ff.

[54] Catalogus lucubrationum, i.

[55] v., 20-D.

[56] v., 23-A.

[57] v., 26-D.

[58] v., 31-D.

[59] v., 36-A.

[60] v., 40-D.

[61] Horace, Epp., i., 6, 36. Conington's translation.

[62] v., 44-A.

[63] v., 47-D.

[64] iii.¹, 337.

[65] iv., 529-F.

[66] iv., 550.

[67] P. de Nolhac, Érasme en Italie, Étude sur un Épisode de la Renaissance, avec douze lettres inÉdites d'Érasme, 1888.

[68] Carmen equestre vel potius Alpestre, iv., 755.

[69] See page 226.

[70] See the diploma in W. Vischer, Erasmiana, Basel, 1876.

[71] iii.², 1397.

[72] See Introduction.

[73] In another place he says that he changed his dress in Italy to conform to the custom of the country, iii., 1527.

[74] Beatus Rhenanus, in his brief summary of Erasmus' life, says: "With the exception of the rudiments, he may truly be said to have been self-taught. For the journey into Italy ... was undertaken for the sake of visiting that famous land, not to take advantage of the professors there. At Bologna he heard no one of the public lecturers, but, satisfied with the friendship of Paulus Bombasius ... he devoted himself to his studies at home."

[75] Nolhac, Érasme en Italie, Ep. i.

[76] See the adage Festina lente, ii., 405, B-D.

[77] It seems quite clear that Erasmus was a victim to what is now known as the "uric acid or gouty diathesis," a condition much more likely to be produced by high living and heavy drinking than by any such experience as he describes in the Opulentia sordida.

[78] ii., 554.

[79] There seems to be no sufficient reason to accept, as Drummond does, a previous trip of Erasmus to Rome during his residence at Bologna.

[80] i., 993, 994.

[81] iii.², 1375 A-D.

[82] iv., 405-503.

[83] Epistola apologetica ad Martinum Dorpium Theologum, ix., 1.

[84] He says elsewhere that More was the cause (auctor) of his writing the book. iii.¹, 474-D.

[85] iii.¹, 7-E.

[86] iii.², 1840-E. The letter, 1839-E, from Henry as king, used by Mr. Froude at this point to show how urgently Erasmus had been invited to England, belongs probably many years afterwards.

[87] iii.¹, 7-E.

[88] Knight's Life of Erasmus, p. 155, note a.

[89] Knight, Appendix, xl., and Vischer's Erasmiana, 1876, pp. 8-15.

[90] iii.¹, 122-B.

[91] For example, by Mr. Mullinger in his History of the University of Cambridge, p. 50 & ff.

[92] De duplici copia verborum et rerum.

[93] iii., 107-E. It really seems a little too much to place this begging letter, as Mr. Drummond does, in 1512, after Erasmus had received his pension from Warham.

[94] vi., ad init.

[95] C. R. Gregory, Prolegomena to Tischendorf's New Testament, i., 207-210.

[96] Catalogus lucubrationum, i.

[97] i., pp. 1-110.

[98] i., 774-787.

[99] Modus orandi Deum, v., 1119-F.

[100] iii.¹, 137.

[101] iii.², 1528-A.

[102] If this means anything, it must mean without fees from students, for, supposing Erasmus to have held the Lady Margaret foundation, there was certainly a salary attached to his position.

[103] It is quite possible that the famous Grunnius letter, asking the papal dispensation from the monastic dress, was despatched to Rome at the same time that this letter to Servatius was written from the castle of Ham. The interesting manuscript discoveries of Professor Vischer of Basel[A] have led the learned finder to take a step beyond my suggestion of a strong resemblance between the form of this letter and that of the later Colloquies (see p. 5). He goes so far as to believe that both the letter and the reply to it were a deliberate fabrication of Erasmus after the whole matter of the dispensation had been settled. Its object was, he thinks, to cover up the traces of a previous negotiation with the papacy carried on through Ammonius and intended to free Erasmus once for all from any danger of being forced back again into the monastic life. Vischer's documents give us indeed a very satisfactory explanation of some of the mysterious allusions in the correspondence with Ammonius in 1516 and 1517. They show us plainly that Ammonius, who is here described by the pope as a papal "Collector," was not only the mediator in Erasmus' behalf, but was the papal agent in granting the dispensation issued in 1517. All this, however, does not make it even reasonably clear that the Grunnius letters were a pure fabrication. With all his shiftiness Erasmus would hardly have gone as far as that. These letters still remain, as to their date and precise interpretation, as mysterious as ever; and their value as history is not increased. Vischer's view that the especial occasion for Erasmus' anxiety about the dispensation was the tumult roused by his New Testament is a reasonable one.

[A] Vischer, W., Erasmiana. Basel, 1876.

[104] iii.¹, 141-C.

[105] iii., 1053-E.

[106] iii.¹, 154-C.

[107] iii.¹, 154-B.

[108] iii.¹, 144-B.

[109] iii.¹, 371-C.

[110] iii.¹, 353-D.

[111] iii.¹, 137-D. Leclerc's date, 1514, is probably incorrect.

[112] iii.¹, 169-A.

[113] iii., 185.

[114] iii.¹, 794.

[115] iii.¹, 874-F.

[116] iii.¹, 1009-F.

[117] iv., 593-612.

[118] iv., 593-594.

[119] iii., 137 E-F.

[120] iii., 353-A.

[121] iii.¹, 343-E.

[122] i., 423-D.

[123] iii.¹, 444-D

[124] This is Leclerc's date. Stichart prefers Dec. 18, 1517.

[125] iii.¹, 436.

[126] iii.¹, 490.

[127] vii., 969.

[128] iii., 513-D.

[129] iii.¹, 514-A.

[130] The reference is to a celebrated fraud perpetrated by the Dominicans of Bern to demonstrate their superiority over their Franciscan rivals. The fraud was detected and the ringleaders were burned alive, 1509.

[131] iii.¹, 665-B.

[132] iii.¹, 537.

[133] iii.¹, 538-C.

[134] iii.¹, 431.

[135] Karl Hartfelder, "Friedrich der Weise von Sachsen und D. Erasmus," in Zeitschrift fÜr vergleichende Literaturgeschichte, etc., N. F., iv., 1891.

[136] Friedrichs des Weisen Leben und Zeitgeschichte, von G. Spalatin, Jena, 1851, p. 164.

[137] Walch, Luther's Werke, xxii., 1623-4.

[138] iii.¹, 484.

[139] Albrecht DÜrer's Tagebuch der Reise in die Niederlande. Ed. Fr. Leitschuh, 1884, pp. 83, 84.

[140] iii.¹, 651-C.

[141] iii.¹, 748.

[142] iii.¹, 472.

[143] Hutteni opera, ed. BÖcking, 1859, i., 367.

[144] iii., 817-B.

[145] iii.¹, 790. Also in Hutteni opera, ed. BÖcking, ii., 178.

[146] Hutteni opera, ii., 180.

[147] Expostulatio, § 180.

[148] Spongia, § 274, x., 1660-E, and Hutteni opera, ii., 306.

[149] Spongia, § 176, x., 1650-B, and Hutteni opera, ii., 291.

[150] iii.¹, 793, 804.

[151] iii.¹, 844.

[152] De libero arbitrio ??at??? sive collatio, ix., 1215-1247.

[153] In a letter to Aloisius Marlianus (iii.¹, 545-C), Erasmus says: "I know that everything ought to be borne rather than that the public order should be disturbed; I know it is the part of piety sometimes to hide the truth, and that the truth ought not to be put forth in every place, nor at every time, nor in every presence, nor in every way, nor always in its entirety."

[154] ix., 1241-F.

[155] ix., 1243-B.

[156] ix., 1244-A.

[157] ix., 1246-B.

[158] Walch, Luther's Werke, xviii., 2049. An English translation by Henry Cole. London, 1823.

[159] iii.¹, 783-E.

[160] Ranke, History of Germany, bk. iii., ch. iv.

[161] ix., 1064-1066.

[162] iii., 1274-1277.

[163] iii.¹, 941-A.

[164] iii.¹, 1028-A.

[165] iii.¹, 917, D-F.

[166] Adalbert Horawitz, Ueber die Colloquia des Erasmus von Rotterdam; in Raumer's Historisches Taschenbuch, 1887, pp. 53-121.

[167] i., 627.

[168] Luther's Werke, ed. Walch, xxii., 1612-1630.

[169] vii., ad init.

[170] iii.², 1713-F.

[171] iii.¹, 884.

[172] iii.², 1132, 1133.

[173] iii.², 1189-F.

[174] iii.², 1206. We are fairly well informed as to Berquin through French sources, quoted, for example, by H. M. Baird, History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France, 1879, i., 130. The account of Erasmus agrees strikingly with these other sources, but it seems a little too much to reproduce it with all its literary decoration as a history of Berquin's trial, as is done by Mr. Drummond and in Haag, France Protestante, s. v.

[175] Desiderii Erasmi Declarationes ad Censuras Lutetiae, etc., IX., 813-954.

[176] iii.², 1168-D.

[177] v., 646-D.

[178] v., 651-F.

[179] v., 724-A.

[180] iii.¹, 845-E.

[181] Virginis et Martyris Comparatio, v., 589-600.

[182] See p. 20.

[183] v., 1099-1132.

[184] v., 1122-F.

[185] i., ad init. Epitaphia in Laudem Erasmi.

[186] iii.², 1128.

[187] iii.², 1299-B-D.

[188] iii.², 1303-A.

[189] iii.², 1426-E.

[190] iii.², 1418-D.

[191] iii.², 1419-F.

[192] Apophthegmata lepideque dicta principum, philosophorum ac diversi generis hominum, etc., iv., 93-380.

[193] Liber quomodo se quisque debeat prÆparare ad mortem, v., 1293-1318.

[194] F. H. Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen BÜcher, 1883, i., 347-355.

[195] iii.², 1511-C.

[196] Adalbert Horawitz, Erasmiana; in Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, xcv., 608.