---

July 30th. Ge??s??? ?t??p???t?? ???????? for 20 purses of money bought the patriarch’s place. Dionysius, Drista, etc., fled to the French Embassadores.

The Turkes at Biram, and at all victoryes and births of the princes, make great mirth. It happen’d the Sultana was deliver’d of a second son this last Ramas, Decemb. 1673. The mirth was put of till the Biram, and then it was doubled; all were mad for 3 nights and three dayes, every shop open and drest up with laurell flowers, etc., many candle machines with pretty figures, puppet playes, dancing, etc.; the Janisary’s chambers was the finest sight. Almost in every shop was 1, 2, or more of these old mysticall figures of health. Whether it is of any meaning among them, or only taken up by chance, I could not be informed. In many of them was a sphere of 2 or three circles; if it signify anything of antient superstition, it must be endlesse or everlasting health.

1674.

Jan. 6th. Usually about 12 tide, beastly boisterous weather; few vessels at sea. 20th, we were kindly entertained at the Dervises; they play’d to us; the old supravisor beat the Tambur (the antient Tympanum); their tones were very passionate; the rest devoutly attentive. Many of them have a great 6 or 8 square Agat (with a hole in the middle) at their girdle. He (whome I ask’t about it) told me that stone foretold the sicknesse of their friends by growing pale on the edges, and their death by growing pale towards the hole in the middle; he said it sweats against poison, etc. I remember two Kalenderis aboard the Viner had each such a one; they had the caps of a wandring Dervise, but in all things else like the habit of the Kalenderi, in Mr. Ricaut, he makes them Santons, but in good earnest they are meer Tomes of Bedlam. One had a horne tyed about his shoulders (like a wild goates, but longer); he blew it like our sow gelders, high to low. He had a great hand jar, a terrible crab-tree truncheon, a leather kind of petticoat about his middle, naked above and beneath. It was then in May or June. He had a course Arnout Jamurluck.[239] He drank wine (like a fish water) which we gave him to blow his horne.

Mart. 26, ’74. Our King’s letter for the G. S. directed to the most High and Mighty Emperour Sultan Mahomet Ilam, chief Lord and Commander of the Mussulman Kingdome, sole and supreme monarch of the Eastern Empire.

To the Vizier, thus directed to the high and excellent Lord the Vizier Arem.

Voyage to Smyrna with Sir Daniel Harvey’s Body, who died Aug. 28th, 1673.

Apr. 10, 1674. At 8 at night we weigh’d (being upon the Dogger), and next day 3½ in afternoon we came to Anchor at the Asia side over against the little conduit within shot of that most innermost castle. We went on shoar and dispatcht our business with the Aga there. My Ld. had sent each of them a vest of cloth; we had our audience without the castle, in a house on purpose, by the draw bridge. Our Jew Druggerman, 10 or 12 dayes before, had shew’d some strangers up and down without the Castle, and at last, venturing to peep in, was catch’t and soundly drubb’d. Notwithstanding this, I went round about the outside and past it.

Several guns on the ground play up and down the Hellespont; on that side are 14 port holes, where lye great guns chamber’d to shoot stone shot, very big, near 2 foot diameter, all fixt and immovable, and therefore to be charged only without. They will fling a shot crosse the Hellespont with ease. In the night they have lights on either side, and watch if any ship steals down; just as they eclips those lights, they can see them and so fire upon them. Bellonius makes it but ¼ mile over; it is near a mile at least. I was not on the other side Castle, but I counted just 23 gun holes and thre sally ports between them; it seem’d a farre bigger castle than Abidos above said.

12. By reason of our present, with leave, we weigh’d at 10 o’clock, and within lesse then an houre we passt the other outward castles, but at too great a distance to say any more then that they are fairer and greater, and built according to modern formes. At night we reacht the N. end of Mitilene about 8 o’clock.

14. At 4½ in the morning within sight of the Centurion and Smyrna Castle. At 10 we anchor’d, and went on board. Capt. Wild thence to the Advice frigot (then there in port), thence to Smyrna.

26th. Put my dear Lord Harvey’s body on board the Centurion.[240] The great Cabin was hang’d and the floor cover’d with mourning; round about were fasten’d scutchions; the Steerage was hang’d likewise. My Lord’s body was taken of the Dogger into the Centurion’s long boat, there cover’d with a rich velvet Pal, bordered with white Sarsenet and satin. At the Head of the Corps was fixt a Hatchment, my Lord’s armes, in a square frame standing on one of the corners. At the head of the boat was his six trumpeters and his drummer. The Advise’s long boat tow’d it forward, and in it was his 6 Trumpeters likewise, and his drum, all sounding a dead march, went slowly forward in a round; the Consul’s (Mr. Ricaut’s) boat followed; after that many of the festoons in other boates. At its reception into the Centurion there was 3 voleyes of small shot and 30 Guns fired. The Advice fired 28; all the General ships and others in port fired, some 12, some 14, some 16 guns. Worthy Capt. Hill, who brought him out, fired every minute all the while we were going on the Dogger. The Body was put down into the hold, and a Cenotaph stood in the great cabbin, cover’d with the pall. The great Scutcheon displayed at the head six great tapers burning by in six great silver candlesticks. I gave away about 40 dwt. weights among the officers of the Centur., and sent a cask of 19 Meters of wine among the Seamen. We din’d aboard, treated civilly. The Consul brought flasques of Smyrna wine; Mr. Temple brought 20 flasques, and several fresh provisions. At 6 at night we all returned to Smyrna.

22. Parted from Mr. Temple’s seate at 21st, midnight, or towards one o’clock this morn. Got on board the Mary and Martha by 6. Out of the sandhead, lay becalmed all that day and night over against the w. end of long Island.

29th, Wednesday. Ashoar at Tenedos; gave the Aga of the Castle 1 oak case.

All the Greeks live the N.E. end of the Town. They goe in the streets cover’d with a petticoat over their head, gather’d in to a button above; their gown without a wast, hang’d on with two latchets on either side, girdle above their brests. A bullock there for 4½, kil’d, drest, cut out in the street in ½ an hour. Holy fountain at the N.E. end. No church, but several Papasses say masse in a little hole in a stinking house, which the padres make a Tavern about 8 yards square; the V.M. in a little hole, etc.

2, Saturday, came to the custome house by 12 o’clock. Saluted the Seraglio with 7 guns. Deo laus et gloria ex grato corde.

Apr. 1st was Maunday Thursday, to the Greek it is e???? p?ft?.[241] At daybreak the Patriarch washt the disciples’ feet. A great waxe candle was brought before him (instead of a mace). He came to his throne in the ordinary habit. Every Greek (that makes it right) makes his crosse leisurely, ?? t? ????ta t?? p?t???[242] ? (the top of the brest), ?a? t?? ???? ? (the middle), ?a? t?? ????? p??? ? (on the right above the pap), at?? (on the left above the pap). All the Metropolites do it very gravely. There were, 1st (next to the preacher’s throne), Heraclea; 2d, Cyzikos; 3d, ?????d?a; 4th, Chalcedon; 5th, Philippopoli, etc., etc. The patriarch came to his seat (whilst the choir sang the Gospel out of St. John 13). Then there were the 12 priests (all maryed), which came two and two, and bow’d to the ground, and kis’t the patriarch’s hand, retired back, ador’d again, and retired into the Sacristia. Then all array’d in priests’ cloathing proper, only upon everyone’s neck was the apostle wrought in gold, whom they represented. First came a miserable poor wretch (without a cape, etc.) to represent Judas; then a good stretch after followed all the rest, and seated themselves before the Patriarch, who was at the other end. Then the Patriarch vested himself in his robes, st????????,[243] with a hole on top like a surplice with sleeves, body to the ankles; sallow green (or yellow green) tuffetay, ???????,[244] a broidered tippet, ?p?a??????,[245] embroyder’d sleeves (he crosses and kisses every vestment, and he was putting on this and forgot, then pul’d it of), ?p?t?a???????,[246] embroyder’d kerchief put about his neck, ???? his girdle (alla turkesa), ?p?????t???,[247] a square embroyder’d handkerchief (foot and half square), with 4 tassels; it hang’d by his right side. Then his 2 deacons help him down (4 staires); he begin with Judas, and the Third deacon in the pulpit (reading the same Gospel) repeat to every washing, “He began to wash their feet,” etc.; he kneels down, and washes the right foot (which only is bare), his 2 deacons helping him with bason, Ewers, etc. Whilst the 3d Deacon is in the pulpit reading, he strips himself of all his robes (the st????????, ?p?a??????, ???????, ?p?????t???), but the ?p?t?a???????, and another lose vest, half slew’d[248] to draw the sleeves (with laces), set with 3 bells on each side, and two to each corner (likewise when he vested himself he put of his monkes hood), t? ????? ?a??a????,[249] and divel’s cap (as the G. S. cal’d it) t? ?s? ?a??a????, and put on an embroyder’d crown set with diamonds and pretious stones, and quarter’d (with 4 glass diamonds and perls); upon the top a crosse emerald and sapphire. He puts on a blewish pestemal[250] before him, and a large Towel over his shoulder, with which, when he has wash’t the foot, he wipes, then kisses, and the person at same time kisses his crown. He proceeds (beginning at Judas) till he come to St. Peter 12; there begins a Dialogue; the Deacon go on to (Joh. 13); he asks: Lord, will you wash my feet, etc., the deacon only repeating the passing words; at last he wash him, too. Imediately all the rabble strive for the water to dip handkerchiefs in it, and a Greek answer’d me (as I ask’t) that it must be very pretious after so many good prayers. This done, the Patriarch returns to his seat, the deacon leisurely reading the same Gospel again. He re-vests himself, the 12 rise, and, reverencing 2 by 2, return to the Sacristia; after them the Patriarch, then there changing his clothes for his ordinary habit, he returns to his seat, and then the masse begins. When he went out of the church his 2 deacons bore up his traine, the candle going before him. He treated me at his lodge with coffee; invited me to dinner, but Draco and I would not stay. Many gatherings for Judas[251]; amongst the rest there were there the 4 treasurers of the Church, ?? ?p?t??p?? t?? pa???????. There is a great chest, fair and rich, on the right hand coming in, called the pa???????. Draco’s brother-in-Law, who was at first a furrier, is the chief, worth, by common report, 600 purses of money (300,000 doll. = 75,000 lb.). The Prince of Moldavia owes him 80,000 doll.; Wallachia as much; the church as much; and every Metropolite something. He gave a silver broach for candles, worth at least 500 doll., to e???? ?????s?a. He hath taken the debt of the Church upon himself, covenanting to be continued 4 or 5 year. Over against the Patriarch’s seat are two other of states just together: the first Moldavia, 2d Walachias; but they two never meet together, but dispute their superiority, and therefore alwayes one or both are absent. The Patriarch, when he blesses the people, or his own vests., etc., lays the thumb of his right hand crosse the ring finger, the fore finger streight, the middle finger bending; the mystery in it is I.C. X.C.[252] The people bow to the ground, then kiss the Patriarch’s hand, then retire backward, reverance a 2d time, then go away as they goe back; some tumble over the head of the others bowing behind them. Before the Patriarch came the priests were anointing poor slaves, which priests must alwayes be 7 in number, and pray’d over them. In the masse the bread and wine are caryed in procession alwayes before they be consecrated; the Patriarch comes down, and every Metropolite and all adore low to it as it passe by. When all is done the bread left upon the prothesis[253] (after the piece for the Sacrament is taken out as is comonly distributed) was given by the Patriarch himself, some in their mouths, some in their hands.

Mart. 23rd, 1676. Holy week. I was at the Sermon at St. Francesco’s; saw Demetrius Simon wash 12 of the fraternityes feet. The priest reads or sings the Gospell out of St. John 13, and he rose from his seat at the upper end of the stalls, and put of his vest, put on sackcloth, and gird himself with a pestemal put before him, and a towel on his shoulder, came down to the 12, who were sat on two formes in the chappell just before him, at these words, “He put water into a basin” (for the priest stayes till he may be ready), he puts water into a great basin. At those words, “Lord, not only my feet”, he comes to the first, and pourring a little water upon his right foot, washes it, wipes it with his towell on his left shoulder, then signing it with the crosse, kisses it, and they kisse his hands; this he doth to everyone, then returne to his stall, and puts off his sackcloth, and resumes his other clothes. Then they go to their prayers; a layman sayes and sings most of them; the Prior or sub-prior gives the benediction.

July 17th. There was an old Lady (daughter to a Sultana of some of the former emperours), commonly now called Sultana Sporca,[254] from her ill manner of life, for she kept about 30 women slaves of youth and greatest beauty she could provide, and these were all taught to tumble, dance, and sing, and act many tricks; and so, often going abroad to great Bassa’s houses to shew them sport, brought their old baw’d in a great revenue, every one presenting them liberally, and what they got she received. Amongst the rest she was possest of one of the greatest beauty that then was found (as was said), not onely in the Court, but the whole Empire, if not the world. When we were at Adrianople the Grand Signor sent to demand her for his own use; the Sultana denyed her, saying she had made her free, and that she could not now be used by them legally, but as his wife; thus she avoyded the G. Srs. importunety. Here about 10 dayes since she (continuing on the dancing trade) with her companions were at a great Bassa’s house to tumble and play tricks, and the Capitaine of the guards to the G. V.[255] (who had been with him, and fought valiantly in all his warres at Candia, etc., and was become his favourite) chanct to be there; and when the girl had done, he (which is unusuall for strangers) presented her 200 zechines, being smitten most desperately with her, and two dayes after sent to the Sultana, begging that she might come to his house, and he promised 2,000 zechines reward; they came, and after some houres sport he sent home all the slaves, but kept her all night, and next day conveighed her to a friend’s house in Stambal; she was thre dayes by Mr. Hyet’s house. The Sultana next morn made Answer to the G. S., telling him that the girl was really her slave, submitting herself to his mercy for having cheated him before, saying it was only because she was then too young for him, but now the captain had violently ravisht her. The G. S. was as much inflamed on the other side, partly with remembrance of former love, partly with madnesse that he lost one so sweet. He went immediately to the Viz., commanding him to look into the businesse as his; he cals the Captain, demands why he had done so, and where she was, etc. He denys all; says he abused her not, nor knew where she was. He sent to the Kaimachan of Stambol, and charged him privately to watch the Captain, etc. In the third night the Kaimachan took them both about 12 at clock in bed, or on a sofa together, brought them before the Grand Vizier. The Sultana (infinitely troubled) sent the Grand Signor word. The Captain told him she had been at 40 other houses as well as his, etc.; he was not afraid of death nor the sword (as he very well knew), and therefore valued not one straw what became of him; but all that he desired was that his Mistress should be spared, in whome he should live even when he was dead. G. S. sent word immediately to strike of his head, which was done (he was strangled: Soliman Basha saw him), and the body lay’d publickly open at the Tents, with the head under his arme all day (July 18), being pay day, for all the Janissaryes to behold it. He had been infinitely beloved by them and all the court, and 2,000 purses of money had been offer’d to save him, but all impossible; the girl was immediately taken into the Seraglio. I fancy this was at bottome onely a deep policy of the Grand Signior’s Vizier, “it is necessary that one die for the people.” People began to be mutinous and rebellious, and by the process of the story (for certainly the Vizier might have hinted something to the Captain when he set the Kaimachan to catch him, and have advised him to let the girl be forth coming under hand, making peace with the Sultana, etc.), some great example was to be made, which was on the Vizier’s own favourite, etc.; else I must count it a severe piece of justice upon the Captain, who dare do that against Law which the G. S. refrained from. The G. S. kept the law which the Captain dare break, yet he knew her to be a slave, which the G. S. knew not, and that might alleviate. The Sultana was punisht as well in losing her slave and future gain. Or, lastly, we may roll the exorbitancy of Princes last, who desire to engrosse all pleasure to themselves. This great Capt.’s death breads ill blood in many hearts: his good services in the Field of Mars might have interceded for one spasso (recreation) in the court of Venus.

July 19th. From St. Swithin’s day, 15th, the ayre was cloudy, and upon this day at even began a mist which daily increast to that thicknesse as no man could se 300 yards at sea, nor at land (unlesse on the hills) as far again. It was not a moist mist; it continued vehement till 28th, then dayly abated. The sun continually rose and set like blood; most part of this time the wind blew strong, which is more wonderfull; at other times it carying all mists away. It lay continually betwixt N.E. and N.W., yet more to the E., then the W.; all which make one conclude that this mist was brought and continued from the Palus Moeotis and Black Sea it self, and gave us a perfect taste of the CimmeriÆ tenebrÆ. The 29th and 30th days of June almost cleare.

Aug. 24th, ’76. The G. S.’s Tents. I have seen them and the rest at Adrianople and at Maidan[256] here several times. He hath but onely the three; the rest are little tents for his servants’ kitching. I saw the G. Srs. tent at the shew at Adrianople, which was much the same in make and dimentions, but this at Maidan being most perfectly set out with all its appertenances, take its description. First, then, there was a small stand about 8 foot square within, with a paire of small staires to mount it, was cover’d with reddish or inclining to purple cloth, with 4 golden balls at the corners and one at the top; the corners were to be lifted up, or, if he desired more fresco, the whole side, as all the rest could be quite taken away, the cloth being fasten’d above with loopes and buttons of wood. This Kiosk, or stand, they remove upon many occasions; he had a farre greater at Demirdesh[257] to see the horse races. This stood next the outward door of the tents, looking towards the place of execution, as likewise to the plain where the Janissaryes are pay’d, etc., and he is there present himself. At the sights at Adrianople there was another for the young prince.

The first tent is square, supported with 7 wood posts one way and 4 the other way; it was 15 strides long and 12 broad; the roof flat, kept streight with ropes; a large round flower in the middle. They have sides for this in cold weather, which they can open and shut at pleasure; on the outside upon every post stands a golden ball or flower-pot. The second tent is round, supported by one standing post in the middle, with golden ball or pot at the top, by which there is drawn upon a cord a curtain at pleasure crosse the tent, on the outside of which he gives audience to his own ministers of state, or makes his great divan, and sits in justice; on the in or back side he gives audience to Embassadores, or the like. The diameter of this tent (that is, from edge to edge of the fringe that hangs above as the eaves of an house) was 17 paces; that in Adrianople was 15, so that it is plain they are made of severall bignesses. The under sides of this likewise were to let down or up, take on or off, at pleasure, by such kind of loopes above and on the sides, the button being a piece of wood; the interstices between, if they were above, were cover’d with a fring, one within the other; without, if it was on the side to clasp the curtains together, one was made to lap over the other, so that they can shut a tent up most exceedingly close and warme. The third tent is his long tent, supported with three posts, and golden balls or pots; it was long (from the eves at one end to the other) 35 paces; at Adrianople, 37; by putting of it and extending it they may easily gain or loose a pace or two. At the middle post, to the outward side, was set a bed or broad couch, bolstered up at both ends, of twilt or ticking sattin; the coverings, silk, embroyder’d. At Adrianople it was ten times richer, with gold and pearls, for without doubt they have alwayes ready several coverings. The floor on this and the round tent is covered next the ground with a thick sort of course Yorkshire or Kidderminster woollen cloth, over which at severall times they spread carpets, or foot cloths of severall richnesse and value. At Adrianople I saw it once with Persian carpets; another time with sattin, embroyder’d with massy gold, as the floor likewise was where my Lord had his audience; the bolsters and cushions were suitable. Behind this was a partition wall made of canvas, the ground and the flowers of bits of cloth; the covering of all these tents was on the outside a pale green canvas; on the inside the ground satten flower’d with bits of divers colours, some satten, some fine cloth, and all the edges and seems were wrought with gold and silver twist. All the flowers and Kiosks, etc., wrought are fancyes not at all according to nature, and though all together showes very glorious and stately, yet in the particulars it is very bungling and blockish. They often bring in round bits of satten or cloath patch’t one upon the other in their fruits and flowers, and being of divers colours, represent so many Crescents. They make likewise the figures of some antick birds, few beasts, but no men. The panes of the inside are all arch’t as the wall tents belowe; at bottom a fring as on the side. The vallance was of the same make, and were of various sorts and fancyes in several tents of party colours. Passing through the Partition wall we came to the Gr. Sr. sleeping tent, or bedchamber, which they call oda[258]; it is square, with a ridge above like a house, which is supported with two long posts, four shorter being at the corners under the eves, which hang over like a pent-house, as the wals which were made lattice fashion, and richly gilded and painted, with doors to open on thre sides; it was about 12 or 13 foot square, for we were not suffer’d to enter neither here nor at Adrianople. When it is very hot these lattices alone are used; if it be cold it is wal’d round with red cloth lined with flower’d damask. We looked in; it is floored in like manner with the rest, sometimes richer, sometimes not; there is a bed stand crosse the door at upper end, bolster’d at each end; the bed stood plain, but they can set it out with severall adornments. Upon a settle or little stand by lay the Al Koran and a whimsicall coat of a great Santon[259] dervish, which was all cover’d with green silk; this was not there at Adrianople. The santones coat I saw taken out about ten dayes after; it was like a Taberd.[260] There are therefore three courts, as it were, all invironed with a wall tent, embattled like the walls of a City, which none else can have but himself; the flowers and corners are red canvas, the lists of white girt web, the ground green canvas; all in this fashion, but 4 have some severall fantasyes in some suits, which are not in other suits; yet the severall suits are uniforme to themselves. In the first court, therefore, stood the Kiosk, the square tent, round tent, and the Capagasi,[261] etc., and Long tent; in the 2d Court the odÀ, and many tents at distance two oghlans, or pages; and others in the third court were all other offices, Kitching, sherbets, etc. One side of this outward wall in the Maidan reached 400 paces; but that may alter, according to the ground on which they pitch it, which may be lesse, or far more, and the figure may alter; the foreside was about 100 paces. They have many bales of wall tents to adde upon occasion. We went in at a side door, having obtein’d first leave of the Capagasi; before the great or common door stood six Javelings, which, with horse-tayles about their upper end, and a golding globe at top, about 4 yards high, and just before them was pitch’t a round ordinary tent, where the hangman set, and all publick justice is done in the sight of the G. Sr., who stands in his little Kiosk.

Upon the right hand, going up from thence, stood the MosÄifs[262] tent with 3 horse tayles before it, as every vizier of the bench hathe; but they have but two great tents in their first court, to wit, the square and long one. Next to his was the Muftis,[263] then the two Cadeleskiers’,[264] all with but two tayles before them; then several bashes tents, then the vizier’s tents, in all things equall to the G. Sr.’s in pomp and fashion, onely his walls are plain (as the rest of the great men), without battlements, and the balls of gold are lesse. The bignesse likwise of his tents did not agree, though that may depend upon the pitching, for the square tent or portico was 12 paces long and 8 broad. These tents were canvas without and within the ground, but the flowers were bits of cloth, satten, painted and gilded leather, very little silver and gold about them. In the place of audience was a stool cover’d with purple velvet for Embassadores audience; befor his 3 tayles was also a round tent for Justice; there sit also his under officers, to write Ashrs.[265] One side of his tent reach’t down about 330 paces, the bredth at head was 80. Next, at a good distance, was the Vizier’s tent; a long one stood without, where he or his Hasnadar[266] gave audience to all that came. He has two courts within; one long tent for himself, with artificial gardens about it, and all his slaves and waiting servants in 7 or 8 more round about him; these in the first court. In the second his agÀ,[267] and other tents for other servants. I have been treated there several times by his sherbetjÉ basha,[268] who was my friend; his tent is full of fingians,[269] snowpit fountain water, etc., all ready coffee, etc. Never tasted such sherbert in my life. All these tents front to one center; in a circle in the midst are tents belonging to the Dafterdar,[270] where stood openly many, many sopets with money and treasure. Behind Kaseamstapha basha the G. Sr.’s son-in-law, Kaimachan of Adrianople. When we were there I was informed that they alwayes pitch’t in this form. Behind the vizier were all the other bashas, and many other officers and servants. When they are at war the Janissaryes are placed round on the outside.

Now, on the land by Chalcedon is built a lighthouse or Pharos, which they call (as likewise a little village by it) Pheneir, and PhenerÈ,[271] as at Pompey’s pillar, which I question not was erected for the same purpose. Coming from thence, on the shoar towardes the factory seraglio is a fair large fountain; just by it a garden new empaled, and enlarged much bigger then it was. A great kiosk in it, then ready furnish’t for the G. Sr.; under it, about 15 or 20 steps, is a fountain of delicate water, which the G. Sr. uses now daily. At Scutary there are very fine walks, all shaded with Cipresse (most), pine, firre, some oak, ash, Lotus, horse chesnut, cherry, beach, and other trees; there are new taken in two or three vinyards. There are several Arbors cover’d with vines of delicate grapes. The Bustange[272] invited us in, and treated us very civilly.

I was at the Dervises in Galata, which Dervise Mustapha the NÄizam bashÈ, or head of the players of the pipe which they call NÄi.[273] He hath been there 14 years, his pay is 45 aspers[274]; to the rest he payes 5, 6, 7, 8, or more, as they are deserving. They have 100 kilos of wheat per annum, 100 per annum vacoof,[275] 3,000 aspers per man; from the G. Sr., 10 sheep at little Beiram, 100 at Ramazam. They have usuall prayers in the houses, and he that is devout may pray all night long, fast, etc. There are 4 Tekyes[276] or monasteryes, of them here one, two Kasoumpasha, 3 Bisicktash, 4 Yenicapon; on Stambal side there are eighteen sorts of them. These founded first by MolÀh HunkyÒr, Harset meulanÀh, for he goeth by both these names. Heretofore they preach’t, danc’t, and piped every Tuesday and Friday. 3 lye here buryed: 1. ArzÉh Mahmet effendi, a great benefactor to them; 2. IsmÈl Effendi, who was once their sheik (or head, though it signifies prince) and benefactor; 3. IsmaÈl Effendi, another benefactor, who built them 10 chambers, and left them 1,000 dollars. They let their neighbours be there buried for their money. Formerly, the Baltagee[277] of Galata seraglio were buryed there; now they have a corner apart. There GovisÈ Achmet is their Sheich now, who receives all the money, and hath himself 1½d. per day. Their musick is a Tambor, and a long week small lute with wire strings, to which they sound their Nai or pipe, whereof they have two sorts, a base and a treble; for the middle ones partake of that to which they are nearest. The little pipes have 7 holes on the upper side all in a row, and an eighth at the bottom, a little of one side, and just in the middle (measuring from that lowest eighth hole upwards) on the back is a 9th hole. Some of these are a foot and ½ long; some lesse, some more. The long pipe hath six holes, on one side three, and three at equal distances, and on the back side, just half way, there is a 7th hole. There is neither a fipple[278] above, nor noze[279] in the mouth, but the head is a horn sloped up and brought to a very fine edge, which leaning sidewayes to the mouth, gives the sound, as boyes (with us) used to whistle in acorn cups, this p?a??a????[280]; whence our flagiolet. Shepherds use smal pipes of wood with such mouths, and some I have seen of the wings and thigh bones of Crowes, Bustards, Pelicanes, etc.,[281] from whence of old were cal’d tibia. These dervish pipes are very dear, not one of twenty proving good and true. The smallest and deepest he ask 3 dollrs. for, and some of the largest he vallued at 20 dollrs. One (which had belong’d to the Convent these 300 yeares) he valued at 50 dollrs.; yet more for its sweetnesse, then antiquity. They play mournfull tones, but seldom any poynt of musick. They are all made of Indian canes, just such as we make our fishing-rods in England of; the workmanship and luck in proving good give them their price. At every joynt they are whipt with gut strings, more for ornament then strength. The present G. Sr. is much delighted with them.

We went to see the vaults under Sta. Sophia; they were full of water, then 17 ft. deep, and overhead from the water up to the top of the arch, about 2 yards and 6 inches. Every pillar is square 4½ feet, and distant one from another just 12 feet. The bricks very broad, thin, wel baked; not playstered within; the mortar very hard. They say it goes under Atmaidan[282]; we could not enter it. The wast water of the aquaeduct enters into it and out of it, passing through the Seraglio goes into sea by the dunghill. Severe punishment to have houses with offices into it, or throw any filth into it; the well of Sta. Sophia runs into it, and many wells in the Seraglio, etc.

An Account of our Journey to Adrianople, 1675.

You must note that in Turkey navigators reckon their way by houres, not by miles; however, I have made an estimate of every dayes journey both wayes, reckoning 3 miles to the hour, and, truely, I believe that our pace in generall did come pretty just to that proportion.

May 2d, 1675. To Ponte piccolo, hours 7½, miles 23. Upon a Sunday, after morning prayer and a sermon, we set out, being about 100 horsemen. My Ld. and Sr. Tho. Baines[283] road in a kind of double horse litter, used by the great men in Turkey, caryed by 4 mules, cover’d with fine wrought cloath. The name for this thing is a Takt-i-rovan, which is as much as a running seat (Takt, “seat”; revÁn, “current”) in Persian, from whence they have taken this state. There were four muliteers to attend upon it, and two MestagÉes,[284] or fire caryers, to go before it; they carry upon a great staff, or short pole, an Iron made just like our beacons, into which, when evening is come, they put Pinus sylvestris, which they call SherÁh, or ?e??, and being very fat and unctious, it flames and burnes well, and lasts long; but to supply their fire they have each man his bag full of shivers and splinters of the wood, with which they tend this fire. Wherever my Ld. (as the like is observed to the vizier, and all other great persons travayling) took up his lodging, so soon as it began to grow darke, they came and fixed these beacons, by irons sharpened on purpose at the lower end, just before his door (or tent, when he lay in one), and then began a short prayer for the Gr. Signor, the Embassador (or their patrone), and all the company, particularly naming every one, the Treasurer, Secretary, Papas (or chaplain), Turgemen, etc. This is the use of the Countrey, and if the grandees travayl in the night, or goe but a street’s length in their cityes, these Mestages goe before them instead of lanthorn men, or torches. I thought good to mention them thus fully here, because here it first occurres, and you will meet with them often in the insuing story. My Ld. had a coach also, which went by empty with six horses, postillions, trappings, etc., all alla Turchesca (as the fashion here); the coachman rides on one of the hinder horses, and not in the boxe, though sometime I have observed it. So likewise the chief Turgeman (or as we commonly call him, the Dragoman) had his coach and 4, large; all the principle attendants there had also their carts (or rather waggon coaches) with 4 wheels, and some two horses; some three horses all abreast. I fancy your Trigae[285] were such; for I have observed here many antient customs and fashions yet remaining. I, amongst the rest, was appointed to have one to carry my cloathes and other baggage, as likewise I had my servant, and a seis, or groom, to look after my horse. There were above 60 of these waggon coaches in all, with all this trayn, and about 20 or 30 strangers that went onely to set us out the Town. We left Pera, May 2d, and though our way from Stambul is direct and short, yet, we being on the other side of the water (the Sinus Ceratinus), we were forc’t to go about by the meadowes, where, by the help of two bridges, we past the two streames (or cornua) that meet to make up the creek that separates Pera from Stambal. Within 1½ h. we came to the first rivulet, cal’d of old Barbyses. About a mile further we passed the 2d rivulet, of old Cydarus; both are very accurately described, with all the little hills and valleys about them, by P. Gyllius, in his Bosp. Thrace, l. 2, c. 3, onely Barbyses hath a stronger current, especially in winter. I have been often times alla caccia from one end to the other of it. A mile further we came to the suburbs of Stambal, commonly called Job’s tomb, but it is the dormitorys or Mausoleums of severall Turkish princes, Viziers, warriors, and men of fame amongst them, one whereof was called JÜpe (as they now call Jacob, and the Armenians call him AgÚp), which gave name to the place, and I veryly believe Gyllius, l. 2, c. 2, was either mistaken or misinformed when he calls him Aibabarius, for the Turkes call the place AiÜbazÁr, which is the mercate place of JÜp (BazÁr being in Turkish the Mercate place, as BalukbazÁr, etc., the fish mercate, etc.). I have been often there amongst the tombs. From JÜp bazÁr we came under Stambal walls, which are distant from thence about ½ mile, and, passing about a mile further, we came to Adrianople gate, from which we insisted on the direct great road, as followeth about three mile of; we crosse a little rill, not much worth your notice, but onely I resolved to set down every water run, that (if possible) I might give some light to your antient Geographers, our common maps (Ortelius, Ptolomy, Sansoin, etc.) being very false. We left two little Turkish townes on our right hand, Dav’d Basha (David Basha), a mile from Adrianople gate, and as much farther Hasnadarcui (Treasurer’s town); cui is a common termination, as ton, don, etc., with us, and signifyes a village or town. A little beyond the foresaid rill is a very large chinÀr, or plane-tree, with a square green bank cast up about it, and a very noble fountain by. Here in sommer many come to take their spasso and recreation in the shade (which that tree casts), sitting upon carpet with tobacco, coffee, and pure water, etc. Three miles farther we cross two other little rills, which meeting together (and, as I suppose, with the former), make a large stream, which enters the sea between Stambol and Cape Stephano (the mouth being within 2 mile of this latter). About a mile farther is a brook (then it was dry) with a stone bridge of 6 arches, and a little farther a rivulet with a stone arch over it. I verily believe all these unite and enter the sea as above say’d, for all the way from the first to the last is low, flat ground, and these may very well meet there towards the sea; but I am convinct of it by reason I have been at Ponte piccolo by water many a time, and never observed any other outlet into the sea but in the place aforesaid. We come from Adrianople gate to Ponte piccolo in 4 hrs.; it must be about 12 miles.

Ponte piccolo is called by the Turkes K’ootchÓok chekmejÉ (it is little chest or cabinet), by the Greeks ???? ?????, or little town. It is inhabited partly by Greekes, partly by Turkes, and is about the bignesse of Newmarket. It has one large street, through which lyes the road, in which are many shops of victuallers, Knackers, and makers of horse furniture, smiths, etc., all fitted for travaylers. There are severall (Chans, or caravanserais) stables, and lodgings for passengers: that is, roome and provisions for horses and mules, and by them room for men to lye down; but if you carry not your couches or quilts with you, you must take up your lodging upon the cold ground here, and everywhere else in Turkey upon the road; as likewise your victualls in some places may be had drest for you in such shops as I have mention’d, or else you must carry it with you, and cook it yourself, or live upon barly and chopt straw with your horse. Here our caterer (or purveyor) found very good fish of all sorts by reason of the sea and a lake being very nigh, but in other townes travaylers find nothing but leekes, garlick, onyons, bread, salt, pickled olives, cabbidge, cowcombers, melons, and the like, little bits of broyl’d flesse, which they call KibÓb, but whole joynts nowhere, rice, pancakes, and severall kinds of pastery meates. We, being so many in number, had a man who alwayes went before to every ConÁck, or stage, and brought in muttons, beafes, veales, and the like, what he could get, having two ChiaÚses to assist him, else the people would in most places not afford us anything, the best Turkes, if they travayl alone, being content with the fare of the road above-named. At our entrance on the East side the town standes the Turke’s MoschÉ, and a college, or hospital, both built by one AbdisallÁh (i.e., the Slave of God), TefterdÓre (Treasurer) to Sultan Solyman; (others say to Sultan Osman). There is there allowed maintenance for three learned men in the law, or Chiefes, at one dollar per diem, as likewise rice, butter, bread, etc., for them and twenty more students there under them, who have the salary of 18 Aspers per diem. There my Ld. and all us that belong’d to his court were lodged, and they, according to their statutes, at night came and brought us two or three great platters of their pottage (made of rice and onyons, etc.), and for everyone a loaf of their bread. Any great personage passing that way may lodge there, and cannot be denyed neither room nor this entertainment. They get well by it, for at parting every great man leaves some charity to them, as we also did. There is a pretty large court, as bigge as the second in Emanuell Coll., one story high, with cloysters and little chambers (with chimneys) round about, and a fountain in the middest. All passengers carry their own beds, or mats, or quilts to sleep on and set on, for, as is before said, you find room, but nothing but the bare wall besides. I and two or three companyons slept on carpets in the Cloysters, it being very hot weather; my Ld. and Sr. Tho. Baines had travayling beds to set up and take down upon all occasions. Our cookes and such like went allwayes before us, and in every Conack we had our provisions ready all the way against our coming in. At the end of the great street we past over a water and a moory ground by a long bridge and causeway, having a great lake on the right hand and the Sea on the left, separated by a small peninsula of land. The bridge hath 12 arches: the first, Ponte piccolo, very large, next the Town over the chief stream; then two lesse at a good distance; then nine more as much farther. These last serve only to let the water passe that fall from the hills in winter, and would be prest up by the bridge and caseway, and so otherwise would endanger both. The bridge is stone, rayed (striped) with slight timbers on each side. It is about 312 of my paces long, broad enough for 3 carts to passe one by the other; to it is joyned the caseway of stone 462 of my paces, and at the bridge foot it is about 2½ foot high. I find this lake in Ortelius map of old Thrace to be cal’d Myrmex Lacus, but he hath not taken notice of a fresh water river that runs through it, which I have rowed up and down at least 5 or 6 miles. It runs with a small but very strong stream, so that at the mouth, where it empties itself into the sea, our boates from Stambol enter with great difficulty, as likewise it is very deep and very strong under the great Arch of the bridge, where, though the water continually sets out, yet the water in the lake tastes brackish. Up this fresh river, about 5 or 6 mile, is on the right hand a very high and steep mountain, with a most famous cave, which runs 10 or 12 mile underground, and is hewn in many places that two or three men may walk abreast at their full height.

May 3d. To Ponte grande 4¼ h., miles 13. Going from Ponte piccolo, so soon as you are of the caseway and past the moor you rise up an easy hill, at the foot of which, just by the corner of the lake, is a little village on your left hand call’d Coomcui, or Sand-town, from the sand hard by there in the lake; onely Greekes live in it, and have forgot the Greek name, or else it never had any. About a mile or two farther on the right hand, at the edge of the lake, is another, called by the Greekes CabÁrana. Half way to Ponte grande you leave a little Greek town on the right hand hardly cal’d AhÚrcui; thence you descend a little but very steep valley, and in the bottome is a little river with a stone bridge of three arches. This valley is not much above one mile over, but is a very dangerous place for robberys and murders, and therefore is cal’d by the Turkes Aram-derry, or accursed valley. On the brow of the hill on the other side this valley stands a very fine but little queach[286] of popalar, cipresse, and some elme and willow trees very thick to-gether; it is paled in very high, like one of our parkes. In the midst of it is a seraglio of the G. Signor’s, where formerly they came in summer for pleasure. Under the pales, upon the road, is a couple of clear and very large fountaines with severall cisternes, where some few comrades of us made a halt and took a dram of the bottle. Ponte grande is cal’d by the Turkes BuyoÓk-checmedje (or great-chest, abusing the word checkmÉse for a wooden bridge, as both these and the other bridges at Ponte piccolo at first were of wood), in Greek e???? ?????, or great town. The inhabitants are most Turkes, some Jewes and Armenians, but more Greekes mixt with them. The road and the sea makes this Town, as well as Ponte piccolo, flourish. This is bigger then it; there is likewise good store of excellent fresh-water fish, as likewise of sea fish. On the west side the town lyes a great Lake which hath communication with the sea, and seemes to have been an arme of it antiently, but now cut of from it except in 4 places which we passe by bridges, now of late yeares made of stone, but there remain ruines of wood, which show them to have been of old of timber upon stone cheekes,[287] to draw up and down and move into the Lake, we passing them to the right hand. The water, when we past, was not very deep. These four bridges are joyned together by stone casewayes, which in winter, if more rain falls then is vented by the arches or covered with it, yet there being room for the water to play, all is with out danger or damage, the stones towards the lake being clenched with lead one to another. The first case-way from the street end is 60 paces, that bridge is 183 paces with 7 arches; 2d caseway, 39 paces; the bridge 166, with 7 arches; 3d caseway, 19 paces; the bridge 127 with 5 arches; 4th caseway, 14 paces; the bridge 233 with 9 arches; the last caseway about 30 paces—all soe wide as three carts may goe abreast. I am the more particular in these little things, that you may see the Turkes are neither niggards nor fooles in these public workes, for I assure you I never saw stronger work than among them; and some things are as fine and neat as we can possibly shew. There is a large river which enters this lake at the north, but runs not very swift. The Greekes call it now ?a???p?ta?, the Black river; the Turkes very near the same, KarÁ-sou, Black water. Now judge you whether Athyrus runs here or no.[288] The sea comes up to the bridge; though it is very shallow, yet it is a pretty harbour for small vessells out a little farther between the two capes, and this little port addes to the greatnesse of this town above the other ponte, where there is none. My Ld. was Lodged on the side of the Lake, at the end of the Town; the weeds and dead carcases, and other filth which they dayly cast in, in the hot weather, made so foul a stink as we were all almost stifled with it. Here are in the town many, many chanes,[289] besides where we lay, and several pretty large streets. For building, once for all I must tell you there is none all over Turkey but what is very mean and beggarly, and for the most part dark and sluttish: I except your MoschÉs, Seraglios, and publick buildings onely. Some great men of late (as this present Vizier now at Stamboul) have ventured upon great buildings for themselves, but it doth often prove their ruin; they becoming thereby suspected for becoming too great, and so the G. Signor cuts them of and seizes their possessions.

May 3d. To Selibria h. 5¾, miles 17. Going from Ponte grande, so soon as we had past the bridges and began to rise up the hill, there we past two little townes, both inhabited by Greekes; one on the right hand called ?????a, the other on the left, by the sea, called ?a???????a. We called at these by reason of the fame of good wine there, which we found true. About 6 or 7 miles from thence, on the left hand, stands a little town on a promontory looking into the sea; the name I could not learn. About a mile farther we passe a little rill, and a mile beyond that (which is about half way to Selibria), we go by a little ruinated town, just in the very sea, the road lying upon the sand; the town stands to the right hand, in Turkish KoombÚrgÁs, or sand-burough[290]; in Greek ?????, a word corrupted from the Turkish KoÓm, which is sand. We had very good wine there, especially a small sort of claret. There hath been formerly a little castle or fort there, but all the great stones are picked out and carryed to Stambol. The ValedÉh-JÁmisi and ValedÉh-Chane,[291] i.e., the Q. Mother’s Mosch, and the Publick Chane or Hostelry, was built with part of them. As once for all, I must tell you that round Stambol for many miles the Turkes have taken almost all the fair stone they could find to rayse their buildings in the City, so that little is to be expected of inscriptions or monuments of antiquity; especially in Thrace, or anywhere near the shore of the Propontis, from whence caryage by sea is easy. Nothing remaining in a manner but the inward part of the walls of old buildings; the Maidan,[292] the case or outside of it was of good stone, being pull’d down and disposed of. This hath been a pretty town, but now it is nothing by its situation. About 2 miles from hence we passe another, a pretty mercate towne, and rich by reason of the road, and a little port for small boates. It is cal’d in Turkish BogÁthos[293]; the inhabitants are most Greekes, but in the great street are many Turkes. There is yet standing a little tower with very thick walls, which is now turned into a granary. About three miles from thence we enter into a Moorish ground, which we passe by. A caseway and bridges of stone, of one arch apiece, over as many little streames, deep, but very narrow, which uniting hard by, enter the sea (which is all the way in sight to our left hand), in one pretty large channell; it being the onely stream that deserves the name of a river from Ponte-grande to Heraclea (Erekli).

May 5th. To CiorlÚh (ChiorlÓo we pronounce it), 8½ h., 25 mi.[294]

Going from Selibria,[295] we leave the Sea (having hitherto had it all the way on our left hand), and mount, arising well into a plain champion[296] country, as indeed all the way to Adrianople is champion. Scarce a tree, unless some few about ChiorlÓo to be seen; by which you may imagine what brave hunting and hawking the G. Signors have there. Just under Selibria runs a small rill, which enlarges into a kind of pond at the very town, over which we past by a stone bridge of 4 arches; and about a quarter of a mile further we enter a moorish ground, in which is a very fair stone bridge of 32 arches, and with the ascents at each end it is about 450 paces. The water under it was little and did not run, which made me conclude the bridge built onely in case of land floods in winter time, which must needs be occasioned by rain from the neighbouring hills, they being steep and enclosing this flat ground on every side. I could perceive this overflowing water enter’d the Sea in one mouth with the little rill before mentioned; and besides this there is no other river near to Selibria. About 8 mile of from it by the sea side I crosst another little one as I came home. Out of this moor we rise (as is said) to the top of a hill, into a plain, which is a black spongy soil, and seemes to be very binding, for there we saw them at plow with 6, some 7, some 8 yoke of oxen in a plow; especially where they were new breaking up. The first town we came at was called KinneklÉh,[297] a little Turkish town in a very fertile playn. About half way we crost a little river, which enters the sea about 3 or 4 miles to the W. of Heraclea, or rather is that just now mentioned 8 mile from Selibria.

ChiorlÓo or ChiorlÚh hath been a very large town, as it is yet most inhabited by Turkes, yet there are Armenians, Jewes, and Greekes too. It is not onely a great road town, but also a very great trade, and mercate is driven there for all sorts of commodityes. On the east side the town runs a great dry grasse, as big as the Divels ditch at Newmarket, in which are severall fountaines, yet standing, of excellent water. At the lower end (from the Town) it is crost with an aquaeduct of 96 paces long (the distance from edge to edge of the grass), with one onely little high arch in the midst. It is decay’d and dayly running to ruine, yet the earthern pipes on the top are yet whole, and the water runs still in them. It was a very antient way of conveighing water, and far beyond either wood or lead. I saw several old ones at Carthage, Ephesus, Smyrna, etc., which must needs some of them have lain in the ground thousands of yeares unperisht. I shall briefly give you this description: they make earthen trunks about foot and half (sometimes little more) long; one end is made with a shoulder, the other end with a female grove (to receive that end of a second trunk). Now to close each joynt they have an excellent mortar, which they call LukiÚm or LookioÓm; it is made of unslaked lime and beaten brick, most finely powdered and sifted, cotton wool very thinly pul’d and strew’d on, and then all slaked with linseed oyle and mixt together, then they reject whilst it is fresh made, otherwise it hardens immediately. Then care is to be taken that the trunkes be kept from force, and they will endure to eternity. Beneath this dry grasse to the North are many vinyards, fig trees, etc. There have been within this 20 yeares here in town above 400 Greek familyes, now they are shrank to near upon 100; yet they are forc’t to pay the same HarÁtch (pol money) and other dutyes (for the G. Signor’s lead cannot sink; he will lose nothing of what once is settled to him), which comes to 1,000 dollrs. per annum, just as they did before; which makes the poor creatures yearly break and run away. They have but one Church, a little poor thing, but kept spruce and neat, there belonging to it a Bp., 4 priests, and 2 deacons. I was there at Vespers with them, and found them extremely civil, and they shewed me all the town. Over their church door they have fixt a pittyfull marble stone, which they saved out of the ruines of an old castle that was here; it was all flead[298] to build the Turkish moschs, which are at least 12 in all.

May 6th. To KaresterÁn[299] 6 h., miles 17. Going from Chiorloo, about a little mile, we passe a little river; over it was an old stone bridge, almost broken down, which have had 4 arches. Just half way to KaresterÁn we passe a good large river, though in sommer it is almost damn’d up with sand; there is a good large bridge over it of wood, but slight timbers in it. All the way it was still Champion ground, most like a black moorish soyl, yet I judged it lighter than that on the other side CiorlÓo, because we saw severall ploughs with but 4 oxen in them, and those yoaked all abreast. The town has its name from Karismack, i.e., to mingle or knead; for the least rayn (as we experienced when we were there) makes the spongy, soapy (fuller’s) earth just like past. Upon the S.E. side of the Town, about one quarter of a mile, runs a small river, but very strong stream; there is a bridge there with 8 arches and about 100 paces in length. The river may easily in many places be leapt over; yet in winter the water overflows farre. From a delicate cleer fountain on the same side the town beyond this river, upon the side of the hill (to our right hand, as we descend to come hither), is an AquÆduct brought, and in the valley are three steps or pyramids built to divide the water into severall trunks, as also to let the overplus run in winter, without prejudice to the course of the rest. Just about the spring growes infinite of excellent scordium,[300] which I have found an excellent preservative against the plague. Here is a very good Mosch here, and a large chÁne. The town is enriched onely by travailers; at present it is but small, and built but in latter times out of the mines of Miso.

May 7th. To Bourgas[301] 4 h., miles 12. About 2 or 3 miles from CarestÉran are several decay’d fountaines by the road side. At 4 mile is a very good fountain that runs plentifully, with cisternes for horses to drink. A little farther are several little rills, with one arch’t bridges over them, and hard by a pretty big river, but no bridge. Just half way on the left hand, on the very road, is raysed a good great hill, with a fossa[302] about it, and an entrance on the side next the road up to it. I take it to be a monument of the dead, slain in some battle fought upon these plaines. We have observed many such, as shall be say’d: it was an antient custome and right paid to kings (as about Gallopoly) and inferior persons. It is as high as Bartlow hills, but the fossa is in a manner fill’d up. From the top we counted 12 villages spread round about; it is seen almost to Burgas. Within two mile of Burgas the earth alters to a lighter kind of sandy soyl, yet Plowmen were there breaking up with 6 yoak of oxen in a plough.

Burgas is a pretty large market town. We passe over a pretty street or two; then came a most stately ChÁne, having a fair square court and large fountain in the middest of it, and cloysters round about; then fine apartments able to hold well nigh 1,000 travaylers with their beasts. This is joyned to a very brave Mosch by a large Cupola crosse the main road, supported by 4 arches (28½ feet wide); the street passe under two, and the passage from the ChÁne to the Mosch goes under the other. Entering into the KhÁne (for you must pronounce it in the throat) sit many shopkeepers; amongst the rest, the finest Tobacco-pipe heads are sold there that are to be found in Turkey. The Town is all Turkish, and very populous for the bignesse. Mahomet, VizierarÉm[303] to Sultan Solyman, had a son, Bassa of Morea; complaints were made of him at court. The G. Signor bid him advise his son to do better. He, without any more adoe, sent and took of his head and presented it to the G. S., who for his severe government in that point gave him all his son’s estate (which otherwise falls to the G. S.), with which he built several noble buildings, whereof this KhÁne and Mosch are none of the least. On the W. side the Town (which we past the next day) runs a small river, on which stands a Turkish mill, driving 3 pair of quernes (each mill grinding 10 Kilos or bushels of wheat in 12 houres), and yet the water there is not so wide but I could easily step over it. They are Greekes that forme the mill, which belong to ???a????, a little town (concerning which more presently) hard by. There is also just by this town a tile kill, formed by other Greekes of the same place; though the soyl all the way hither is black and spongy moorish ground, yet here is so good a naturall mixture of sand as to make most excellent tile. Over the river, going out of town, is a bridge of 4 arches, long in all 146 paces; the stream is nothing in sommer, but the Town standing in a kind of pan in winter, it must needs be great. The stone with which this bridge is built is such a porous kind of hard pumex as I never beheld; it seem’d to me to have been made of clay and pills of sand, which afterwards mouldring away might cause those eyes. Down the river hard by is a Turkish town cal’d MÚctary.

May 8th. To BobbÁs-cui 4½ h., miles 13. About a mile from Burgas, standing upon a little hill on the left hand, we saw ???aa???, a little Greek town (as is said), but very populous, there being now above 400 familyes in it, many of the men going out to work all the week (as before is intimated), and returning on Saturday, live very well, they being farre more industrious then any of the Greekes I ordinarily ever met with. About six mile of from Bobbas-cui we crossed a little brook; a mile and ½ farther another; as far again a third, with bridge, all almost dry. An old Turk took it from the Christians, and from him it is now so named, for bobbÁ[304] is the common name for Father, and is given to every old man in common discourse. He lyes buryed in St. Nicholas’ church, the one thing remaining of the Greekes memoriall or building here. It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great saint amongst the common people. When we went into it to see his tomb we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles, and presented them to an old woman that looks after it, and shews it to strangers. He said he had made a vow in distresse to do it. The old woman told us: Yes, my sons, when ever you are in danger pray to this good holy man, and he will infallibly help you. Oh, fye! sister, quoth the old Turk, do not so vainly commit sin, for he was a mortall man and a sinner as well as we. I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all, and he doth nothing; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us; and so ended that point of Turkish divinity. This Church is standing pretty intire. It is but little (as I above said, I guesse most others were), but very handsome, in the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the body of it; but the outward wall is scaloped. On the east side the town as we goe in runs a little pretty river just under this church, and hath a very well built stone bridge as ever I saw for the bignesse, of a very hard freestone. It is broad enough for 3 carts to goe abreast. It is 232 of my paces, beside the ascents at each end. It hath 6 little arches in the midst, and severall little flood-gates on each flank. All stones are rob’d here, likewise to build their Moschs, which here are 3 or 4, one very fine one. The town is a pretty large town, and will dayly increase. Ibrahim bassa (now General of the Turks’ army), in bringing an AquÆduct thither, the shafts were open’d not far of from the W. side the town.

May 9th. To HÁfsa,[305] 6 houres, miles 18. Going a little out of Bobbas-cui, on the left hand, is another great hill, cast up, I suppose, on the same account with that between Coresteran and Burgas, but not so big, nor so high. Upon the Top of it lyes now a very long Turkish tomb. That I may here tell you the difference, you must know that they never lay anything over their dead but the earth. All the sides of their tombs are good stone, but above nothing but earth, except in your Royall Mausoleum or those of great men. There they place a cÆnotaph over the grave, and a great candle at head and feet, and at the head the fashions of the cap he wore, by which is known whether he was a man of the law, or some civil magistrate, or souldjer or woman, etc.

About seven mile on the road we passe a little, little hamlet cal’d CoophÁtcui, or coophas-cui. About a mile and ½ from thence (I guesse it half way) we crost a little brook which ran plentifully, but as we return’d it was dry. When we came within 3 or 4 mile of HÁfsa we saw the top of mount Rhodope, which lyeth beyond Adrianople to the west, as afterwards shall be sayd. This name is wrote severall wayes, but pronounced all alike. Here is a most noble ChÁne, farre better then that at Burgas, and likewise a Cupola crosse the street, and a fair mosch annext in the same manner there described; but these two latter are as farre inferior as the other is superior. All were built by the same Mahomet Vizierarem, who built those at Burgas; thence they were made in the same fashion. He lyes buried at Jupe (before mention’d) in a fair mausoleum which I have seen; and it is reported of him that he repair’d all the publick bridges in the Turkes’ territoryes from Adrianople into the bounds of Persia; and built as many Moschs and ChÁnes as there are dayes in the year; and by this means continued Vizier 40 years, an unusual thing in this court, for it is a wonder in this present Kiuprili[306] not so much that he succeeded his father, as that he hath staid in so long.

May 10th. To Adrianople, houres 5½, miles 17. Khavsa lyes S.E. from Adrianople. Getting out of town (which stand low) we again saw upon the first hill Rhodope before us; at 8 miles end we passe a little brook; at 3 miles farther another. With in 2 miles, or little more, of Adrianople is a very good fountain, and fine Kiosk or summer-house by it. Hither comes severall great men in summer to take their pleasure. The city begins to appear about 4 or 5 mile of, and indeed it shews gloriously, as all their citys doe at a distance, but within they are very mean and beastly. The Moschs and Minarys (or steeples), which are very stately, especially Sultan Selim’s mosch,[307] which is the best here, of which more afterwards. The country (as is said) all the way perfect champion ground with pleasant easy hills and fruitful valleys; the soyle generally pretty good, but it is much neglected; and though I have all along mention’d several little villages, yet I assure you this part of Thrace (taken in the whole) is very little inhabited and lesse cultivated. About the townes and villages we saw good husbandry; but elsewhere, I am confident, above 2 thirds of the land lyes unoccupyed, and where they neither plough nor plant vineyards, they feed neither meat nor sheep, nor goat, nor anything else. In many, many miles riding we saw neither corn-field, nor pasture, nor flocks, nor herds, but onely wild neglected champion ground. I have a catalogue of many fine plants observed by the road, but I omitt that, and come now to tell you how we were receiv’d and brought into the city. About 6 mile of the city we were met with all the French and Dutch who, belonging to Pera with us, were then at Adrianople to see sights. At SolÁck chesmi (or the Page’s fountain), which I just now mention’d, were provided 12 of the G. Signor’s horses for my Lord and his attendance to mount and ride into city with all; they were all admirable good ones, and set out as rich as was possible. I left my own and took one of them, whose bridle, saddle, great stirrups, breast plate, buttock cloth, etc., were either all of beaten gold and silver, or else most richly embroyder’d. My Lord’s horses furniture were set out with jewels and pearles most gloriously. There were groomes appointed to attend upon every horse. By that time we were mounted and got into the road and our ranks; we were met with the CapigÉ-pasha (the word signifys chief porter), whose office is much like our Master of the Ceremoneys, and the Chiau’s pasha (or head of the ciauses, who are like our purcevants or messengers of the green-cloth); these two were in their court vests (Capsitans) of clothe and gold and silver, with rich furres, and horses and furniture suitable. After them followed 70 chiauses in their habits, and severall cherbigÉes (colonels of the Janizaryes). We all made ... d till the ceremony of use and complement past; then we went into the city in this cavalcade; first the cherbigeÉs turned back, then the Chiauses, then the CapigÉ basha and Chiaus basha, then my Ld. (having the strangers that met us just before him), then all the English gentlemen, then the servants, then the torch-bearer with Sr. Tho. B., then the coach and 6 horse, then the other (Turgemans) coach; then all the Carts followed. My Ld. had three good horses (of the Companye), richly furnisht out, led by all the way from Pera. The first street was lined with Janissaryes. We were conducted with all this train to the house appointed for my Ld.’s lodgings, and that street had Janisaryes likewise on both sides. There the Turkes and strangers left us. The house we first were allotted was the damn’dest, confounded place that ever mortall man was put into; it was a Jewes house, not half big enough to hold half my Ld.’s family, a mere nest of fleas and cimici,[308] and rats and mice, and stench, surrounded with whole kennells of nasty, beastly Jewes. We made shift that night, and my Ld., sending to the Vizier, had another immediately, which proved very convenient; for here upon these occasions the G. Signor turnes out whome he please (of Jewes or Christians) out of their house, so that it is troublesome and dangerous to them for to have a good house, and in that end of the town there is none, being all Jewes, crowded two or three familyes into a house that hath not more roomes. If the old Jewes were such poisonous beasts, I must needs then allow their frequent washings, and think they needed not touch a dead body to be unclean, for they could not touch a living one without being so; but more of them anon.

An Account of Occurrences at Adrianople, 1675.

May 17th. The RagusÆan Ambassador visited my Ld. His name was MÁrin CabÓga. The Turkes call this Embassador (alwayes one being at Court here) DÓbra BenedÍct, which is as much as good Venetian. He was a lusty, gallant fellow, and I got a very familiar acquaintance with him, and found him merry, cunning in his businesse, but most strangely superstitious as to storyes of witches and such like. One day, being to visit him with a friend of mine, he fell into such discourse, and at last assur’d us that he had met with a Jew woman who, for certain, was a witch. We desir’d to see her. She was cal’d; and when she came, she would not owne any such thing as that she could raise the devil, but she would tell us many charms and tricks: one was, this Signor CabÓga some few dayes before had lost some money, and suspected one of his servants for it. She comes with an Old Testament in Heb[rew], and, tying a key in it at the 51st psalme, hang’d it upon her finger on one side, and upon the finger of another old hag (her camerade) on the other side. Then he began to think of one whom he suspected, and immediately he reads that psalm in any other language which he understand (as he did it in Latine); if the person be guilty, the Bible turnes and drops downe whilst he reads; if he be innocent, it hangs immoveable to the end of the psalme; then he thinks of another, and so begin again. This so possest him as would needs have them shew it us, affirming that when he thought of one person (whome he therefore concluded guilty) it never fail’d. To work go the old hags; he reads; down drops the book. We laught and desir’d we two might hold it upon our fingers (for I perceived the juggle most clearly: it falls with pressing the finger a little stronger then ordinary); he consented, and though he thought of the same person, the book hang’d cleverly to the end in despite of Mother Mumpus.[309] I bad him think of any other person in his mind, as myself, or friend, or the old woman, etc., and before he had gone half way I turned it with as much dexterity as if Mephistophilus himself had been in my Elbo. My gentleman was amazed, but these cunning Jades put a neat conceit in his head. He told us this trick would not do unlesse we were both of us clean; for, said he, it would not do with me at first, for, to tell you the truth, I had been with a prettie girl, but, so soon as I had confest myself, it never fail’d, so that all we could say (if we had 10,000 compurgators, it had been all one) would not persuade him but one of us, or both, had been dabling. I told him of our trick with the Sive, and shewed him the very cheat, both in that and in this, and, with much adoe, we convinct him a little. At last I understood indeed what kind of Conjurers these two women were: they were famous, truely, for raysing (or bringing up) little Devils, but they were all in the shape of pretty wenches. One I had the fortune to see, one as like Cis Archer[310] as if some kind spirit had really conveigh’d her own very self hither; and in troth it might be she, for these fairyes, I veryly believe, had flesh and bones. He often recounted to me the dreadful earthquake that happened at Ragusa in Easter week, 1666[311]; he, being himself in it, gave the greater light and credit to his businesse. He had kil’d a great man in a rencontre, and was imprisoned for it, and sentence past upon him to suffer death; he being at his prayers, expecting every moment to be cal’d forth to execution, was, at a suddain, tost from one side of the prison to the other, just under an arch, and that place from whence he was joulted was blown up into the Ayre, as if it had been done with gunpowder. After his fright was a little over, he got out, and in this sad juncture of affaires behaved himself so gallantly, as he was not onely pardon’d, but promoted, having been several times Ambassadore here before. The greatest part of the houses in the Town were shaken down, which was done at one blow, without any antecedaneous trembling or admonition; but after it follow’d a trembling, which ceased not perfectly in 4 yeares after. There were about 400 and odde noblemen before this accident, but not above 140 escaped; yet not one family of them was quite extinct. He onely was left of his. There are not above 18 familyes antient amongst them. From the harths that were in the houses over thrown broke out all over the town a most dreadfull fire, which continued 22 dayes; yet, notwithstanding it, and the other terrible shock of the Earthquake, nothing of their walls or fortifications, or any publick buildings, were harmed in the least, neither was one corn of powder fired, though all their magazines were then full. There was a poor woman servant after 15 dayes digg’d out alive; she had lived in a kitchen all that while, with a little dish-wash and oatmeal left there by chance. He saw likewise a little child digd out hanging at the mother’s brest (who was dead) three whole dayes after this sad hap; the child is yet alive. He is a very short man, and behaved himself bravely against the Venetians, who afterwards assailed the town. They pay to the G. Signor a yearly tribute of 12,500 Hungars at 2½ dollars apiece, with a dazio (as the merchants call it); it is often more, as now one is valued at 2? doll. Besides this tribute they are forced to make presents at severall times of great solemnityes, as now the G. Signor sent to them to come and honour the Circumcision of his son and marriage of his daughter. They were much confounded, not having any precedent left of what ever had been pay’d before; but the ChiÁ (or steward or deputy) to the Vizier favour’d them with a record of what they paid about 80 yeares since in Sultan Morat’s[312] time, which saved them much of what they intended to have given. I was very much obliged to him, for severall times he took me along with him to see sights, and to be treated by the Turks (as you shall hear anon), even to the envy of severall of our company.

May 19th. My Ld. had audience with the Vizier for the ceremony of it. It is the same with what is performed here at any audience with the Caimacham or Bostanje basha. We were conducted to his Pallace or Seraglio through the City. Two Chiauses (which by order waited upon my Ld. from Stambol continually till he return’d thither again) and all our janizaryes leading of us, and we all following on horseback, we were brought into a pretty large room with a soffÁ[313] (a square raysed about 1½ foot from the ground) covered with carpets very rich, and laid upon the 3 sides next the wall with narrow quilts, or little beds, and great bolsters round, all cover’d with cloth of gold. At audiences at Stambol we putt of our shoes, but here it would be an affront, as if we were afraid to spoil the Vizier’s goods; the like is before the G. Signor. My Lord was placed upon a low stool upon the sofÁ, and we all stood there close at his back. Round about us stood many Chiauses and other attendants. After about ½ of an houre’s stay in come the Vizier, and drops himselfe down upon the couch crosse-leg’d. My Ld.’s stool was put nearer to him. Just as he came in all the waiters cry’d: Whish, whish, etc., in token of silence (though I never saw such silence even to admiration (as hereafter shall be said) without this sign), and at his setting down they all give a great acclamation, as much as God blesse the G. Signor and him, etc. Being thus sat down, my Ld. deliver’d him the King’s letter, and told him that his maister commanded him to do soe, and, with all, to speak something more to him by word of mouth. Amongst other things, my Ld. urged very much the perpetuall friendship of the English, and that in the warres of Candia there appear’d not one English man against them amongst those many other strangers that sided with the Venetians; to which the Vizier answered it was true, he himselfe was witnesse to it. My Ld. thanked him for so speedy an audience. He smiled, and said it was a time of mirth, and the great matters were laid aside awhile, so as he had that leisure. My Lord wish’t it might ever be a time of mirth and joy to him. Many such complements past, though the Vizier was alwayes very brief and sparing in his words, whether out of a formall gravity, or the reall Turkish humour of taciturnity, I know not. He look’t very pleasantly, and, as we were inform’d, with an unusuall sweetnesse; though, at best, I assure you, I thought he had Majesty and state enough in his face all the time, being all the time of a very, very composed countenance, excepting once (as is above said) we fancy’d some shadow of a smile. He is but a little man, and goes (as I often afterwards saw him) a little lamely, and something stooping thereupon, which they say is from many issues which he hath about him for the Sciatica.[314] He hath a small round face, a little short thin black beard, little eyes, little mouth, without any wrinkles in his lips; a smooth round forehead and an erected brow, with thick, but very short, hair on it. He is pockbroaken much. In summe, he hath an acute but morale and serious look; and, if I can judge anything, I should think him a subtle cunning man, though I had never heard so much from the world. He is, they say, 44 years old, though, for my own part, I guesse him not above 40, if so much. He was then in a Chiauses Cap, but he hath severall, as I have seen him many times in them. At all audiences, from the G. Sr. himself to the Kaimacham of Stambol, we give presents, viz., vests of cloth, silk, cloth of gold, silver, velvet, etc., and in most places we receive vests from them, which are a peculiar sort of garment, onely to be then put on by us, and the maisters of state wear them upon peculiar occasions up and down the Court. They are made like our sophisters’[315] gown, without a cape. The stuff is of white silk, flower’d with great branches, sometimes half moones (and the like), yellow or tawny, all with very great weales[316]; and, according to the dignity of the persons, they are of cloth, of silver, or gold, or with more or less gold and silver wrought in the silk. There were give 16 amongst us. I sold mine for 6½ dollrs. My Ld.’s was worth 25 or 30; all the rest like mine, except the Treasurer’s, Secretary’s, and chief Dragoman’s, which were worth about 8 dollars a piece. I am confident this was a very antient custome, and is mean’d in scripture by changes of rayment, etc. We were with the vizier about ½ houre in all; my Ld. was with him in person not above ¼. After these little passes were over he rose up (the waiters making the same acclamations), and bowing a little to my Ld., past on, and we come out with my Ld. You must understand at all audiences (except with the G. Sr. himself, as you shall hear afterward) my Ld. is lead in and out by the Treasurer and Secretary: one on the right, the other on the left. The Cancellier to the Company, and one or two of the merchants, viz., Mr. Cook and Mr. Salter, were not vested, which you may imagine was taken amisse. My Ld. would have talked of keeping peace with Tripoli, Algiers, Tunis, etc., as likewise would have desired to treat by proxy or in private, but it was not then thought convenient.

May 23rd. The Resident (from the Emperor) of Germany visited my Lord.[317] There had been a little pico taken. When Count Leshley[318] came into town Embassador from the Emperor some time since, our Embassador was then in town, and sent his secretary and court to meet him. My Ld. expected that this resident should have done as much to him. But he excused it, assuring my Ld. that he was that day with all his court call’d about businesse before the Vizier, and so all disgust was past over. His name is Giovanni Christophoro, and sometimes he wrote it Chinsberg; a most ingenious, courteous person; and as wise and cunning a statesman. I was most infinitely obliged for his civility, being often with him, and alwayes treated like a prince. He is an excellent schollar; mathematicks and history, and all manner of Antiquitys are his chief delight. I shall have occasion to say more of him anon; yet I will not omit one strange thing now. We had been informed here by a very worthy gentleman that at Tocay in Hungary the vine (which make the best wine in the world, if you believe the Concil of Trent) very often bears grapes with the Acini, or stones, of massy gold. I, standing by my Ld., and by chance hearing him mention the wine of this place, desir’d my Ld. to mention this story to him, and I assure you he confirmed it to be very true, but in a more modest way then we had heard it recounted before: to wit, that the wine was very heavy, and sometimes here and there will certainly be found in the grapes a stone of pure gold, as he himself was presented with two or three such grapes; for it seemes they can know which are such grapes before they break them. Discoursing the point, he defended the possibility of it, asking how pearles sometimes are found in oysters, or little chalk stones in gouty men’s hands, etc. My Ld. return’d his visit two dayes after, and there remain’d a good correspondency betwixt them ever after.

May 25th. We went to see the cavalcade made in honour of the young prince Mustapha[319] before his circumcision. You must understand that when any great man’s son is to be circumcised, a day or two before he shall be cut he is caryed upon a horse up and down the town in triumph, richly clad, but accompanied with severall other poor youths or children, but finely drest, who count it an honour to be circumcised at such a time. There goe a great multitude with them, singing, dancing, shouting, and Turkish Musick playes all the way before him. This ceremony pay’d this day to the young prince was of this nature, but performed in a Royall manner; for all the Court of the G. Sigr. appeared, and we saw much of the Glory of the Empire. All the great officers of State, as likewise the Mustafaraca’s[320] (which are the Lancie sperrate, the G. Signor’s life gard, for I was well acquainted with one who was a Renegade) and other chief officers, had all chiaus caps, as the Vizier himself, etc. They were most excellently horsed, though now Amblers and middle-sized horse are all in fashion. Most were in rich furre vests, the outside cloth (it is a dishonor for great men to go without a furre vest, though it be in the heat of summer); some the outside silk, satin, velvet, cloth of gold and silver. The horse-trappings extream rich; the buttock cloth embroyder’d with gold, silver, pearles, etc., at the meanest wrought with silk; the saddles in like manner; the stirrups, many of silver, some guilded; the bridles plated with gold, or silver and bras; and many set with good stones and pearl, especially the peak on the forehead, and at each ear, etc., this in general.

First come by severall companyes of Janizaryes, with their CherbigÉes or Colonells on foot. Then past the Vizier’s pages in a company distinct and distant by themselves; all very proper, stout men, in crimson velvet floured Delaman’s[321] (they are exactly like our cassocks), with very large silver gilt embost girdles. Then follow’d severall companyes of more Janizaryes, with the Chiaus of the Janizaryes on horseback in the reer, who had a girdle all embroyder’d at least 1½ foot wide. After them, as many more Janizaryes, with their CherbigÉes on horse back. Then as many more Janizaryes, with the Janizary Aga (a devilish severe fellow, both in shew and in nature and practice) in the reer of them on horseback. Then followed another company of the Janizaryes, with the ChiÁ, (or you may call him) Lieutenant to the AgÀ, who is their head. One thing is remarkable, that whereas our swordmen never goe in companys thus but armed, as if they were ready to meet an enemy, here the devil of sword, gun, or weapon, should you see. Some companyes of the Janizaryes had each man a little switch or stick in his hand, the rest nothing in the world about them; and in the whole cavalcade not any armes in the world were ever seen, except a cimeter and pole axe, which every horseman, let him be who he will (as I myself have had many times), wear, the first fixt to his saddle under his left thigh, the latter to the pummel over his right knee; and yet for all this security there is no mutinying, no embroglys or tumults, but the best government in the world. Next come severall companyes of Armorers (JebejÉes) in green caps, edged with gold or silver, as their purses would beare; (chesmejÉes) victuallers with red caps like Janizaryes, onely the flap stands higher above the head piece. Then came severall Cadyes[322] and CadeleschiÉrs (men of the Law), with their NaÏps or Secretaryes, or rather Scriveners. They were all in a sort of sophisters (or lawyer’s) gown, without a cape, short sleeves, and of severall colours and stuffs, richer or baser according to their ability, silk, satin, etc., all fur’d; these are Cadyes, captains, or divan habits.

Next followed the Vizier’s Guards in green vests and caps, which differ’d much from what Consul Ricaut made them; their vest was closed together with monstrous great buttons and tassels; they were at least 300 lusty stout fellowes, all Albaneses. After them came more of his pages clad like the first. Then follow’d he himself, the Mufti and MosaÏf, or great favorite; the Mufti in the midst, in a white cloth vest and ermine furre; on his right hand the Vizier in a white satin sable furr’d vest; on his left hand the MosaÏf (or Coologlan), the favourite, in a green sattin sable vest. Then were caryed by 40 Naculs, 20 on a side, which are divices made upon a large pole in forme of a pyramid or cone (rather) of wire, painted paper, beggars batten (such as we trim hobbyhorses[323] withall), and flowrs and fruit of wax work, and painted paper, etc. At every wedding and circumcision such toys as these are carryed before the partyes concerned; but these were more large and costly. Then were carryed by two more naculs of incredible bignesse; it was the most gaudy magnificent peice of (Hobbyhorsism) folly that ever I saw. It was continued in quite another kind of frolick upon a large mast of a ship; it was 27 yards long, and the lower part was 5 or 6 yards diameter; the ornaments of it were much like this here described, onely between every sphere were square cubes furnisht out with the same fancyes, especially wax work. Now you will say: How could this colossus be moved? At the bottom were eight or ten large bars of wood fastend parallell (as the strings or bars of a sedane) and betweene these were harnest above 100 slaves; and before it (upon these bars) stood (or road) a master of a galley, who menaged the Slaves, they resting and reering it up and down at the noyse of his whistle. Now, for fear it should overset and topple down, there were four long pikes of wood fasten’d about half way up, and as many ropes came from the top, by which other slaves (taking hold of the lower end) guided the top and kept it alwayes right up. To let these walking timber-trees pass by the streets of the city many houses were untiled, and some in part pul’d down. I went to view them whilst they were making. They broke down a great stone wall of the publick ChÁne in which they were made to let them out. The story of the walls of Troy and their Hobby-horse is to it as Tom thumb[324] to Bevis of Southampton.[325] I must here tell you a story. The Vizier sent an expresse to the Bailo of Venice, commanding him to send for all the actors of their operas to come with their scoenes, musick, etc., to grace the G. Signor’s solemnityes. The Bailo excused himself, urging it was impossible (besides of the inconveniences, etc.) to bring all that lumber and trumpery by land and Sea in due time. The Chiaus (the messenger) storm’d and swore: what was impossible for the G. Signor to do? WallÁh (by G.), my maister, if he will, can fetch your whole city hither just as it stands there; streets, houses, churches, and all. The Bailo, with much adoe, got of; but, ifaith, when I saw this moving wooden steeple so easily menaged, I began to think the Chiaus had some reason in him. The little naculs were afterwards set before the G. Signor’s tents: the two great ones before the Queen-mother’s Kiosk (or sommer-house or Balcony), all in the place of sports, of which more by and by. After these Naculs were past, came young prince Mustapha, surrounded on every side before and behind, with a brave troop of Cherbigee (Collonels), all on foot, in their caps and feathers. The prince himself was mounted upon a lovely beast, which was, in a manner, nothing but jewels, pearls, gold, and silver from head to tayle, and led by two mighty, lusty CherbigÉes richly clad, on each side one; two more in like manner went fanning him all the way and shadowing him (for it was about ten o’clock, and a most excessive hot day). They have large fans made here on purpose for great personages of bustards’ feathers, contrived from 1½ to 2 or 3 foot wide. Whether it was by chance or on purpose, I know not, but he made a stand just before us, where I view’d him wel (as I have done oftentimes since), being within 3 yards of him at most, now I was about 5 yards distance. He is in generall an ugly, il-favour’d (and I guesse very ill-natured) chit; he hath a perfect Russe face (as I have seen enough to be some competent judge) as may be; he hath a beetle brow, a short, flat, saddled nose, with a little cop[326] at the end; a roundish flat face, low forehead; eyes and eyebrowes fair, the latter inclining to a sandy colour; his eares very large, as much as can be seen; his hands (as all Turkes are brutish and carelesse of them) tan’d and swarthy. His mother is a Russe, and his father of a Russe extraction. He had a plain Turbant on, like a common Turk, and a black single feather on the left side, at the bottom of which was a diamond of about 40 (or, as they say, 43) carats, sent home from the K. of Persia of old to a young prince of this Empire. He had likewise two others, very large, on each side his vest, to clasp it before, and instead of buttons were large pearls set al down the edge. His Delamon under his vest was cover’d all before (instead of buttons and loops) with broaches of rubyes and Emeralds; his vest was a white cloth of silver sables; his delamon purple cloth of gold. He road to his father’s tent; there he was received with a kisse, and sat down by him. After the young p. and his attendance follow’d his Musick, Ten Pipers, 6 Drumes, 4 trumpets, 2 kettle-drumes, and 4 tamburs (or tympanums), like sives cover’d with parchment at bottome; all these were mounted on camels. The streets were lined with women on one side and men on the other. The women of quality came coached, and the chief had stands, or shops, or chambers, on purpose provided. All were vailed, yet I took notice of many delicate persons that would now and then be peeping, and some slipt down their vail very farre, which is accounted (if observ’d by the rest) a great peice of impudence. The streets were continually kept swept by broom men that waited on purpose; and they were every foot and anon between company and company refresht with water, which Sackals (budget men[327]) brought and sprinkled on purpose. Amongst so many people it was most wonderfull to see order and strange silence, not the least rudenesse in boyes or men; yet, to keep the crowd of people of and in good order, there are men on purpose in all these public meetings appointed, cal’d TooloonjÉs, from skins of sheep (cal’d Tooloons) blown up full of wind, and all dawb with oil and tar, and in leather jackets besmeared in like manner. The Turkes (who are very spruce and chary of their fine vests) run from these people as from the Divel, who upon occasion will strike them with their tooloones, which will break no bones, but onely daub them; they have leather caps with bells all down the side. There were about 200 of these Raga-muffins, and their two Bashas, or capes (heads), on horse back commanding them. In the furniture and ornaments of men and horse that day Diamonds, rubyes, emeralds, gold, silver, embroyder’d work, etc., were common things. The slaves employ’d in the Naculs before said had all their liberty. This day was the 11th of their moon Rebiul EvÍl[328] (or the first Evil), the next being Rebiul acker. One thing I will here conclude this paragraph withall. You can imagine what strange prodigious civility all Franks (as they call us) found everywhere at these festivals. I have been twenty times myself caryed in to see the sights, when all Turkes have been huncht[329] away. They took the greatest pride that we should see and (at least seem to) admire everything. I have been many times very, very near the G. Signor himself (sometimes ½ an hour together, as long as I pleased), with my hat and in my hair, both which they hate as the Divel; and have return’d quite through the City (once or twice al alone) in the midst of the great multitude of Turkes, and yet I assure you I never met the least affront in the world, but rather extraordinary kindnesse, as shall be hinted particularly afterwards; and amongst these vast multitudes all are as husht and orderly as we are at a sermon. I could not possibly believe it till I found it alwayes so, and from me you may believe this wonder.

May 27th, and the 13th of their Moon, is Mahomet’s birth day, which they solemnly kept, for they have severall holy dayes as well as we, besides BirÁms, etc. This day the G. Signor went to Sultan Selim’s Mosch (which is the chief Mosch here); we went to see him go by. There was no great state or train; most of the great men came scattering. The Vizier came riding by himself, with about 20 or 30 of his pages before him in crimson velvet (as before is described), on foot before him, and about 8 persons on horseback about him; to wit, his KihiÁ (or deputy or steward properly), his AgÁ, or chief Governor of his household, etc. The Vizier[330] was very plain, his vest green cloth, with ermin’s furre, and, a distance being kept between his pages before and his attendants behind, he rode alone in the middle. About an hour after (it was near 11 o’clock) came riding in front about 10 BostanjÉs to se the street clear’d and water’d, as before is said; they speedily rode back again and joyn’d with their company, who made up about 50 in all. After them follow’d the G. Signor’s pages on each side the way, in cloth of gold, dark sky-colour’d delamons, with broad embroyder’d girdles, and every one a jint (or small javelin) in his hand of black ebony inlaid with mother of pearl; all were on foot in two files, about 60 in all. Immediately followed the G. Signor himself, very plain, in an ordinary sarick, or shash (his Tiara), and purple cÁook (his scul-cap, about which his shash is wound). His vest was very plain likewise, onely two good large stones were set in brocades to clasp it above before; the two tips at the bottom before were born up by two footmen, and his garments underneath were very ordinary as might be. I have seen him many, many times (as is said before); but take this little description of him once for all. He is a very swarthy man, his face shining, and pretty full eye, black and sparkling; his nose something long, and beetled[331] at the end, a full, roundish high forehead, a severe brow, his beard black, very thin, and not very long. The Vizier’s beard is much thicker, but they say he does not wear it longer than the G. Signor’s; his hand big, but very rude, alla Turchesa; the upper part of his face something resemble Mahomet the 1st in Knowles.[332] He hath a great deal of Majesty in his countenance, and terror, too, when he please to put it on. He hath been very lean and sickly (3 or 4 yeares since), but now he is exceedingly plump and hearty. I have been certainly informed by GrerÁch basha (a Renegado, and his cheif Chirurgion, who circumcised the young prince, as by and by you shall hear more), with whome I was well acquainted, that the onely Physick (in a manner) which he used was Issues (whereof he hath had 8, nay 10, at a time upon him) (they are much used by all people here, especially in the Plague) and exercise, especially hunting,[333] which he followes still most extravagantly, many times going out two or three houres before day, and it may be not returning till as late at night; sometimes (as this last winter) summoning in all the VillÁnes in 20 mile compasse to drive a whole wood or forest before them. They tell a good story of him (but I have also heard it of one of his ancestors), that many of the poor VillÁnes dying once for hunger and cold, the BostanjÉ Basha, or some other officer, caused 8 or 10 of their bodyes to be laid in the way where the G. Signor was to passe. The G. S. seeing them, askt what they were; the officer told him Poor VillÁnes starved and perisht in his service, adding what pitty it was, etc. The G. S. immediately swore they were all rotten, and he would hang him for providing noe sound men, so his pitty had like to have cost him his head. Pardon this digression: now we return to the story.

Just after the G. Signor followed the young P. Mustapha, very plain likewise, with two servants on horseback attending, on each side one; after followed several Bashaes and other great men, all in plain clothes. There was a Sermon there, and prayers (as is usual); and after 2½ houres all returned. The young prince with his father went to the Seraglio, and about KindÍ (the 9th houre in the Turkish account of the day), he was circumcised by the Chirurgion above said (whose new Turkish name is OnufÉ), who had for his paines 10,000 zechines (about 6,200 lb. sterling), as he boasted to me; but I am confident it was much lesse. It was presented him from the Q. mother in a large silver bason. He was an Italian, ignorant enough, but bold and ingenious. As at other circumcisions (as is before hinted), many accompany the great man’s son, and take it as an honour, so here were severall 1,000es circumcised at this feast; an account see afterwards amongst the generall notions. I now will begin with the festivalls in honour of the circumcision, which began May 15th, they counting it the first day of the moon (from the Phases), whereas to us the day before was our new moon, which they reckoned the 29th, but in reality was the 28th, on which night the rising in a little thin cloud appear’d bigger then ordinary, and gave them the greatest pleasure and occasion of rejoicing that could be.

After these solemnityes were past, in the beginning of the next moone (June the 14th) began the solemnityes of the Mariage of the Mosaifs (the bridegroomes) house, of which in good order. First, then, you must know that going into the Seraglio here there are two buildings which meet at the great gate almost at right angles, before which lyes a delicate plain, wherein they had pitch’t these Tents so in a rank as to make up a third side, and inclose between the two former walls and the tents a large quadrangle, which they left open on the 4th side for people to come and be spectators. Here every night come the G. Signor and the Prince, the Sultana and ladyes, and all the court to their proper places to see the sights. The company never come together till about 2 o’clock after dinner; for, setting up and spending all the night in revellings, the forenoon went to recruit them in sleep. About KindÍ (which is the 9th hour) were brought presents to the G. Sr. dayly; for all great men throughout his whole empire were compel’d to present him and the sultana: and many about the Court not giving so liberally as was expected, were forced to second presents; some were manzoold (turn’d out) for their niggardlinesse. It is commonly reported that the cost of all these sports, etc., come to 12,000 purses of money, whereas his presents come to at least 32,000 purses, each purse being 500 doll.; so he gain’d 20,000 purses, or 10,000,000 dollars, which, at 4s. 6d. the dollar, makes 2,250,000 lb. sterling. These presents were carried by publickly to the G. Sr. tent, and there the chief of those that brought them were vested by the G. Sr., as is said in our audience with the Vizier. When these presents did not come by there was continuall dancing or variety of sports, either before the G. Sr., Vizier, Sultana, etc., some or other, all the afternoon, of which by and by more particularly. About a full hour before sunset (sometimes sooner) were brought into the ring every day many, many young lads to be circumcised in honour of the G. Prince, or, rather, the honour was their own in being his companions; and every one has a pension as long as he lives of a certain number of aspers (I heard 3 named, but that is too little) per diem, and are call’d the Prince’s pensioners. This circumcision last 13 dayes, till the P. was cut. That night the G. Sr. and Sultana stay’d within to comfort him, yet we had the old sports before the G. Viz. and Testerdare,[334] etc. At the time abovesaid all the persons to be cut that day were brought round the ring, singing a Turkish song, being onely some words of the Al Koran, and rejoycing with musick and clapping of their hands; then they were brought to the tent, where they were cut publickly. I saw many 100es of them (there being about 2,000 in all the 13 nights) cut, and the Turkes would be so farre from hindring your seing, as they would make way for you. There were many of riper yeares, especially renegades that turn’d Turks. I saw an old man which they reported to be 53 yeares old, cut. The common way there of turning was (as I saw severall) to go before the G. Sr. and Vizier, and throw down their cap, or hold up their right hand or forefinger; then they were immediately led away by an officer (who stands by on purpose), and cut with the rest. I saw a Russe of about 20 yeares old, who, after he had been before the Vizier, came to the tent skipping and rejoicing excessively; yet, in cutting he frowned (as many of riper ages doe). One night we met a young lad, who askt us the way to the Vizier. Being a country boy, we askt him what he would with him. He told us his brother turn’d Turk, and he would goe find him, and be cut, too; and two dayes after he was as good as his word. It is very dangerous meddling in these cases here. There were at least 200 proselytes made in these 13 days. It is our shame, for I believe all Europe have not gained so many Turkes to us these 200 yeares; for, though the Ch. of Rome boast their Emissaryes here (as, indeed, there are many, many), Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, yet, believe me, they have other designes than converting of Turkes.

There was constantly a Mezin[335] (or cryer, or steeple man), which call’d to prayers from behind the G. Sr.’s tent, as I thought, out of the Seraglio. Besides those who call to prayers upon every steeple, every great man (as the Kaimachan Bostangebasha, etc., at Stamboul) has his Mezin, and by consequence the G. Sr. must have his. Then, indeed, it was wonderfull to see with what reverence, uniformity, and most admirable devotion all (especially the men of note) betook themselves to their prayers in publick; the chief men in their stands and tents, the others (everywhere round the ring), 20 or 30, or more or lesse, in companys abroad upon carpets or the bare ground. We were permitted to stand by without the least disturbance. I had seen their manner before, and have all their prayers (which are in Arab) by me. Sometimes they stand, sometimes kneel, oftentimes bowing their head to the very ground and kissing it. I was once within 5 yards of the G. Sr. all the time.

There is in all Mosches, and in most great men’s houses, and was here likewise in the G. Sr.’s and others tents, a Imaun (Imam), or learned man (for they have no such thing as orders or distinction between clergy and laity), who did praise, or rather speak out the prayers, the rest keeping a profound silence and imitating him in their bowings and postures. I should heartily have commended their piety, had I not seen in the very same place all the roguery and beastliness, and the like, acted there publickly with the applause and approbation of the chief men amongst them as well as the rabble: as shall be by and bye recounted. Devotion being ended, which never lasted above ¼ of an hour, imediately strike up the Capagasi’s musick (the head of the white Eunuches), and the CapigÉ basha’s musick.

The G. Sr., Vizier, Kaimachans, etc., musick is all alike. 1st, there are trumpets, which come in onely now and then to squeel out a loud note or two, but never play a whole tune. 2d, pipers—their pipe is much the same with our trebble shaurne[336] or HoÓboy; these play continually without any pause. 3d, great drums, but not bract[337] as oures, nor corded at the bottom; they beat them at both ends, the top with the right hand with a great stick at every long or leading note, the bottom with a little in their left hand at every small or passing note; these have their pauses often. 4thly, little kettle or dish drums (for they have both) dissonant one to the other, for they are in paires; these rest sometime likewise. 5thly, they have 2 brasse platters about foot wide, which they hang loose in their hands, and clatter them one against the other.

I am very inclinable to believe all this Musick old, and mention’d in Scripture. These last either were the cymbals mention’d in Chron. 15, 19. At the sounding of the Musick above 200 MestejÉs (or firemen) came from the G. Sr.’s stables (which were hard by) into the Ring, bearing their Beacons upon their shouldjers, and singing all the way a prayer for the G. Sr. in such a dismal tone, which, with the noyse of the musick before named, and all the lights and fires, and the black TooloonjÉs muving up and down, gave me the perfectest representation of Hell that ever I yet saw upon earth; yet the Turkes count it a heavenly thing. I do verily believe our custome of pulling of our hat, and bidding good evening at lighting up, or bringing in of the first lights or candles (as like wise all Greekes, Jewes, Armenians, and the Italians here give the buona sera at the first light), was a very antient custome all over the East, and this prayer of the MestejÉs is nothing else. They set their lights round the ring and tend them with fuell. Those before the Sultana, G. Sr., Vizier, etc., wer 6 or 8 branches upon the same stalk; the others were single. This shewes you something to conceive the double ones by. There were about 200 TooloonjÉs to keep of the rabble, continually waiting; and though they suffer’d no Turke to go in, yet we could passe and repasse without the least difficulty imaginable. All the lights placed and orderd, besides the light of the moon assisting, the sports and dances begin afresh, which continued commonly till midnight; sometimes much longer, seldome lesse.

On May the 21st was nothing to doe, for just about sun set was such a terrible Burasca of wind, thunder, lightning, rain, and hail (very great) mixt together, as almost blew down their tents, beat out all their lamps, and spoil’d all their machines, and the sand, which is round the city in many beds before the rain, was roused in such a prodigious manner, as being that night on horseback I could not see his head; it was a perfect Ægyptian mist of dust. The G. Sr., Vizier, and all the company were forced to retire for that night.

After these dances and sports were over, about midnight (as is said), began very excellent fireworks of all sorts, which continued till towards morning, and then all retired to their repose. Now for the dances and sports. You must understand that from all parts of the Empire were summon’d all (his subjects), Jewes, Greekes, Arabs, Armenians, Turkes, etc., that were any wayes excellent for any sports or entertainments of delight, and truly I do not believe these Eastern Countryes can afford any thing more in that kind then what I have seen here. First, your dancers were for the most part young youths, very handsome generally; most Greekes, yet some more Turkes, Armenians, and a few Jewes.

The best were clothed very rich, either cloth of gold, silver, or rich silk. They had on a just a corp, as we say, coming to mid thigh, close button’d at the hands, and girt about them with rich girdles as their purse and fancy led them; under it (over the rest of their cloth’s) they had a petticoat, which was very large, and hang’d very full, down to their ankles; this was very rich, and of some pretty light merry colour. These clothes were given them by the G. Sr., or Sultana. Their heads are not shaven quite close, but very lovely locks are left round, which at other times they wear up close, and are unseen; but now they let them down, and set them out to best advantage, sometimes disshevel’d all about their shoulders, sometimes braided and hanging at their back. They commonly wore over their hair a plain cap of silk (small, or scull fashion’d) or (which is more gentele) a fur’d sort of cap, cal’d here a culpÁck. There was a delicate lovely boy, of about 10 yeares old, had as comely head of hair, long as most women. With him danc’t a lusty handsome man (about 25), both Turkes. They acceded all the roguish lascivious postures conceivable with that strange ingenuity of silent ribaldry, as I protest I believe Sardanapalus and all the effeminate courts of the East never came near them. They pleased so extremely that there was scarce a night but they acted in some place or other. I saw them severall times before the Sultana doe as much as anywhere else. The rest danc’t 4, 6, sometimes 8 in a company. It consists most in wriggling the body (a confounded wanton posture, and speakes as much of the Eastern treachery as dumb signs can), slipping their steps round gently; setting and turning. Never is their arming, or any figure, or handing; yet one night before the Sultana they danc’t in hats and perukes, and Frank habit, but could not imitate us in anything. I never saw them a second time, which makes me believe they did not please. They allwayes come before the person (where they dance) running (as all other that have occasion to passe and re-passe, unlesse in the bringing of presents or the like solemnity); then they fall either into a semicircle or whole round, and so continue falling out of one tune and humour into another, till at last, with a merry wherry of their musick, they turn round (as the Dervises) a long time, and so stopping they bow, and away they run to their musick, which are alwayes hard by. These differ from the other Musicianers, and may be cal’d the private musick, being commonly Pans pipe of 20, 25, 30, (at most) 32 reeds, placed in order, lesse and shorter each than another as the notes rise. I have heard it plai’d on three or four times since I came into Turkey, and fancy it certainly to be the most enravishing tone in nature; yet the notes are fixt, and cannot be alter’d flat and sharp ad libitum, and therefore cannot be brought into the canon of musick to play anything that is appropriated to some peculiar lessons. 2d, a little pittifull instrument with three wire strings, which every fellow thrums ordinarily about the street. I take it to be the Pandura of the antients.[338] 3rdly, Turkish and Arab lutes of 5, 8, sometimes but 4, double strings, with a little neck a yard (the least), sometimes more, long. They have severall sorts of them—all not worth a lowse. 4, a sort of Dulcimer with gut strings, touch’t with both hands, as the Harp, onely this lyes flat and Horizontall. The Jewes have a kind of fiddle of 4 guts, tuned like a violin, but (that you may know the excellency of it) the back and sides are commonly made of the bottome of a gourd, the belly of a dryed film, or skin hornifyed[339]; the neck is of a piece of broom stick. Lastly, to crown the Consort, you have every where a TambÚr, of which something is said above, is well known in Italy. These minstrells set all down crosse leg at a convenient distance on the one side of the persons before whome they plaid. The dancers have in each hand two peices of Ebony, 3 or 4 inches long, which they knock and charre together in time to the musick. I fancy they are every whit as good as our castenettas. They call them in Turkish chalparÉh, in Greek pa?????. Next there were many actors of little playes or interludes; all in the most beastly brutish language possible, as I was sufficiently informed by my companions, and there actions fully confirmed it. The actors of men were Armenians and Turkes that came from the borders of Persia, and several times acted certain conceits in Persian habit, which was very becoming, being far more rich and gaudy then the Turkes wear. They often mix, as is said, severall sorts of beasts in their gambals, and in every play alwayes enter’d in a large Dear (like our hobby horses), whome they call’d HÓo, which is a name of God; but there it stood for a Robin good fellow, or hobgoblin, pulling them, and biting them, and playing a 1,000 freakes. In sume, the best of them did not exceed our ordinary Christmasse gambals.

There was one acted there very often not much unlike the old man with 7 Sons, so good, so good. They acted two drunken men, two young whores, and an old baud, and a gallant, and a souldjer; a cuckold and his three wives; wherein all the tricks and wayes of making love here in Turkey, and the extreame jealously and severity of these people were excellently well expresst. They acted a horse courser, a barbier, a butcher, and several such conceits. In Persian habit, with every one his plume of feathers in his Turbant, they acted an humour which pleased mightily. They begin in a ring, and what the cheif does all the rest are to imitate, or run the gantlet. If he turnes to the right, left, forward, or round, sculk down, start up, etc., they immediately do the like. Such pour pastorals we had in great variety, and they passe here for greater ingenuity than your playes can doe in England. Their tiring place is alwayes behind the Musick a convenient distance, from which and to which they alwayes passe and re-passe running, as before is said of the dancers.

Next I must recount the Maisters of activity. First there was a bastanjÉ, a middle-sized squad fellow, who shew a vast strength in tossing about weights. Upon sticks or steales,[340] about 4 foot long, were fasten’d at the end round stones, each weighing from 26 pound to 50 pound a piece. Beginning with the least first, he would take in each hand one, and swing them about his head, under his armes, behind his back, over his shoulders, many strange wayes with the greatest dexterity and agility imaginable; then setting down them, he would take the two next, and so change on till he come to the last, which (as is said) weighed at least 50 pound apeice; yet he would tosse them about with ease, even to admiration. Some of these he would hold steady and strong at his armes end. Having laid them by, he began with single ones of like fabrick, but weighing from 60 lb. to 120 lb. a peice, being equall to our hundred weight. Fastning the steel or handle to his wrist with a leather thong, he managed all the smaller first in like manner with one hand, still rising till he came to the greatest, which to my amazement he tost about likewise. He had others with a vast piece of iron at the end loose, so as lifting up the steal it would slip to the handle; thence he would throw it out to the end again with a great slap or crack. These he first managed likewise double, then single; but they were not so heavy; the biggest of these weigh’d not above 50 or 90 lb. at most. Lastly, he had a round stone weighing a Kintal[341] and half, just our hundred and half, fixt or hang’d to two steales with two short chaines; this would he tosse about at a strange rate, swinging it behind his back, his head being between the sticks and his armes. His right arme was alwayes braced with a fillet very hard and close above the elbow. There are many of these stone balls (or shot) with Iron steales or handles in many places here hanged up, at which I have many times wonder’d, the Turkes telling ridiculous fables concerning them. There are two by the great Bagno in Scutary, and severall hang’d up over severall gates in Stambol with Turkish writing ingraved upon them, yet none of them exceeded (if they any wayes can equall) these which this fellow plaid withall.

I made an exact enquiry since I came home, and understand that these here at Stambol have been in like manner menaged,[342] and the writings speak by whome and before whome it was done, as particularly one of them over Adrianople gate (in Stambol) was menaged just before Mahomet 3d, who took the City, and being infinitely pleased with the strength and activity of the man (whome report made a Bulgarian), he rewarded the man well, and caused the stone ball with the Iron in it to be chain’d up there in memory of him. Some of these in Stambol have a crosse peice of Iron at top, which make me inclinable to believe that the Greek Emperors had this sport before, and the Turkes learn’d it from them. There were vaulters there good store; but, indeed, I think we out doe them all.

This BustanjÉ would do prettily well. I see him stand upon the edge of two Cimeters (each foot upon one) barefoot, and swing about one of his greater single stones without the least harme. There was an Arab likewise would lay his bare back upon one, and at the same time a great, lusty man stood on his belly, as likewise he would heave on 2 or 3 vast great stones by the help of a pulley, and yet his back never was hurt. I confesse to read this story in Busbequius made me amazed (as this may you); but when I saw the height of it, I counted it a poor thing; for by his buttocks, and his head, neck, and shoulders, he bore up his belly so as the cimiter lay under the hollow of his back, and a strong man may easily bear a vast weight in that posture. The same man took the Cimiter with his hands at each end, and, laying the edge to his bare belly, moved it very hard from right to left without any harme, onely making a little red line where the edge past. He would fasten a pulley to a gibbet, and through ran a rope, fastend at one end to a ring, to which all his hair was tyed at the crown of his head; the other end was in his hand, by which he would pull himself up a great height. Sometimes he did it with another man at his back; once with an Asse fastend to his shoulder; once with a young camel. I have made some conjectures upon it, but I will not anticipate your mechanicks about this fa???e???, onely tell you it seems a pretty one. He took a great pole, about 3 yards long and ½ foot thick, but broader at each end, and setting one end upon the teeth of his lower jaw, he danct with it in this posture upright without touching it, but clapping his hands to his musick, by then he put another frame upon it with 8 or 10 branches (or he could adde more) upon it by a hole that was in the top. Upon every stanza he would set a cup of water; then raysing it, he would dance with all these in like manner without spilling one drop. Then by a stick, which he would put into the same hole, he set a little boy crosse-leg’d upon it, and danct with him in like manner. Lastly, he would set a great pitcher of water up on the upper end, and dance with it; then all of a sudden, with great force, he would strike away the end at his mouth from him, and catch the pitcher in his armes. We saw most of these tricks upon the road acted by him, and all again repeated in the Ring.

Some yeares since there was an Arab at Smyrna did all these tricks much more dexterously; instead of a pitcher of water, he would lay a little child flat on its back upon the upper end, and bidding it shut its eyes, would dance with it a little while, and at last, striking away the pole, would catch it in his armes safely. He likewise would place a handjar, or Turkish dagger, ¾ foot long, upon the ground, with the poynt upwards; he layes himself on his back with his head close to it, then raysing up his heeles, and his body poysed, his body upon his head and neck, and then with a jerk would turne himself quite to the other side the dagger without the least harme. This fellow did the like, but more bunglingly. The Smyrna man would likewise place three swords with their points upwards, and upon them a little piece of dirt or such a thing; then fetching a run, he would passe them on the ayre, striking of the pieces of dirt, and with the fourth step come to the ground. This logger-head did not doe it, though he said he could.

Jugglers were many likewise, but the generality were loggerheads to what we have in England. There was one, an Arab, so ill-looking a fellow as you would have sworne that he was elder brother to the Divel himself. His face exceeding black and shriveled much (for he was old), blear-eyed, his head bald and shined like soot, being well baked in the sun; he had short, crisp’d hair, black and massy (like a black moor) round about like the Corona of the fryars; and he was accordingly clad just like a Dominican in a white serge vest or gown closed before, with open sleeves covered with another black one like it in all things, excepting that it was not closed before.

The common people here are the most superstitious, credulous, fabulous creatures alive. I speak of all Turkes, Greekes, etc., and this man by his lookes, and garb, and tricks had so imposed upon them as severall had represented him to me as if he had been one of the old Magicians in Ægypt risen from Gehenna. I was big with desire and expectation of seeing him, for he seldome (as the best of his jibes being common) shew’d his tricks publickly. At last I laid out for him, and he was brought to my Ld. He shew’d little then, but I saw all he could do afterwards, which truely was not much, and being so old, he slubber’d[343] his businesses over so as I could discover all he did. He had 5 or six snakes tam’d, which were kept under the white frock, and with these he would make good sport. He would pull one from your buttons, nose, bosome, etc., and taking any thing of the standers by, as knives, handkerchiefs, bals, etc.; going to returne them, he would drop you a snake. Now, no people in the world being more fearfull of such things then these, he past for such a miracle-monger amongst them as I fear they of Ægypt were little better, especially considering how highly his conceits might be improved; for here are dayly snakes carryed up and down, tamed, of all sizes almost, and I did not question amongst the vulgar even in England to make thousands of them believe I could turn almost anything into them by sleight of hand, with a little thought and practice. By help of his under frock (closed before, and with wide sleeves), with his left hand he could give and take anything from his right hand unseen; by which he made many pretty conveighances, though none very fine. Had you heard the relations of the people (some understanding men), you would not wonder at my relation to you. One came and swore to me that he pul’d a snake a yard long out of his nose; another that he put a little small ball under a cup, and it was turn’d into a serpent; another gave him a cup of wine, and he drank and return’d the cup, and going to fill one more for himself, swore there leapt out a great snake, etc. I got so much liberty as to see all his contrivances under his frock, which are too tedious to be repeated.

I saw another which thrust a Iron (which I had in my hand all the time, and it was really done) about 10 inches (at the least) long in to his nose, up to the hilt, and may easily be done with a little practice by anybody. Many more such tricks I have to communicate to you when we meet.

There was wrastling every day, according to the old way, which is yet peremptorily retain’d. They are naked, all but a short pair of drawers put over their middle. There is nothing of play, but onely meer strength required. Nothing is accounted of unless the vanquished person be laid flat on his back, and therefore they fall worrying and tumbling on the ground perhaps 1½ hour till one be rowled on his back. Many come in oyl’d all over, that no man’s hand could hold fast any part of them, and therefore the wrist, or ham, or ancle, if they can be grasped, are the onely places of laying good hold. It is well pictur’d in a late author (Potinus), treating of medals, but it is nasty sport at best.

About mid-night, as is said, all the dances and other sports being over, began the fireworks, which, indeed, very much delighted me. The chief contrivers were two (a Venetian and Dutch) Renegadoes, there being appointed all materials in a large ChÁne, and at least 200 stones to beat and prepare their compositions. First there were several figures of monstrous giants, many-headed and deformed. They were hollow’d and framed with little hoopes, and paper’d over. These were hang’d all over with crackers, serpents, sausissons,[344] etc., and after these were fired (which alwayes was done with excellent time), out of their heads, and Eyes, nose, eares, flew severall rockets, and, last, out of their mouths gushed streams of fire. Some had charges in their hands, which fired in the last place, and the armes being continued loose, swung them about very dexterously. Severall of these machines were contrived to turn upon the pole or spindle on which they hung, and were caryed round by a blind rocket attacht to the hem of their garments, for you saw no legs—nothing but a long coat cover’d their lower part. What was burnt of the frame was infallibly repair’d by next night.

Next there were Pyramids (slightly framed, all to be caryed and recarryed dayly, which was done by Slaves) of at least 10 or 12 yards high, hang’d in like manner with fireworks all over, and after they fired, remain’d upon the sides little cotton stoups[345] innumerable, which, being prepared with a composition of camphore, etc., burnt a full quarter of an hour after the others were past, like so many pure white flames or tapers, in due rank and file from bottom to top. At last, from the top, flew a volley of rockets, crackers, and other wild fire altogether, with very wonderfull delight.

There were contrived severall trees (as I may call them), or stands branched and hollowed, and filled with a nimble composition which gave fire from bottom to top to severall canes attach’t to the sides (at holes on purpose) and charg’d variously with all manner of fire workes. Coming into the branches were discharg’d severall hundred of them together. There were severall large paste boarded castles, charged within and without with the like workes, which discharg’d in like manner. There was a high, large fountain, which, when it had discharg’d all his fire-workes, left four double rowes (at convenient distance) of pipes, which cast out streames and drops of fire in exact resemblance of the naturall fountaines of water; and, at the top, four large pipes, and, in the middle of them, a fift, very big, all which cast streames of fire (which was whiten’d with Camphora) upward. It dured a long time, and ended with a volley of rockets, discharged all at once into the ayre. There was a round fountain, contrived to move upon the pin or staff (on which the whole machine hang’d), in 4 or 5 peices, which, by blind rockets attacht to them, moved contrary wayes, though at a distance they all seemed to move the same way, the angles in the eye being the same. In all things else it was like the former fountain.

There was (May 28th) a very large castle brought forth, intended to represent the castle at Candia. After an infinite of fireworkes discharg’d from it, and God knowes how many guns fired from within (by men on purpose, who withdrew afterwards at a port hole), it took fire at last (designedly) in so admirable a manner as no naturall fire could seem more reall. The combustible matter was made with so exquisite a composition, and the ribs so well contrived, as though the flame burst out in many places about the bottom of the roof; yet the top took fire in due time and burnt with the body, and dropt down first peice by peice. Then the sides began to let the fire break out through them, and by little and little the top parts of them fell down first, and then the wals wasted in order, till all was dropt down in one heap of fire. All this was done with that leisure, as it lasted at least an hour, and made the goodlyest bonefire that ever I saw.

There was severall men with hobby horses about them, and other figures, cover’d all over in like manner with fireworkes, which taking fire, ran up and down and encounter’d one another bravely. There were great timbers placed up like gallowes, and to one another were fasten’d ropes in such a manner as upon them were hang’d little ships, galleyes, etc., able to hold two or three men (but many, many made of paper, and the like stuff, represented a whole ship’s crew), who managed the guns and fireworkes within, contrived most dexterously; and with other ropes pulling these vessels backwards and forwards, they represented a sea-fight very naturally. One was betwixt Capt. Georgio’s ship (a famous corsair, about 10 yeares since taken by them) and two galleyes. It was late every night before this trade of fire was over, but then for an hour, some times, it was a great deal more. The MestegÉes from all quarters of the Ring, at their fires, fir’d severall thousands of rockets (especiall 28th of May, the last night but one, and the best), which certainly are the best fireworkes to behold in Nature. Some of them discharg’d about 30 starres, and as many little camphire bals of pure white fire. There was a sort (which I confesse I doe not understand well) which flew up all wayes without any fuse, but onely one visible dull coal (as it were), till they broke aloft and discharg’d their starres, and with a great report, as many of the others likewise did. All these, when they were discharg’d, were levell’d to fly over the people’s side; for at the festivalls at the birth of this prince, a Jew (that made the fireworkes) shot one large rocket towards the Kiosk, designing to have mounted it over, but it chanced to fly right into the Kuzler agÀ’s[346] lap, and burnt up all (if any little was left). The poor Jew was first drub’d 150 drubs on his feet, but the black devil, the gelding, would not rest satisfied with that, but got him cut of.

All these were shown the (28th May), but every other night we had enough, though not such variety. There were several Iron charges much like the chambers of Pettarders,[347] but farre bigger and longer. These were fasten’d into the ground fill’d with a slow composition, which being fir’d, cast up one continuall stream of fire (with dreadfull noyse) at least 20 yards high into the Ayre. The first night I went to see them on horseback, being caryed by an Italian Count (his name formerly Bocareschi), now a lancia sperrata to the G. Sr., with whome I had the luck to be very well acquainted some yeares agoe. He was infinitely civill to me (though a damned rogue all along, and I was alwayes aware of him), yet I shall tell you of him more by and by. He caryed me (being on horseback himself) between the G. Sr.’s and Vizier’s tents within 8 yards of either of them (at severall times), without the least molestation or difficulty. I was round with him in twenty companyes of Turkes, and houses and places; but that is not now to be insisted on.

When the lights began, I and he went on the People’s side, where were many more horsemen besides. My horse snorted and trembled, so I suspected no good, yet I was resolved to stay and see all. Just as the fireworkes began, he and many other horses by, ran mad, and rising up fell on his hams, then, trembling, on his side, fairly layd along and run away as if the Divel had drove him. I was getting up, but seeing many, many mad Jades coming, I fell flat on my face, and committed the event to God. His name be ever praised! for though I dare sware at least 100 horse and people came over me, I got not the least harm imaginable in the world.

You must understand this Bocareschi was a very parasite as lived, an excellent wit, and some little learning, the Latin toung perfectly; but for his damned traiterous perfidious tricks, was kick’t out of all publick ministers’ companyes. And for my own part I knew him well, but caressed him onely to make my ends of him at this time; which I did, for he had come and made a little interest here with my Ld. and Sir Tho. Baines. We went for Adrianople, and there he come almost every day, and eat and drank wine with us. Now he kept alwayes fair with me, for fear I might doe him some discourtesy. I alwayes gave him good words, though in good earnest every one else hated him. That you may see once for all what a beast he was, he came and eat and drink at my Ld.’s Table with the Plague upon him twice, and at last dyed of it, within 8 houres after he went from us.

I was with the Ragusean Embassr. (as is said) several times to see the sights. We alwayes had a cherbigee or two that look’t after us, and would not suffer the greatest Turk whatever to molest us; but we sat on a cushion with bolsters and cushions, very near the Vizier’s tent. Once Bocareschi had promis’d to shew Sr. Th. B. the sights (for my Lord never saw anything). One night he came with some servants, and one or two of the nation with him. Bocareschi seing the Embassdr. of Ragusia there placed (with whome I was at that time present), out of a pico (for the Embassr. hated him to death, and had affronted him highly) brought in Sr. Tho. B. and his company, and placed him just before us. The Embr. was divilishly displeased at it, as likewise the Turkes that waited on him. But Bocareschi, being a Metafaraca,[348] would not make any stirre, but came and desir’d the Embr. and us to rise, and so removed us to a better place, just under the G. Vizier’s tent, where we rested in spight of him, till all was done. The Vizier wears severall caps (as is before mention’d). Once I saw him at the sights in one which they tell me is used in time of warre, but he soon chang’d it for a common one. As for all sorts of rope dancers, here were the best in the world.

June 10th. The present of Cool-oglan (the MosaÏf or favourite), the bridegroome, was carryed by; we went to see it. First went by severall companyes of janissaries with their cherbigÉes, then many more with their chief officers. The jannisary Aga in cloth of gold, the Chia beghi[349] in green velvet, the Janizary Effendi (or Lawyer), secretary or clerk; the BashÉ chiaus,[350] his cap little and short feathers. Then severall companyes of spahÉes.[351] The sub-basha (or chief constable) of the Suburbs of Adrianople. These were all in court coates, like Chaucer’s taberd,[352] armelesse, yet little hanging sleeves as the picture of the Virgin in C. Ricaut’s book, p. 43, fur’d within and without, either cloth of silver, gold, satin, velvet, etc., all in chiaus caps but the Effendi, whose cap was lawyer-like. At last came 30 mules handsomely trimm’d and furnisht, each loaden with two little painted chests or boxes in which was gold and silver, as is reported good store; next came in two rowes (on either side the street) one 112 persons on foot, in chiaus caps and well clad, bearing presents upon their armes (some one, some 2, 3, or 4), distinctly wrapt up in linnen, but every one was seen. They were peices for vests of cloth of gold, silver, satin, velvet embroyder’d works, pearl’d work, etc.; then a company of Janizaryes and Cherbigees on foot; after them were led by foot stately horses, and a strawish-colour’d bay was in the last place, as delicately limm’d, as I declare it, I never saw the like, with a curious starre on her forehead, about 15 hand high, as we guest. These were designed for the G. S. to dispose of as he pleased. After this came two little NÁculs, and then three or four artificial gardens, about 3 yards square, with pretty knols and walkes, full of floures and trees, with their fruits all of tolerable waxe work, with Kioskes (or summer-houses) in the middle, and severall birds and beasts placed here and there amongst the plants and trees; two had artificiall fountaines in them, which were supplied with the same water by an engine of clockwork contained within them. All these were carryed by slings in the slaves’ hands, who were (as aforesaid) menaged by galley-whistles; then followed, in two files on each side of the way, one 120 sugar-workes, borne on frames by two slaves a peice, sedan wise, made from 2½ foot to a yard and half high, some more or less as the fancy required. They were Ostridges, Peacocks, swans, Pelicans, etc., Lyons, Beares, greyhoundes, dear, horses, Elephants, Rams, Buffaloes, etc. (it is unlawfull to make the figures of men); they were done brutishly and bunglingly. Then came a new set of Janizaryes and Cherbigees, and after them a present of all things necessary for a Turkish lady in her dressing-room; caryed open by men well clad, in two files as before, viz., a paire of bootes (for here all women do ordinarily wear such), a pair of papoutches[353] (sorts of shoes), slippers, chioppines[354] (or pattens of wood): all these wrought and cover’d with pearl of the bignesse of ordinary cherry-stones the least, and intersperst with Diamonds and rubyes, etc. It was a brave time for Jewellers; any trash, if it made but a fair show at a distance, was vendible at good rates.

Next came a sable embroyder’d vest with 9 large button and loopes, Persian fashion, al set with pearl, rubeyes, and a great diamond on every button; the 2d button and loop, which serves for a clasp, had on either side a very large table Diamond. Next followed severall round looking-glasses with gold frames and cover (or door), and stydded with pretious stones; then several mighty rich girdles of stones set in gold and enamel; likewise several bracelets for the hands, answerable to them. Here you must understand that even women must have girdles, bracelets, and topases, or else they are no gentle women, as in England they are not without a black bag; the bracelets are wrought of gold wire, sometimes gold plate, from 1 to 4 or 5 inches wide, etc. There were two or three gold chaines with large brooches of Diamonds (and the like); at the end severall pair of earings, one amongst the rest of 2 Emeralds, pear fashioned, very large, valued by the Greeke that sold them (and shew’d me them before) at 5,000 zechines, or near upon 3,800 lb. sterling at 4s. 6d. to the dollar. In a pretty christall glasse, with a little golden open frame, was caryed hanging a plain gold ring, with a rose diamond of 11½ carats. Severall cabinets and dressing-boxes adorned with pearl and jewels, severall Essence boxes, and the like, set out in the same manner. At last came a little crown all of beaten gold, studded with jewels upon the fringe. Then came the Testerdor (or Lord Treasurer) on horseback, who was VikÉil,[355] or deputy, for the sposo. He strew’d whole handfulls of aspers among the people as he went, which was but very slowly; all the presents being caryed in state, and as easily as foot could fall; they were lay’d all upon fine handkerchiefs in silver dishes. After the Testerdor rode his musick, 12 pipes, as many drums, 6 trumpets, 6 kettle drums; four cymbalists, all on horseback. After them come many, many servants leading and riding their masters’ horses, who went before in the shew on foot.

Take here, if you please, as exact account as I could get of the manner of the Mariage and espousals. First, you must understand all was treated by proxeyes (which they call Vickeel), to the making of which two witnesses also were appointed, all by the G. Sr., to wit, two Cadeleschiers, one of Europe, the other of Asia. The proxeys were the Kuzleraga for the sposa, the Testerdore for the sposo, and thus they were made. The Kuzleraga,[356] with the two Cadeleschiers as witnesses, went to the Sultana’s door, and knocking, said: Sultana, are you content to make me your VikÉel for marrying of you with Mustapha (the MosaÏf or favourite)? She answers: Yes. He ask her this thre times (on the other side the door, which must not be opened by no meanes), likewise thre times the same. This is immediately recorded by the two Cadeleschiers, and (as to the Sultana) is irrevocable. Then the same witnesses goe with the TesterdÓr to Mustapha or Cool-oglan, the sposo, and face to face the Testerdor ask him the like words (mutatis mutandi) thre times, and to each he answers: Yes. Then away these go to the Mufti together; there they set down in his court (of which afterwards), the Mufti in the midst, with the KuzlÉraga on the left hand (being the chief in Turkey) and Testadore on the right, and the 2 Cadeleschiers before them alla Turchesa, or at there feet alla Franca. The Mufti asks wherefore they call’d him; they answer: To perform a worke of Paradise, to wit, the marriage of the Sultana and the MosaÏf. The Mufti asks who are Vikeels; the KÚzleraga said: I am for the Sultana; the Testerdor: I am for Mustapha; the CadeleschiÉr: We be witnesses to it. Then the Mufti made the KuzlÉraga and Testerdore to set one over against the other, and asks the KuzlÉraga: Are you content to take Mustapha for your husband? This is done thre times, to each of which Kuzleraga answer: Yes. Then he askes the like (mutatis mutandis) of the Testerdor, to which he likewise three several times answer: Yes. The Mufti then demands the Testerdore what dowry he will promise to make her; he answer: a yeare’s revenue of grand Cairo; which is 600,000 zechines, at 4s. 6d. the dollr.; it makes of our sterling money 33,750 lb. (I must tell you, by the by, that the greatest compliment to a fair woman in Turkey is to tell her her eyes are worth a year’s revenue of Grand Cairo.) Then the Mufti asks the Testerdor: Will you give it? thre times; he as often answers: Yes. Then he asks Kuzleraga: Will you accept it? thrice; he answers as often: Yes. Then the Mufti sayth: Bismillah (in Dei nomine). Then all standing up, he blesses the mariage; and so entertayning them with Coffee and sherbert, etc., dismisses them. The G. Sr. immediately vested these with cloth of gold and sables to the value of 1,000 dollrs.; the other two (witnesses) with vests of 500 dollrs. I had not car’d if I had been Mufti; I am confident I could have made as good a marriage. During the festivalls of the circumcision, one day, all publick tradesmen were forc’d to go in procession with every man his wagon locked, in which he publickly labour’d at his trade—shoemakers, taylors, weavers, etc.; so much as Bakers had an oven, smiths their little forges, butchers flead their sheep, etc. Which you may imagine such a piece of glorious madnesse as Europe elsewhere cannot pattern. Every wagon was set out with tokens of their art, and boughs and bandiÉras[357] of silk or painted paper at least.

June 19th. The Dote (or the dowry) was carryed by from the Seraglio, which was given by the G. Sr. to the sposo, as in all your ordinary weddings, before the bride is carryed her portion, which chiefly consists in vests and clothing. There went many by towards the Seraglio to come with the rest back again, as Janizaryes, Cherbigees, the Vizier’s guards, Armorers, Cadeleschiers, and other officers, TopgÉes (or gunners) in red caps. Their Head men or bashas wore a furre cap, distinguished by the cock’s feathers in the top; these being white and red intermixt, the other all of one colour. The MosaÏf himself came by, with the Mufti on his left hand.

We staid there about 1½ houre; then they all came back in this order: First, the TopejÉes, Armourers, the Vizier’s guards; then the G. Sr.’s, waiters in Caphtans (or court vests): these serve him at table; then 4 or 5 Companyes of Janizaryes and their CherbigÉes, all in Caphtans, sattin or velvet furred; then the Aga of the Janizaryes, with his crew; next came many, many Pioners with shovels, broams, etc.; then as many more Janizaryes with the Janizary Aga, whome they repute a very severe man, who never gratifyed any man that askt him anything, but doeth all things of curtesy of his own head, or not at all; any body is capable of that office, though he never was Janizary before.

The Janizary Aga had now his Santon[358] (or Tom of bedlame[359]) with him, with a strange kind of axe (or as they call it, Balta) on his shoulder. Then severall companyes of Janizaryes and Cherbigees; then about 100 chiaus’s with their feathers of distinction, just before on the left side; then 8 or 10 Executioners on foot. Then followed two gardens in wax work, caryed by slaves as abovesaid; then 40 little Naculs carryed by two files of Janizaryes. Then followed 86 mules, some laden with two long square sapets apiece, cover’d with Caphtan stuff; some laden with 2 beds a piece with bedding, left all a little open to be view’d by the standers by, and were all cover’d with cloth of gold or sattin or velvet, richly embroyder’d, some with silver, some with gold, some wrought with pearl. A third part of the mules had two lesser square sapets (or leather hampers) a peice, cover’d with black leather. Then ten men bearing severall pieces of household stuff, as furniture for beds, green satin foot cloths, plated with beaten gold, several leather and velvet carpets, plated some as the foot cloths. Mum-sofras (round leathers to set candles, pots, etc., upon), plated likewise; 4 very large silver lanthornes, the ribs gilt with gold. Then came by in like order, as is before said, bootes, papoutches, slippers, chioppines, set all with pearl and Diamonds; hand bracelets, girdles, many pair of each, all gold and pretious stones; Looking glasses, 4 close cabinets and 6 large open ones, such as stand in Goldsmiths’ shops, all set out with jewels, pearles, gold wire, etc. A little stool of pearl and jewels; a coronet of beaten gold. Some say all these were onely the MosaÏf’s present (before mentioned) brought back again, which is most likely, they now being part of the Sposa’s accoutrements; though others would needs have them all new.

After those came the Rice Effendi, with a Cadeleschier on his right hand. Then the Testerdar, with another Cadeleschier on his right hand. Then the Vizier, with the Mufti on his left hand, of whome more hereafter. There was also in the train, a little before the Rice Effendi,[360] the Vani effendi,[361] the greater preacher who prated down all the coffee houses and Taverns, and, upon my life, it was well done. More of him anon. Then, in the reer of them, were the musick—pipes, trumpets, etc., on Camels; after which followed many Janizaryes, and after them came many women slaves, in 12 close coaches, with 2 black Eunuchs before each coach, some of them inclining to tawny, whereof three were very well featured youths, all admirably well mounted, and exceedingly richly clad. After the coach rode 12 blacks more, in one body, like the rest—on horses, and habit, etc. All these were peculiar to the Sposa, and were reckon’d as part of her goods; for in many points the Civil Law of the Romans is here observed, as above you may see, no marriage without a Dote. Then followed about 40 servants on foot, leading as many horses, laden with these slaves’ goods. Then followed the Rabble.

Jun. 23. The Sposa was carryed home, for, as I told you, every wedding hath something of this formality. The bridegroome sends presents with Naculs, etc., then the Bride’s trumpery is brought in state, and she followes it, allwayes hid under a square pavillion born over her, or a Canopy at least. After the procession were carried two gardens of fruits and floures in wax-work, with Kiosks in the middle, caryed as before. Then 2 great Naculs caryed by 160 slaves apiece, besides the guiders of the ropes and stages as above. Then two little Naculs of silver, with each of them a great candle at Top, which then were not lighted (the fashion before the Armenians and Greekes is to carry them lighted), but were to be lighted and renewed and kept burning during the whole festival, something in imitation of the old Hymenai; these were caryed by slaves, likewise being very ponderous. Then came crab-faced Kuzleraga and after him followed immediately (Dulcinia del Tobosa) the fair Angelike AgazÉ Sultana, or, as others pronounce it, HatajÉ Sultana (the present Emperor’s eldest daughter), in a coach plated all over with silver, and garnisht out with gold, the wheeles and all other underwork (of wood and Iron) richly guilt or varnisht; a covering on the Top (as the fashion is) set with pearles and diamonds, six fair white horses, all the harnesse plated with silver and gold, and adorned with jewels. In their Tops each had a plume of feathers hanged with jewels. A postilion rode the fore-horse on the near side, and the coachman the hindermost of the same side. The covering of the coach was, in part, tuckt up to show the beauty of the work, which was so close a lattice as you could perceive nothing but some opaque body by help of the little light that crept in from the lattices on the sides. There were several Eunuchs attended it, whereof the first two strewed Aspers on both sides the street amongst the people (whereof I have some to make you a present of, if it please God we ever meet). One was very well favour’d, a tawny, and the bones of his face in very good symmetry, inclining to a tawny. I heard a pleasant story of him, and once met him at a garden at Adrianople, but I must let that pass now. Two more very rich coaches, with 6 horses, plumed and bespatter’d with jewels, followed, in the latter of which (which was cover’d with red broad cloth, and set out nobly) a very fine woman opened a little hole at the fore end, and peep’d out at us. Her face and head tire were very plainly seen. I dare not say no lesse then that she was lovely. Her fingers and part of her hand were peeping a good while before her face, and her nails were stein’d (as the custome is here) with aleanna[362] of a golden red (there were 4 blacks attended each of these). Then followed two more ordinary coaches with 6 horse, and two blacks apiece to attend them. Then 21 ordinary coaches more, many with 2 horses, most with 4, with one Eunuch to every of them. Then followed servants with horses, and cloathes upon them, led by. About half-an-hour after came the Sultana’s mother, in a very rich coach of silver, and embellisht with gold. There were 4 Eunuchs to attend her, and a great company of BaltajÉes axe men; as likewise 4 Eunuchs went a little before it. Then followed 6 good coaches with 4 horse, and each had a Baltaje riding in the Rose[363]; and one other by on foot. Then came three more rich coaches with 6 horse, and two baltajÉes, as the others. Lastly came one coach with 2 horses, and one BaltajÉ. There were many Blacks to accompany these on horseback, beside the soe named, onely they went straggling, and kept no order. In the rear followed the rabble.

Now, you must understand, all these coaches are made in the fashion exactly of waggons, onely they use cover’d over head, and hang’d by slings so close as the body have no room to swing, but jolts as hard as if it were fixt upon the axletrees.

After the Rebuil[364] evÍl moon was ended, there were every day at Kindi (the 9th houre) sports at the MosaÏf’s house (which was in the city), and they lasted till midnight sometimes. They began the 14th of June, when they first saw the new moon, though it was a day old, it being by our account two dayes old then; they ended the 28th day. There was a very large square yard; at one end was a fair apartment of two chambers, where the MosaÏf and his friends continually were spectators; at the other end was a large, high, single room, to which oftentimes resorted the G. Sr., young prince, and many other favourites. After his sposa (as is said, the 23d day) was brought home, there was another square room in another corner with lattice-windows (gelosie), through which she and the Q. mother and others of the Ladyes saw all, being unseen themselves. The door was kept very strickt, that no Janizaryes or Turkes of fashion might enter, yet all strangers might go in without any difficulty in the world. I was there many times, of which some account by and by.

First, of the sports. We had every day the very same dancing as before; the same shewes at interludes. There were monkeyes, and dull Arab dancing, to entertain the people; for on one side were pitched tents in which the people stood, and the duller sports were before them. We (Franks) had liberty to go up and down as near the G. Sr. or MosaÏf as we pleased, and to stand and stare upon them as long as we pleased. They, in like manner, went to their devotions at Kindi (9th hour) and AckshÁm (the 12 hour), and yet immediately in their sports they should applaud the same beastlinesse. 20 or 30 couple of wrestlers every day with their skins oyled all over; they alwayes touch the ground first with their hands, then put them to their head, then shake hands, or rather take their hands flat wayes one between the other, then kisse their own hands, and so begin; they say it is to call Heaven and Earth to witnesse that they meet good friends, and if any mischief happens it is beyond their intention.

There were tame bears played their tricks; once I saw a little boy stark naked wrestle with one (taught on purpose), which pleased mightily, and was shewn severall times to the G. Sr. there. By the by, my Ld. caryed to Adrianople a large English mastife, which had fought in private with the biggest bear, and worsted her in single combat; he made a present of him, which the G. Sr. took mightily kindly. They call our mastifes Samsons, and the G. Sr. nourishes severall, and hath here hard by our house a sommering-house for them; but this dog was half as high again as any of those which he had (which I have seen severall times), and that made him more acceptable. There were the same tumbling, stilts, and the BostanjÉ with his stone Bottels, and the rest; but the best entertainment was rope-dancing, whereof there was but little in the other place; but here every day as good, and in some things better than all that ever I beheld in my life.

I shall now conclude with something that I am sure is not ordinary (if ever it was done) in England. From the top of Sultan Selim’s Mineret or steeple (which, as I measured it, is about 84 yards high, but the place I now shall speake of was 70 yards and 1 foot high) was stretcht a rope right over the houses down into this yard; there were two men came sliding down with pulleyes, one tyed to the hair of one of them, the other fasten’d the pulley to his ancle, and holding by it with his hands, sometimes slid soe part of the way, sometimes hanging at his length with his head down. The first time they tryed, the rope yeilded so much as if some men had not stood on purpose to catch them they had been beaten to peices upon the tops of the houses and trees that stood about that end of the MosaÏf’s yard, which was under the Rope; they then lengthened the rope and stretcht it very tight farther into the yard. This Rope was 460 yards long at first; they lengthen’d it to 480. Every day somebody or other slided down thus, or upon their breasts. One day a lusty fellow would needs slide down with a boy at his back, with a drum and a stick and switch to beat it; just as they came half way the rope broke, and down they fell upon a poor Armenian who was standing in the garden amongst others to view the sight. All thre were prety hurt and bruised, but it pleased God all thre recover’d. The G. Sr. paid for their cure, and offered the Armenian a pension of 20 aspers per diem as long as he lived; but he, thanking him, sent him word that he desired nothing else but that he might have 12 purses of money paid him which a great Basha had owed him a long time; but if he dyed he bequeathed it freely to the G. Sr. The G. Sr. gave orders that it should be done forthwith. He had only his shoulder put out of joynt and his body bruised; but I have seen him since well recovered. The other two were rewarded too; the man with a pension of 40 aspers per diem, the boy was taken into the Seraglio. Upon the 27 day (which was the last day that they could use this rope) two men walkt up this rope to the minaret; one came foot by foot back again down into the yard, and the other stay’d at the top of the mineret.

Now if any one in England had a mind to break his neck dexterously and secundum artem, I have told you how (if he have not very good luck) he may do it effectually. Every night there were fireworkes here of the same nature with the forementioned. There were here two Elephants and Castles encounter’d, with all sorts of wild fire, very curiously; but there were no great rockets or fire that would mount, for fear of firing the City. Here were several sorts likewise of your lamp work. Still we found the greatest civility imaginable, and were severall times treated with sherbert of lemmons (once with coffee and sweet meats in a low room; the Aga who carryed us in telling us that it would be a shame for us to come to the wedding of the G. Sr.’s daughter, and neither eat nor drink). We were commonly carryed into the Ring, and seated by ourselves, and many times had a CherbigÉe or a Janizary to keep the crowd from coming near us. I suppose it was more out of ostentation than any great love to us; and dayly came SackÁls or budget men with a budget of sherbert, and cups into which he fil’d it out, and gave to us constantly, amongst the rest of the people of any fashion.

I (as is said) was severall times as near the G. Sr. as I pleased, and saw the manner of his state. He commonly sat upon a rich wrought or embroyder’d silk quilt, and sometimes the Prince was here with him (but we could not tell what here they sat on, they being so high above us); and about him were 8 or 10 handsome young men continually fanning him by couples. He never here appear’d in any rich or gaudy apparell, seldome smil’d; few courtiers near him in publick, and those but a very little, little time. Once the Vizier sat and talk’t with him in view about a quarter of an houre. The MosaÏf had continually company with him—the Testerdare, Kaimacham, sometimes the Vizier. He is a black man, sharp, descreet (or streight) nose, yet sadled a little between his eyes, some what beetle browed, broad flat faced, Russe-fashioned, but onely his hair is black, whereas their’s is red, white, or fair colour’d; his eyes pinking and smaller then proportion, and they are something hollow.

About Kindi come up severall of the G. Sr.’s Fakoners, with their Spaniells and severall most excellent hawkes; as certainly the whole world have not better. They seldome keep a Hawke above one season, but turne her out loose, and every year have new birds taken in plenty. They fist their hawk on the right fist; they serve their hawke with the lower joynt of the legge (instead of the head, after our manner), and therefore not a Phesant is to be bought in the mercate (unlesse it was caught some other way) with two legges. For you must understand in Asia side are many men keep hawks to get a livelyhood; and they furnish our Mercates. There are such every where, but onely they are not suffer’d near his court least they should spoyl his game.

One of our Merchants and I were walking out one night by the river side, and the Vizier’s Aga came by with 3 casts of Hawks and spaniels, and at least 16 or 20 men. I had chanc’t to kill a snipe crosse the river, and I had an old dog of my Ld. Harvey’s, which I sent for it. He was the most pleased with the sight that could be; we walkt on, but as we return’d we found him setting in the shade under a tree. We would have avoyded him, but he sent one of his men to call us; we obey’d. He had now sent home his dogs and hawkes, and most of his company; and he had gotten from a little town hard by a great bottle of wine of at least 5 or 6 quarts. He made us set downe, and there we drank out every drop of his wine; onely we three setting down. His servants, which there were not above 5, stood round us. He made two of them pipe to us all the time, which I swear was so sweet, as I never heard the like in Turkey. Their pipes were the true Tibiae; being made of the shank bone of a Bustard (as we guest at his description of it). He courted me extreamely for my dog; but I told him he was old and now worth nothing, and besides, it was the remembrance of an excellent friend; with which he was hardly satisfied. After he had gotten his KeÉf, or Keph (his heart and head merry), we parted with all the civility in the world. There I learn’d a great deal of Falconry; which made me here bring the story in.

The Plague at Adrianople.

About the beginning of July happen’d a very grievous plague at Adrianople. It was very rife round about us, and so drove us out of town to a little village about a mile and ½ of to the W., called Caragatch (or black tree). It is in vain to tell you the many, many perills I was in, and it would be too troublesome for you to heare them, and for me to tell them. I shall onely say that, by constantcye, the Plague and all discourses about it grew so familiar to me as I was no more moved at them then at the newes of agues, or the new disease in autumne. My Ld. had a house here for himself, but all we were lodged, one here, another there, as we could procure single rooms. In the Towne are most Greekes, and the parson was infinitely civil to me, and got me a little room to myself, hard by my Ld.’s house; but within one month the plague set into this town likewise, and first seized my Land lady’s onely daughter, who every day I used to prattle withall. Our Tents were set up, and I removed thither, rather then come near any body to fright them; but in 5 or 6 dayes it come every where so fiercely, that it drove my Ld. and all the rest downe into the tents to me, and I, lying in my Ld.’s tent before, was now disappointed and forct (with two more companions) to go to town again, where I and they lived (till we were coming home) in the parson’s stable—and, faith, we past our time like princes, for we were within two bowes shot of the tents, and there we went to dinner and supper, and retired when we pleased. With carpets and mats we had made as good a sleeping hole as could be of it. There dyed at one time about 900 per diem in Adrianople, and above half this town dyed or fled. At last my two companions returned for Stambol, and then my Ld. would not let me stay there alone, so I had a little tent provided for myself and my man. Within one week the plague got into our tents amongst the servants. My Ld. and Sir Thomas fled to the Town again, the Plague being somewhat ceased at that end about their house. We endur’d at the tents, and I assure you there is no preservative like a merrie heart and a drame of the bottle. We lost our Baker, and 3 or 4 more of our servants, but the rest escaped—blessed be God. I was forc’t to remove my Tent twice, for it was gotten in the next tent to me, within 20 yards, amongst one of our chiause’s servants. There was not a man of us but was amongst plaguy people dayly. Count Bocareschi (as is said) came and dined with my Ld., and drank with us, with a plague sore upon him, of which he dyed the next morning.

This village has a little church dedicated to two saints,[365] ? ????? Te?d???? ? t???? and ? ????? Te?d???? st?at???t??. They are famous for curing sore eyes, and, therefore, there are infinite little silver plates sloped and hollowed like eyes, and hang’d up as the antient ??a??ata.[366]

The River Arda and Meritch (Maritza[367]) joyne a little mile of, and then come running under this town; and here it is very sandy, and seldome clear in summer, for all the ground about it is very sandy, which, being dry in summer, upon every wind is carryed into the river, which makes it very shallow and broad. It is here fordable all the summer, but in winter, by floods from the hills, it overflowes into many outlets, which are dry in summer, as you may perceive the pricked[368] river next to Dimirdesh.[369] The fish are few and unwholesome. I saw a carp taken just 33 inches and 7/10 long. I saw one at Stambol once somewhat above 36 inches, and my Ld. Harvey assured me he had one at his audience in Salonica about 40 inches long.

There were 50 Greek familyes in town, and about 10 Turkish cheflicks,[370] or summer houses. The best sort of people fled to other places, as the Turkes likewise themselves did from Adrianople to their houses here, for that same is a story that they are not afraid of the plague, because their fortunes are wrote in their forehead; for all fled, but such as were poor, or had offices about Court, and could not get away. There dyed that year about 100 persons out of the Vizier’s own house; and really, those that are forc’t to stay by it value it no more then we do an ague. But this is the same amongst Jewes, Greeks, Armenians, and every body else.

Mr. North[371] staid in Adrianople all the time, and come to us every day; I went to him severall times, and as I live I valued no more to meet a dead corps then a dead calf. Yet I have met above 20 in a morning, going from our tents to Mr. North’s house; and there is more danger in passing by the clothes of the living then in touching the body of the dead. All slaves and poor people, so soon as they are dead, are wrapt in some pittiful covering (perhaps nothing but an old mat), and so laid upon a HamÁl’s or porter’s back, and caryed away to his grave, without any more adoe. Infinites of Turkes came out of the Town and lived in Tents, as well as we; yet many Turkes came or sent out their women to their countrey houses there. I chanc’t to see a couple of very lovely women severall times, which came and lived in a fine house just by me, and being under the government of onely one poor silly old man, they would get out into a great garden there hard by, and romp and play the rogue like little sprites; but more of that between ourselves.

This whole town live by selling of wine, and every day come hundreds of people from Adrianople to be drunk; so that it was impossible but that the Plague should be brought thither. The Janizary Aga gets at least 10,000 dollars a year out of them for selling their wine; and yet he came there many times in show of severity, but notice was alwayes given at least an hour before he came, so that he alwayes found the coast clear. By the by, I must tell you that the Turkes love wine, and drink as much as other people; I am assur’d not one person in 5 (throughout all this part that I have travayled) refuseth it; at Court (excepting the G. Sr. himself, the MosaÏf, and Kaimacham) not a man but will take his Keiph profoundly. I have seen the Vizier himself, MamÚr that is, crop sick[372] severall times. All the Greekes and Armenians (not daring to be merry in Adrianople in companyes) come here to feast, and I have been severall times by when 200 or 300 persons have all been setting together feasting and drinking like fishes; and the Turkes observe the same freedome, or rather take much more.

My Landlord (the Parson) was the greatest vintner in the town, and to secure his wine he put the greatest part of it into a place in the Church; and in the yard by us the chief Turkes of the City would come and be merry publickly; the common Turkes never drink but to stark drunkennesse. The Parson had a kinswoman that lived but on the other side of our hedge; she was the onely child of her father, who would come and be merry with us, and we went thither to him often. This man was very rich and had promised his daughter and all that he had to a young silly fellow in town. She was extraordinary handsome and ingenious, and cared not for her lover. I know not how it came to passe, though they lived alone and had no neighbours, but yet she got the Plague, and dyed. I could tell you a most passionate story of her, but let this suffice. There were about 500 Greekes came to her buryall, notwithstanding the Plague, and the Metropolite of Adrianople came to burye her; and the chief of the Town, which were fled, came back to the funerall. The young fellow was in a manner distracted, and came constantly every morning for many dayes, and mourned over her grave.

The manner of the Christians buriall here is much the same; all have the Praeficae,[373] who sing (or rather howl and snarlle out), which they begin at home and continue to the grave. The weather was excessive hot, and the air stagnated in a manner, we being placed in a pan or flat; so that it was plague enough merely to stay there. Whilst we were in Adrianople the rats and mice, and fleas, and rumbling of carts al night long, and brawling of curs (great numbers being nourisht in every street), and the stink of the Jewes, did give us no small purgatory; but coming here, where we thought to have had braver accommodations, we found it worse. The terrible heat of the sun reflected from a dry barren sandy soil, and the fulsome foggy aire, broyled us and choked us.

We stayed there about 3 months, and returning to Stambol we found the plague as hot there; and we lost one of the servants that waited in my Ld.’s chamber (within a fourtnight after we came home) of it, and since we have found that another had it, but conceal’d it. For my part I am not so Calvinized as to say our Fate or Fortune is wrote in oure forheads; but this I will say, I think verily it was God alone that hath preserved me from so many deaths. Some that knowe me, I believe, may wonder what the Devil bewitch me to stay in this Hell of a place; and in good earnest I have wondered at myself, but that Fate (I think indeed) was written in my heart, and now begins to be obliterated; but so moch for that. Now I will give you a little account of the country round about, as farre as I have been.

The River Vardar and Meritch (Maritza), as is said, before they came to this town, meet; and a little above, upon the side of a hill betwixt them, is a pretty little countrey town most Greekes called MarÁs. A little further under the hill, next towards Meritch,[374] is a little pit of a blewish sort of clay; here a company of old gossips at the 15th of Aug., which is the Assumption of the B. V., bring water from the river and mix it and the clay together into a perfect pudding or stodge; and on that daye infinites of people, Turkes, Jewes, and Christians, resort thither and goe in, and tumble in the mire, which they believe will cure any sort of infirmity; and without doubt it often happens so.[375] These old Hags tell how in the night before the water springs out of the ground, and how it lasts till the Octave (that is, the 22nd day), and then dryes up; both which I proved to be a notorious lye. Yet the people are so zealously bent to believe the story, as I had liked to have been imbroglid for disputing of it. The earth is a kind of fuller’s earth, or very obstersive, and may doe good in many cutaneous diseases, without the help of the ?a?a??a,[376] as they call her.

On the other side that river, under a great ridge of hills or mountaines, is another pretty Greek village cal’d in Turkish Cadun-cui (Khanoum-cui), or Ladyes town; there is excellent wine there. Over the mountain is a great Turkish Town, famous for a Seraglio of the G. Sr., whither he retired in the Plague, leaving the Vizier to act all. It is call’d Ack-bonar[377] (white fountain), and seemes at a distance a brave place.

Acrosse the river from our town (CaragÁtch[378]), upon the top of a high hill, stands a little (but very curious) Seraglio, or rather Kiosk or sommer house, whither the G. Sr. retires for a fine girle sometimes; and it is contrived very convenient for the purpose. I have been in it; it is the best prospect about all Adrianople; they call it Khiderleh, which is the same with St. George, it having been formerly a Greek church of that name. You must know St. George is a great saint even amongst the Turkes, and their galleyes commonly set out that day to the White Seas. I have been many times reflecting on the name which they give him, Khiderleh (and very commonly Khidreleh), the Khi being pronounced strong in the throat like an aspirate, and I have fancy’d it to be taken (as is perhaps the whole story) from ?d?a; and both that tale of Hercules and the Hydra, and Apollon and the Python, from Eve and the serpent. I may venture to give my conjecture now Dr. Haylin[379] is dead, and I shall be obstinate in it too.

At the bottome of that hill, next Adrianople, is a large suburb cal’d IldrÉm,[380] or thunder. Round about KhiderlÉh, and all the waye upon the mountaines betwixt Ack-bÓnor and Khanoum-cui, are planted vineyards most plentifully; the Turkes by their law may eat what grapes they please (it being the greatest part of their food from August to Christmasse), and now (as is said) they freely taste the blood likewise.

On the North-east of Adrianople stands the Seraglio, which is very large, and on one side of it runs the river Tunza,[381] on the other side is a plain where we saw all the sights. There is a very stately bridge, or rather pile of stone, built over the Tunza from Adrianople to Ildrem; it is at least 970 of my paces long, and was built by Michael Waivod of Moldavia, as is cal’d Michael’s[382] Kupru, or Michael’s bridge. Tunza under it meets with a branch of Arda-Meritch; over Tunza by the Seraglio on the Town side is a very strong stone bridge; on the other side, about a mile and a half from it, is another bridge of wood. Upon that river on the west side, a little farther, Backstrevacui, where they make very good tiles and brick; next stands Carajauis, on the other side about 2 miles distant; and the mountaines on the east side of it have many quarreys of soft spongy stone, yet they use it in many buildings. It stands over against Ack-bonar. About 2 or 3 mile farther is Corojecui, a little village, and about a mile farther is a very fine lake call’d by the Turkes GiÓle-babba, or father Lake (Giole being a lake); it stands with Tunza on the West, high hills on the E., and CorojÉcui to the S. It is well stock’t with fish (and fowl in the winter time); we saw there in August multitudes of Pelicans, swans, and some Ducks. At the East end of it, at the foot of the hills, stands a summer-house of the G. Sr.’s, furnisht allwayes ready. There are many excellent fountaines of very good water; there are some few houses about it inhabited by Turkes; we found them civil, and had liberty to go in and see what we desired. It is seated very pleasantly, being overshadowed by many ChinÁr (or Plane) trees. The Lake is round about environed with a great quantitye of sedge, which yearly yeild a plentifull crop.

The river Tunza comes from a place cal’d now Yianobole,[383] but I never was higher upon it then this place; all the way hither it runs very crooked and winding, and the hills on both sides lye in like manner winding in and out, and make a crook’d but large meadow or plain, in which the G. Sr. or Vizier, drawing out their forces for the warres, first pitch their tents. We saw all along the vestiges of them, and many, many ovens and kitchings framed in the earth, to make ready their bread (the true staff of a Janizaryes life), and pelÓw,[384] or Boiled rice.

From Caragatch to Adrianople we passe thre long bridges, the first of wood, serviceable onely in winter, the water being little or nothing in sommer; yet this bridge is the longest, and the river under it is nothing but sand. The second bridge is likewise wood, over a branch of the river that runs all sommer; for after Arda and Mellitch (Maritza) meet they go in one stream to the city, where meeting with Tonza (Tondja), they again divide into two streames, making severall very pleasant little Islands. About 2 or 3 mile of the City, to the South, is seated a large town call’d Bosnacui,[385] where the French Ambassadore was seated when he was at audience; and he tells me that upon that Island are about 9 or 10 such villages more. The rivers running on either side about 10 or 12 mile unite into one again, and the broad sandy brook to the W. enters into the same channell likewise; of these three the first is call’d (likewise on this south side the City) Tonza, the middle one Merrich, the sandy one Ardar; as if the 3 streames after that had met at Adrianople, sever’d themselves intirely again. By this you may see the error of our common maps placing Adrianople upon the Hebrus, which cannot be properly said to be till all these three meet again beneath Bosnacui; at least the currents are falsely there by them laid down. Mellitch comes from Pilippopoli,[386] Arda comes from Sta. Sophia[387]; upon which, next to CaragÁtch, stands ChorÓocui, or rotten town. About it are many long (but narrow) lakes, which may give the name in Turkish; and there growes infinity of Tribulus aquaticus,[388] which the vulgar Greek calls ???????sta??, or wild chestnut, and from thence they call the name of the town in Greek ?asta???????. Southerly from the river Arda is another village, cal’d in Turkish IshÉk-cui,[389] or Asses town, in Greek Ga?da???????, which signifyes the very same; it was cal’d formerly ??d????????, that is Nightingale town, but (as the Greeks now tell the story) a great lord of this countrey whom they call ?????a???fe?a, whom they make a Turke, sent for the Bishop of this town, who chanc’d to anger him highly about a Cheflick, or summer house, which he desired of the Bishop there; and therefore he swore that whosover cal’d it hereafter otherwise then ?a?d???-????? should be hang’d.

As much farther, just at the foot of mount Rhodope, and very near Arda, is Orta-cui,[390] in Greek ????a???????, whether the Germane resident went to avoyd the Plague. I was two or three dayes entertain’d there like a prince; and observed this and what followes: and, believe me, I will take it upon my credit to maintain this to be a pretty exact map of what is here set down. Orta-cui is a very populous town, built thre quarters round a very steep hill, like an Amphitheater reinverst or imbost. There are about 1,500 familyes in it, all Greekes. There crept in some few Turkes, but all the town setting against them, and playing them scurvy tricks, made them soon weary, and they have not of late had any, though it is a very paradise to live in. All the hills are cover’d with vineyards, which make a pleasant red wine, which we might buy anywhere for 5 aspers per Ook,[391] that is, about 3 pints. The valleyes grow either very good corne or pasture. On the south side the village, about ½ an hour, is amongst the hills a most pleasant clear fountain of purging waters, but they work without the least offence. On the North side, towards the east, is a great plain, very fruitfull in all manner of corne and flaxe. The town stands within ½ houre from the Arda, which runs amongst the mountaines most clear, and very deep. Just against this town it hath a mill set on it, on the side of which, towards the hills, it is very deep, and full of great rocky stones, those hills being nothing else. On the other side it is very shallow, with a small stream, and little pebbles at bottom, but no sand till below Ishek-cui, where the land round about is sandy; which confirmes me in my opinion that the river by Caragatch and Adrianople is so foul and sandy from the sand driven from shore by the wind; though beneath Adrianople, towards Bosnacui, it is foul by reason all the dunghills (the Turkes using little manure or compasse[392]), and carryon, and filth, and dead men (many whereof we saw dayly thrown in, being either executed, or perhaps dead of the Plague) which are continually thrown in. Here likewise are taken as good and sweet fish as may be—Carps, Roach, Dace, Pikes, and (above all) a pale-flesh’t trout, which are good, from the stony bottom; whereas, about Adrianople, from the sand or otherwise, all fish taste fleshy and beastly.

A little above this mill, next the town, amongst the hills, hath been a large old castle; part of the walls are yet standing. The high mountaines, quite above, are now cal’d Te?????, or God’s hill. I guesse not but these ridges of mountaines are the true Rhodope,[393] for the great road from Adrianople to Salonica lyes over there, and all travaylers assure me that on the other side are no other hills at all till they come to Hemus, which they still call ????te.[394] There is but little earth and few trees upon these mountaines that I ever saw. The stone, where it is naked, lyes many times Horizontal, but oftener declining. Arda comes running from the S.W. amongst these hills, having his head about 4 dayes journey (as they informe me) from Ortacui, at a place called Darovasi,[395] not farre from Sta. Sophia. Here are many, many houses built of wood entirely, the walls being made of whole trees hewn down and clench’t[396] at the ends. There are a few such at Caragatch. I am informed that in Poland almost all mean people’s houses are such.

All the people of this town seem to live well. We chanc’t to be there after harvest, when they were treading out their corn. That fashion, and the threshing floores (as we translate it), or publick places to which they bring their whole crop to tread the corne out, are still here every where in use, no other way being known to Turke or Greek but that, and no barnes being to be found, but so soon as ever they have cut down their corn, they tread it out immediately, which is likewise done with oxen yoked to a great thick plank (which these people and the Islanders call ??????[397]) about a yard and a half long and a yard broad. The bottome is all filled with sharp flints stuck into it.[398] Upon the top stands a person, who also guides the oxen round, and pricks them forward with a goad. In a great floor you shall have 2 or three of these, and as many yoke of oxen at a time. After they have trodden, or rather bruised, one flooring out, they lay another; thus all the strawe is broken to pieces like chaf, and thence it is call’d chopt straw. What from the slovenlinesse of their dressing their corne, and the badnesse of their mill stones (they being onely some pieces of very hard stone joyned together with a strong mortar, and collar’d in a hoop of Iron), there is no bread or meal in this part of Turkey but what is very gritty. Some of the Turkes do muzzle their oxen, but not all. In sharing their corn they have a kind of wooden glove on the 4 fingers of the left hand, which in Greek they call pa?aa???,[399] to guard their hand from thistles and the like.

You cannot imagine the strange superstition that is generally amongst the people of this countrey; Turkes, Jewes, Greekes, Armenians, all have their amulets and Telismes (talismans) and f??a?t???a about themselves, but especially about their children, their horses, their houses. Nightingales are very commonly kept in cages and let out to sing by so much per diem, but you shall not see one but shall have a deal of this trumpery about the cage. The Turkes have commonly their Telismes engraved on silver or gold; I have seen 10,000 lye in goldsmiths’ boxes to be sold upon all occasions; there are peculiar arts of making of these, but I count them all meer old wives’ conceits. There was a Scotchman here who much delighted and practised in such mysteries, and gave me the best account he could, but I will assure you they are more absurd and nonsensicall then figure flinging[400]; and since he was gone I chanc’t to dine one day with the French Ambassador,[401] when he had on purpose sent for the most noted Turk in all these parts for such things. It will be tedious for to recount you all that past, but we manifestly proved him an impudent imposter. He got his Keiph there sufficiently, and that was (I believe) his chief design. Your Greekes count nothing more sacred then the ??t?d????,[402] the bread (not the sacrament), which is blest and distributed amongst the people upon Holy Thursday; this they call ???a, perhaps from our Saviour’s ascention. At Ortacui you would scarce see a little child but it had some of this either in a little silver box about their necks, or stitched up in a bit of silk, or tyed in a little rag; I have observed the like in many other places; many carry wolves’ teeth, or the bones of their toes, etc., set in silver or gold; bones or parts of frogs, mice, lizards, Hippocampus,[403] etc.

As we went home from Ortacui we were driven into a town by a storme, and laid there the most part of the night. Our Janizary chanc’t at our going into the house to catch a bat; he rejoyced exceedingly, and borrowing a zechine of me (the ceremony must be done with gold or not worth a farthing), he cut the throat of it therewith, pronouncing the name of God and some other conceits; he saved every drop of the blood in cotton, and kept it as a most divine thing. By this, he said, he could make friends with any one; love in a woman; in fine, preserve himself and us from all evil.

We set out from that little town, and were overtaken in a most dreadful tempest of Thunder and lightning; just getting up a steep bank a flash of lightning discharged a sheet of fire, which fell on the ground and rested there a good while, within lesse then two yards of me and Dr. Pickering (we two being foremost), and huft[404] my hat and vest like a mighty gust of wind; our horses trembled and stood as half dead, but presently we got forward. All the world will not persuade that fellow but that the blood of his Bat preserved us. I have now been too, too impertinent, but yet could adde much more to this purpose about your Greekes or ?????a?a[405] (the walking of dead men), and their solemne prayers and exorcismes of their church in that point. Also concerning the Armenians’ caracÓngilas[406] (or hobgobling, or kind of Robbin good fellow), which is universally believed by them, and on the 13th and 14th of Feb. have a solemnity on purpose about it. Likewise about witches (which certainly, if there be any in the world, they are here) I can tell you storyes which will much amaze you; yet I must confesse I am very slow of belief in that point. I have likewise a strange Greek MS. presented me concerning such whimsyes; but enough of this matter. Before the Plague I walk’t about all the town; the old city (as is said) is not above a 3rd part of the whole, and the walls are pittyfull thin brick work.

July 27th. My Lord had audience with the G. Sr., notwithstanding the height of the Plague. He came from Ackbonar to the Seraglio on purpose, for my Ld. was very pressing for it, and in earnest. We had stay’d a longer time then ordinary for it. It was performed as followeth: The time being appointed two days before, that morning, an hour before day, came two Chiauses to Caragatch to call us. We went suddainly to the foot of the 2d wooden bridge before mentioned, and there stay’d in tents till the rest of the chiauses came to conduct us, about 50 in all (they are paid by us a zechine apiece, and therefore we may have as many as we please, if we count their number a glory). Thus we passe to the Town side, where my Ld. mounted his best horse, and rode quite through the City upon him; and we came to the seraglio gate about ½ an houre past 5 in the morning. After a little stay there, the chiaus basha, and capige basha, and PeskeshjÉ[407] basha came to my Ld. to conduct him in. We past from the gate directly to the divan upon a stone caseway, through a square court, which I guesse every way is about 160 of my paces. The PeskeshjÉ basha is the same, in a manner, as our maister of the ceremonyes. Peskesh signifyes a present, as if peskeshjÉ were one of the Maisters of the presents, and PeskeshjÉ basha is the head or chief of them all. This man walkt with a great silver staff in his hand (as bigge as the Cambridge beadle) before my Ld. to shew him where to make his reverences: for you must understand all the sides of the court were lined with Janizaryes and other souldjers; therefore, as my Ld. past, he bowed to the Janizary Aga, Bash. Chiaus, Chia Beghi, and other great officers of the souldjery there. We came at last to the large Divan, which is just in the same fashion as that at Stambol (which I have seen), onely the side at Stambol hath no seates as this hath. The seates (or bench from which the inferior viziers are named of the bench) round the three sides are cover’d with embroyder’d silk, as likewise the whole floor of the same. Under it, upon the benches, is one continued quilt, or kind of cushion, quite round. In the middle of the side was a rich foot cloth, which reached from the back of the bench (or wall) down into the floor. Here sat the NesharjÉ basha,[408] who (is a principal secretary, and) writes the Grand Sr.’s Firme[409] (or Fiat) to all his commands. There enters a little door on one side, where is such another foot cloth, onely every way larger. There sat the Vizier AzÉm. Over his head was a Gelosia, or lattice (as at Stambol), where the G. Sr. is often (as he was then) present, but incognito; and, as we guest, the Sultana was there once, yet some say it was impossible. On the same side sat 2 Cadeleschiers on another foot cloth. The other side is open from the bench up to the top of the roof. Here sat the Testerdare upon such another foot cloth. In the room behind him sat severall men of the law, who, upon occasion, could speak or receive any writing, or other matter, into the Divan, that side, as is said, being open, onely two wooden pillars supporting the roof. The Divan might be about 8 or 9 (at most) yards square. There is a stone gallery open into the court, out of which we enter’d, then into the Divan, which is open into the Gallery and court. My Ld., making his reverence to the Vizier and the rest, was placed in the corner upon the bench, without a foot cloth, beneath the NesharjÉ, which was the lowest place, to wit, the right hand. Mauro Cordato[410] (the Vizier’s Dragoman) and my Ld.’s two Dragomen in chief stood next him. Then all we stood with our backs to the court; we might turne side wise to look out, but one or two turning their backs to the Vizier were reprehended as guilty of too much rudeness. All of us being thus disposed of, immediately were brought in 320 purses of money, and lay’d in 32 heapes upon the floor, before the Vizier, a purse being 500 dollars. There were two little bags that were layd by themselves. You must know that the Janizaryes and souldjers about the court are pay’d once a month in this manner, publickly, before the Vizier and the Divan. But now the pay day was put of till my Lord’s audience, it being a thing usually done at all Embassadores audiences, merely for to show the grandeur and glory of their Empire, though sometimes it happens otherwise. The Testadore therefore, after the money was lay’d down, gave up his accounts to the Vizier. He, kissing them, sent them to the G. Sr. by the PeskeshjÉ basha, and by him they were presently return’d again to the Vizier, who received them with a kisse. Then the severall chambers of Janizaryes (which stood round the court) were call’d in order, the word being given by the PeskeshjÉ basha very loud. The whole chamber comes running together upon the case-way to the door, where they received their proportionate bagges to be divided by themselves or officers. And, after the first chamber was paid of, they past away, and the next was call’d; and so till all was paid out. Then the Cherbigees (the colonells) and other head officers came into the Divan, and, kneeling down on the Vizier’s left hand, kist the left corner of his vest, and put it to their head, returning (as all the rest, that make reverence by saluting his vest, doe) three or four steps backwards and sideways, get out of his presence, he all the time sitting like a statue, neither bowing nor taking the least notice imaginable. The Testerdare (who many times had occasion to whisper with him) went alwayes to him without any ceremony at all. All this being over, basons, and ewers, and towells were brought in, and the Vizier, Testerdare, NeshanjÉ basha, and my Ld. washt severally, severall servants waiting upon each of them. Then were brought in 3 little round tables, all of them were alike, and they were cover’d with leather carpets onely (without any table cloth); then little flat loafes of bread (like pancakes) lay’d round in heapes, 3 or 4 one upon another, and severall broken in peices and scatter’d upon the table. By each heap, between, lay a coarse little wooden spoon, four little saucers of capers, olives, sampier,[411] parsley—the two first pickled, the other two in sugar lickquore—one little salt seller, one little pepper box. These 3 tables, thus furnisht, stood respectively before the Vizier, testerdare, NeshargÉ, all being exactly alike furnished. At the Vizier’s Table was set a velvet stool for a seat for my Ld., over against the Vizier, who sat on the bench. Three other such seates were set at the NesharjÉ’s table, where dined Mr. North[412] (the Treasurer), Mr. Hyet (the antientist merchant here), and Dr. Pickering (a Physician of Smyrna). Three more were set at the Testerdare’s table, where dined my Ld.’s Secretary, Mr. Carpenter, Mr. Cook (the Companyes Councillier), and my self. The rest of the Merchants and gentlemen dined some in the next room with the Rice-Effendi and the Vizier’s Secretary. Some else were with the Chiaus-basha. All our tables were served exactly alike with just 20 dishes of meat, which were set on but one at a time; and so soon as that was scarcely tasted, it was shifted away, and another placed in the room, so that we made a very short businesse of it, and, all along, the waiters at each table kept all so good time, as we began and ended just together. You must understand the Turkes make the supper (as the antients did) the best meale, and seldome eat at noon, but in the morning—and this was about 8½ by the clock. We had a long course Towel layd round the Table in common (as the fashion is every where) upon our laps, instead of napkins. It was wrought and checker’d like a barber’s apron. This was to wipe our hands, for, by every one, after we were set, on our right hand, into our lap or on our knee was laid a muckender[413] (of the same cloth, but finer) to wipe your mouth and beard.

I cannot give you an exact bill of fare, but as well as I can remember it was thus at every table: first we had 6 rost chickens brought pil’d one upon another, without sauce; we had no such finicallnesse[414] as knives or forkes onely the weapons that nature gave us, our hands and teeth. The Testerdare began by pinching the flesh with his fore finger and thumb, and invited us to fall to; I having seen the way of it many times before, fell on and brought on my companions. We had a dish of roast pigeons, which we eat in the same manner, nipping and tearing them apieces with hands and teeth, in any fashion. We had KibÔbs, bits of flesh, the first roasted, the last boyled; this was ready mammockt,[415] and cut to our hands. We had several sorts of DolmÁh,[416] which is minc’t meat stuffed into peices of gourds, or gobbeted[417] in vine leaves or the like, and so boyl’d. We had several Cherbaws, pottages made of rice, wheat, etc., some sweet, some savoury; we had Pelo, rice boyled with peices of a hen; Rice gellyed, a perfect fool in a platter; another slip slop[418] of Dates and pine kernells; at all these we ployed[419] our wooden artillery of the spoon. We had a great baked pye in a platter, with puff paste above and minced beaten meat, wel season’d underneath; a puf past pudding in a platter, plain; another, sweeten’d with honey. About half way of this horse feast we water’d with a hearty draught of excellent Lemmon sherbert, which was brought in a fingeon,[420] or Polish glasse, gilt on the verge at the top. The Testerdare began, and we caryed it round, then it was whipt away, and we saw it no more. We had my Ld.’s 2d Dragoman by us all the time, and the 1st Dragoman and Mauro Cordato, dragoman to the Vizier, attended my Ld. I sat so near him as I could have touched him, and I heard every word that past betwixt the Vizier and him, which was not much, but what it was was nothing of private businesse, but newes or such discourse; all past pleasantly.

The onely thing of notice was this: talking of the stirres that have been made at Fustenberg,[421] between the Emperor and K. of France, the Vizier, laughing, askt why they did not cut of his head at first? then, says he, there had been an end of all the embroglios that happen’d after. We were all served alike in costly (lordly) dishes, which are used every where at court, and I saw them at the Vizier’s and MosaÏf’s houses. They come from India, and are all in use in Persia, for the G. Sr. nor any great Turkes can use silver dishes by their law. They call the mettal of them MartabÁni[422]; they are very dear and much heavier (in proportion) then China, which they call PhorphorÉ (I suppose from p??f??a); their platters, which they call Taback,[423] of MartÁbani, are worth some of them 200 dollars. China is not half so dear here; your little sherbert cups and coffee dishes are made often times of the same earth; they ring like a bell; the earth is darkish, but the outside glazed colour is greenish. The last dish being taken from table, we all rose up together; the Grandees washt, and then my Ld. and me with him were caryed into the gallery, and there he sat on a long bench. Presently we were vested with Caphtans, which we wore all the time we were afterwards in the Seraglio; there were given but 19 in all; my Ld. Harvey had 22 when he was at Salonica, and the G. Sr. spoke to him a great deal; but now (as you shall hear immediately) he said not one word.

The meat which went from our tables was caryed out amongst inferior officers, where was such scrambling as I never saw. I saw much, much better order once at a feast at the Kaimacham’s of Stambol. The like was where our servants dined; yet all passed in silence, as the whole businesse above said was likewise acted even to a miracle, all being done with a nod or private sign (at which they are the best in the world) to the attendants and waiters, who stand like images with their hands acrosse before them. The same silence, gravity, and decorum is alwayes practised in all other places of justice or businesse throughout the whole Empire; whish, whish, whish, whish, or kish, kish, etc., is sometimes used if there should happen any the least cavgÁ, or disturbance. The Merchants that din’d without said some of them were hunch’t[424] about and Heyda’d[425] (a word which signifies get you gon’) with some rudenesse, as I am apt enough to beleive the rabble Turkes are like enough to do it.

After my Ld. and we had weighted about ½ an hour in the gallery, where Mauro Cordato had the impudence to sit by my Ld., the Vizier and the rest rose and past by us, and went into the G. Sr., who was in a low room. There was another doore going into some other room, and forwards run a high wall to the corner of the court. A quarter of an hour after they past by, my Ld. was cal’d; all we accompanyed him almost to the outward door, then he went forward with onely six persons who were appointed to accompany him, viz., the two chief Dragomen, Mr. North the Treasurer, Mr. Hyet the eldest merchant, my Ld.’s Secretary, who carry’d the king’s letter upon his head, and the Companyes Cancelleer.

My Ld. and Sr. Thos. B. promised me before we set out from Stambol, and all along assured me, that I should infallibly be one that should goe in, and no lesse then three dayes before did again secure me the same favour; but it happen’d otherwise on some other occasion, which I shall afterwards make you laugh withall. For my own part I repine not at it, for I have seen the G. Sr. again and again, and those that did goe in can onely say they did do so; for as to any thing that they saw there, the divel of any the least account could they give; onely something look’t like a thing they call the G. Sr.; yet the whole account I coul’d get from them, or observe myself, is this fully and exactly. My Ld. and all the rest were led in by two Peskeshjes or Chiauses, one holding them under one arme, the other under the other, through the part of the court were we left them. So soon as ever they entered the room, their leaders, laying their hands upon their necks, bowed them down (my Ld. himselfe very low, the rest to the very ground); immediately Mr. North, Mr. Hyet, and the Cancelleir and the 2d Dragoman were hurryed out again so soon, as Mr. North, who was first, swore he observed nothing, onely in general that it was a very rich room, but in particular he remembred nothing in the world. The poor Cancellier, being a little man, was crushed quite down at the entrance, and Mr. Hyet had like to tumble over him as he lay sprawling on the ground: so they saw lesse then Mr. North. The Cancellier remember’d nothing, and Mr. Hyet said he had a pittyfull glance at the G. Sr., and indeed it was impossible they could look about them, these thre gentlemen being in (at that outward door, where we lost sight of them) but 48 of my pulses, which is not much above ½ a minute, as I have tryed by a half minute glasse at sea severall times. My Ld. stay’d after them about 200 of my pulses, so that in all he could not be there much above 4 minutes at most. He being led in and bowed (as is said) pro more, the chief Dragoman read his speech (and yet was out about the middle of it, as my Ld. himselfe told him before me afterwards), which I saw and was just 12 lines and a half in a small quarter of a sheet. That ended, the Secretary gave the king’s letter to the Dragoman, and he to the Vizier, and he lay’d it by the G. Sr.’s right hand upon his bolster, who cast a kind of scornful eye towards it. The Vizier immediately told them: It’s well, and he as Vikiel or deputy should take care of their businesse; and so, without one word or complement passing, they were all led out again. This my Ld. himself told me, and his Secretary and Dragoman confirm’d it.

Now for grandeur and state of what was there, my Ld. himself gave us this account. The G. Sr. was set leaning upon a bed, and had put on a most severe, terrible, stately look. The bed had four posts, like ours, but whether with silk curtaines, valence, etc., is not sayd. The counterpane was of crimson velvet embroyder’d and flour’d with pearl, and round the edges went eight rowes of the same, all as bigge and as fair as ever he saw in a necklace. The floor was crimson sattin, embroyder’d likewise and wrought with gold wire, which in some places was very big. The G. Sr. had a small, plain Turbant on, with a little feather in it; at the bottome it had a brooch of Jewels, amongst the rest one very large diamond. At the feet of his bed stood a large cabinet all cover’d over with jewels, which he first valued at 100,000li. (but in a second relation at 200,000li.) sterling; he judged it to be full of jewels. His vest and delamon,[426] from his neck down before, were all set with fair large diamonds and pearles. What the roof of the room had, the walls, windowes, and the like had, or whether there were chimney, chimney-piece, balconyes, stooles, chayres, etc., he could give no account; onely he said he thought the windore was but small, for the room was dark, so as he wonder’d the old Dragoman could read at all. You were out a little (quoth he to him), but you soon recover’d yourself; in fine, my Ld. said in generall that it was the richest room for certain in the whole world; but I question much whether he could make out the particulars.

Now I declare to you the chief thing I desired to see was the furniture and embellishments of the room; for (as is said) I have seen the G. Sr. again and again. Here are adornments in building very costly and comely, utterly unknown in our parts of the world, of which I am able to give some pretty account; perhaps the sight of this might have added something to my observations. So soon as my Ld. come out, we all accompanyed him through the great court to the outer gate. There we mounted, and stay’d about half-an-houre, till the Vizier and Testerdare came out; after them came out all the Chiauses, who again conducted us out of the Town.

Aug. 10th. My Ld. went to visit the Mufti. He had audience, in the very same manner as before is said, with the G. Vizier[427]; and, after a little formall complimenting, we return’d. He was a swarthy man, yet a good-natured countenance; his beard somewhat grey (being above 54 yeares old, as is commonly said), the left corner something longer than the other; a full eye, lean, discreet nose, well-fashioned mouth and teeth; his forehead of a middle height; serene brow, cheekes enclining to leanesse; but no wayes a mortifyed look. He gave us no vests, but received ours (which we alwayes caryed wherever we went to audience) gladly; and without doubt that added to his cheer, which was very pleasant, as well as his countenance. He was set Alla Turchesca, with his feet cover’d and lapt with a course kind of linesay-woolsay blanket; the rest of his habit was no wayes distinguist from that of a common Turk. We were carryed into him, and he did not rise to my Ld., but onely bow’d; and my Ld. was placed on a stool just before him. He had three or 4 bookes lay’d by him, and round about the room on shelf lay severall more. His turbant in the middle being plain, and not in folds. We did not stay much above a quarter of an hour with him; soe we return’d to our old shop at Caragatch. Remember that these visits were in the height of the Plague; and several, I assure you, came amongst us with plague-sores running upon them at the Vizier’s at our last audience, of which by and by. There was a fellow gave me a dish of coffee who had then about him 2 filthy sores; and after he had served us with coffee, by chance talking with some of our Merchants (that spoke Turkish) about the plague, told them that he had lost three children the week before, and that he had been sick unto death, but now his swellings were broke he was much better. The Turkes used no other antidote against the plague then multitudes of Issues, which really I count a most divine thing to that effect, though otherwise a plague in themselves.

I have above mentioned to you Vani Effendi, the great preacher amongst the Turkes.[428] I shall here insert some little notices of him. He is an old huncht-back man, very gray, a crabb’d countenance, yet his shrivel’d flesh is clear, not black or swarthy, but pale; and Nature hath marked him in the face, for his right eye is lesse than his left, as if it were shrunk. He hath children at Brussa,[429] and is of such authority amongst the Turkes, as about 6 yeares since preach’d down all publick Tavernes and ale-houses, and the Dervises’ publick meetings; yet I believe there is as much wine drunk (or more) and as many tavernes by connivance and bribery as ever there was. The fame of this old cox comb is more then a Pope amongst them; he invited Sr. Thos. Baines to visite him; therefore, sending one of our dragomen and Renegado Boccareschi to beg licence of him to come, he told them he should be wellcome. He is cal’d Vani, from a town of that name on the confines of Persia.[430] Sr. Tho. being come to him and set down, ask’t liberty of discourse; he told him he might say what he pleased, nothing would be taken amiss.

Sr. Tho. 1st Quest. was: Whether all soules were equall of men, women, children? After many shuffling answers, he said the prophet Mahomet was asked the same question, and answered it was not yet revealed to him.

2dly: Whether women shall be in Paradice? Answr.: They shall have many there of those which were here and lived well and virtuously according to their law, and besides God will create them many others; but of the two sortes, those that go from hence will be the better, because their obedience hath already been tryed and proved. He said that wicked men commonly drew their wives down to hell with them; yet if the wife be virtuous she may goe to heaven, though the Man goes to Hell.

Now I understande one notion of my own. Being once with our chief Dragoman in company with a great Doctor of their law, I had the curiosity to ask (amongst other things) what use they should have of women in Paradice, whether for procreation or no? He told me that they shall conceive there for certain, but not by members of generation, but onely by intellectual seed and spiritually, to make a spirituall ofspring. VanÍ told Sr. Thos. that there is a middle life or place cal’d (as Sr. Tho. hath set it down) Asaph (it should be ArÁf,[431] as in the chapter of Prisons, cap. 7), whither all that have lived a middle life shall goe; that is, sins and virtuous deeds being compared and weighed together.

3d: What people might be suffer’d to live amongst Turkes? Answr.: None but Jewes and Christians; all other are to be put to death. This toleration is given, because the Jewes had and yet have a true law, but most imperfect Christians have a true and perfecter law; but the onely perfect law is Mahomet’s, which all now are bound to believe and follow; if they doe not, though they live never so well, they cannot be saved. There were two little boyes (by Christian slaves), and Sr. Tho. put this case: If you had lost (it had been better put if he had said hidden) a jewell, and should bid these two seek it, and tell them where abouts it was to be found; one being more successful then the other, finds it; the other notwithstanding being very industrious, and leaving no stone or stick unturned, perhaps finds onely a crisstall: shall this son be blamed for his ill successe, notwithstanding his indeavours were as much, perhaps more then the other? Here, saith Sr. Tho. B., the teares stood in his eyes, and he answered: Every body had heard of their law and their Prophet, and were bound to believe. Sr. Tho. B. said he had heard many things which he now found not truly reported of them, and he had read their Alcoran, which he now sees wrongly translated; both which rather prejudic’d him then furthered him in his belief, and many there are who never heard of it at all; suppose such a one (who never heard) to be a Christian and live well, whether he might be saved? He answer’d not close to the point. Sr. Tho. told what kind of Christian he was, viz., he would rather dye then worship either crosse, Pictures, Images, or the like. He adored onely one true God, and lived in his fear onely; he believed a Mussulman, living up to the height of his law, may be undoubtedly saved. He thought himselfe obliged (though it was never so absolutely in his power to do it) not to touch a hair of a Mussulman’s head for his difference in religion, but rather to help, assist, relieve, and cherish them in every good office that he was able to doe for them. Here Sr. Th. B. saies he wept, and said he could not believe any Christian came so near true Musselmen, but that they all had been Idolaters; and the standers by (which were many) cryed out E AdÁm[432]—he was a Good Man. You may imagine this was odde for a Greek (who worships all these things, and curses a Turk to the Divel) to say as Draggerman. VanÍ pressing the perfection of his law, and the necessity of turning to it, Sr. Tho. said he was now about 55 years of age, and his bones were dryed and hardened to their forme; and his understanding was in like manner settled by long practice of his own religion, and it would be a hard task, and of some long time, to unrivet his notions. VanÍ bad him welcome, desired more frequent converse, assuring him all security and freedome. The Dragoman told me he was afraid to speak, for though they might not touch Sr. Tho. B., yet they might chastise him for speaking anything about or against this Law.

Sr. Tho. Baines went no more; he sent to him severall questions by Boccareschi, till he was weary, first: To know if the soules of the dead (Men and Women) went immediately to heaven or hell, without any stay? Answr.: The blessed went not into Paradice till the day of Judgement, but had a continuall sight of it through a great windore. He said Boccareschi was not a fitting messenger, and desir’d, if he had any more questions, that he might set them down in writing, and he would answer in like manner. Sr. Th. B. left of. For my own part, I believe he might have given his first Answer to most of Sr. Th. B.’s questions, viz.: The Prophet (nor God himself) hath not revealed those things. He sent word by Boccareschi about Hell: 1st, there are 60 mountaines of fire, and millions of poysonous serpents and dragons to torment the damned. 2nd, that no Turke shall remain there to eternity; infidells and Idolaters never get out.

Sept. 8th. My Ld. went for the capitulations to the Vizier, and, to take leave, we were caryed into the KhiÁ’s (the Steward or Secretaryes) chamber, where we stay’d waiting two houres. We were treated in the mean time with coffee and sherbert. Mauro Cordato[433] (the Vizier’s Dragoman), who has studyed in Italy, and was at first a doctor of Physick, by nation a Greek, sat and bore my Ld. company. Amongst other discourse, he assured us that the first month (June) the plague began, there might die from 60 to 100 per diem; the 2d month it increased to at least 250; this month (Sept.) dyed at least 600 per diem (but others talked much lighter), and after our coming away it increased to double the number. It is a very bad place for fruits, and this year worse than ever. He said that it was banisht the court. There were abundance of Turkes, and many of them sick (as is above said), intermixt with us. At last we were caryed into another room, and, after a little pause, came in the Vizier, and he and my Ld. sat as before. He spoke cheerfully, and proved in very good humour; yet his face, especially about the eyes, look’d very swel’d and reddish. We understood he had been soundly keiph’t the night before.

The Vizier began, and told him the Capitulations were renewed according to his desire. My Ld. thankt him, and signifyed what high respect our king would have for him for his particular care in it; and he would see that he had particular thanks for it from him. The Vizier ask’t what ships we had, and what were expected. Answer: Two dayly expected from Legorne, one generall ship in two months at Constantinople, 2 more at Smyrna. The Vizier ask’t what newes? Answer: The last was that the two Armyes were within 2 or three leagues one of the other, and that Brandenburgh had routed the Swead; that the Ragusian Ambassador reported a battle to have been fought, wherein 12,000 French, with Turein[434] himself, kil’d. The Vizier said he had heard the like. We had 12 vests. My Ld. received the Capitulations, G. Sr.’s letter, and Vizier’s letter to our king from his own hand, kissing them all, as the manner is. My host wish’t the G. Sr. and Vizier a long life, and that the Vizier might have all increase of honour and favour with the G. Sr. And so we came away.

Sept. 16th. My Ld. took leave of the Vizier’s Khia and the Rice effendi, in whose familyes the plague was then very, very rife. Two men, with plague sores on them running, stood about a full quarter of an houre within a yard of him, yet God preserved both him and us. Onely, as is said, three or four servants dyed there. One or two had it all the way home to Stambole undiscovered, and there one, who allwayes was about my Ld. and Sr. Tho., dyed.

Sept. 19th. About 1 o’clock we set out for Stambole. Because the road was everywhere full of the plague, we every night lay in our Tents, which were caryed before us, and pitcht ready at every conÁck, and all our waggons and coaches were drawn round us, and a great fire being made. There were men watch’t by turnes every night, for the road was very full of thieves. Not a day past but some newes or other came of their exploits. There were many in companyes, and if we had not had guards it would have been very easy cutting our throats. We made as many dayes coming home as we did going out, and pitcht under the same town sides; so that though we ourselves went not into Townes, most of our waggoners and servants did for wine, or women, or something or other, and so our danger was, in a manner, the same. I have been used to the fashion of the country of lying in my clothes, which I did both outwards and homewards, and once in a frolick to Brusa Baths I came not in a bed for 8 weekes together. Now I caryed a little sea bed with me, which I lay on at Adrianople, and upon the road. We first spread a carpet on the ground, and then lay’d our beds or quilts upon it, and so tumbled down upon them, booted, cloak’t, etc., as we rode. I was a little ill at Caragatch, or else I enjoy’d my health very well all the time. I came with my Ld. and companye along to Caresteran. There I left them with onely my man with me (wee were well arm’d) to go see Misine.[435] At ChiorlÚh I met my Ld. and all the Company again.

Sept 24th. Seeing the Sea from ChiorlÚh, I thought it not much out of my way to goe to it, and thence to Selibria alongst the sea shore. I could perswade no man to accompany me for fear of Thieves, and a calf with a white face disheartened them all. Away went my man and I. There is from ChiorlÚh, to your eye, a perfect streight valley to the Sea, which I thought was, at most within 5 miles, but I was horribly mistaken. Though in a right line it may be so, yet following a road that leads to it, by reason of a little rill that rises on the left hand out of the hills towards Stambol, which makes a moorish bottome, by windings and turnings I made it about as much more. This little rill, in most places, is so very narrow as I could easily step over it, and yet we reckon’d 7 or 8 Turkish mills upon it, so little water sufficing for each of them. In 2¼ houres we got to the sea, counting it at least 9 mile, all the hills on either side (especially the left) covered with vineyards, and they were then in the height of their vintage. We past severall very good fountaines in the way, and about a mile of the sea we past a little Turkish village. So soon as we arriv’d at the sea, we turn’d to the left hand for Heraclea. At the end of about 6 mile we met a good fountaine, which refresh’t us well. The country all champion, and many little villages were to our left hand on the hanging hills. We arriv’d at Heraclea in 2½ houres. At our rate it was about 13 or 14 miles, the country still champion, onely some few trees thinly set about Heraclea. In the playnes are many hills raysed (as sepulchres, I suppose). One large one is by the sea, upon a rising ground, not far from the town. It stands upon a peninsula. The Isthmus is on the N.W. side. To the sea is a pretty high cliff. On that upper ground stood the antient town, now inhabited most by Greekes. On the lower ground to the Isthmus live many Turkes, and have severall MoschÉs. There are yet standing, in all, 40 Greek churches, yet (as elsewhere) none deserve the name but the Metropole’s, which is a good old odde fashion’d building. It hath a Cupola and half cupolas about it like Sta. Sophia.

They show there, within the Metropolis, the top stone of Sta. Gluceria’s tomb, which they say was saved out of her monastery, which stood hard by, but was ruin’d and most part tumbled into the Sea. It is pure white marble, about a foot thick, most neatly covered and hollowed on the edges, with a coronite[436] round the head, and at the feet with two spires. At the head there is cut an archt hole, in which they say her head was kept; and there is a hole sideways of it which is like a saucer, and in the bottome of it is in another small one, out of which they say continually issued an holy oyle. All this arch’t hole was cover’d with a plate of gold; the pins that fasten’d it yet remain. I assure you the whole thing is absolutely the curiosest piece of work that is to be found in Greece of so modern artifice. On the upper side, between the arch’t hole and the bottome, rose an inscription in impure Iambick. It was wrote in a moderne character, which is very difficult to be read, and the latter end of each verse was wrote under the former part in very much smaller letters. I verily believe this whole thing was but a piece of Greekish monkery, and they might have some pretty contrivance to let oyl, or the like liquor, drop upon occasion, to work some miracle upon the credulous.

In the Greeks’ Hierology they observe the 23d of May[437] as a great holy day to her memory, and say that she was martyrd in the times of Antoninus, by his Proconsul Sabinus; that she was torn apieces by wild beasts, and afterwards translated to Heraclea. I am sure the story and the inscription savours of no such antiquity. This church is dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, and is generally called t?? e????? ?p?st????. The Metropolite has very good accommodations there for himself and his papas. Below, in the cloyster, just at the foot of the staires going up to the Metropolite’s apartment, lyes buryed Mr. Edward Wych, brother to Sr. Peter,[438] who was Embassadore here. He went with our chief Dragoman (yet living) to Scio to meet Sr. Peter’s Lady, then coming out of England to her husband; and, coming back, he touched at Tenedos, where the plague was very rife, and he got it and dyed, and was brought here and buryed, 1628.

Coming out of the Greekes’ apartment, we went into St. George’s church (whome they call ????? Ge??????), who is here reverenced as the greatest Saint imaginable, and they attribute many miracles to his image, which is a head cut flat in wood and trimm’d up with abundance of tinsel stuff; the candles have made it as black as soot. The chief thing he is famed for is the deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang’d up to him infinites of ??a??ata, dedicated by poor creatures which had escaped shipwreck: most are little short pieces of halsers or cables, or smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.

Upon the cliff to the S.E. stand 4 or 5 windmills immoveable, and are driven onely by the Embaty,[439] which never failes in the daye time to come of from the sea.

I came from Selibria home with the rest. The Plague had been as hot at Stambol all last summer, and after our returne (which was Sept. 27th) it encreased. Upon the death of the foot boy in our house (of whom is above written), my Ld. and Sr. Tho., with 4 servants, withdrew to a house out of town. I took the opportunity at that time to go with some gentlemen of Smyrna (who had been at audience with us) as farre as Brusa, where the G. Sr. baths are; and indeed it is a brave place. I took some delight upon mount Olympus MysiÆ,[440] which is very, very high, and over looks the town; it is alwayes cover’d with snowe, as it was then whilst we were on the top of it. I took notice of many fine plants, trees, and other curiosyties there, as likewise about the Town and at the baths; and should certainly have been highly pleased with my voyage, had not a sad accident embitter’d all to me. One of the gentlemen, my dear friend, fell sick of a very high feavor: we fear’d it was the Plague. All the rest of the company left me and my man alone with him; and after 13 dayes he dyed there. I was ill treated by the Turkes; but I got leave to bury him with much adoe; and, writing to my Ld., I had a Chiaus and Dragoman came and chastised those Rogues very handsomely. I spent a month there, and have made remarques of many things; but I must leave the story of that and all the rest to another time to tell you by letter or word of mouth.

I will see Nice,[441] Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Mount Athos, Lemnos, Lesbos, Chios, and what else lyes in my way before I leave the countrey, though I shall make Inscriptions and such knackes but onely my passe time. Here are every year abundance of Whiflers[442] in those scraps of learning. Last year were here one Mr. Wheeler, a pretty ingenious youth, our countryman, and one Mr. Le Spon,[443] a Frenchman, who certainely have made the best collection in the world, and intends to print them when he comes home. He hath gathered up and down at least 10,000 that never yet saw light in Greek or any other author. I have a very great intimacy with him, and maintein a strickt correspondency with him, and I shall certainely give him all I have which he wants; and I am sure I have one or two very rare, and not met with all by him. Here is now one Mr. Vernon (lately Secretary to Mr. Montague in France), who is mightily eager after all such things, and is going for Persia. So the main businesse will be caryed on by others, to the satisfaction of themselves, if not of others. For my own part, my heat and leachery after such things was soon over after I arrived in these places. But, when all is done, they goe but on the skirts of Asia all of them; whereas from hence to Aleppo, and all about Ancyra, and on the other side in Caria, etc., are the statelyest things in the world, and in very great numbers. He that thinks them worth his labour and expence and hazard, let him go fetch them; yet I confesse I have an itching after them, for I can assure you there are some things that will give great light to Church story, especially as to the Arians, Basilidians,[444] and other Heriticks. It is very troublesome to transcribe what I have collected; I must be pardoned herein till I see you. In the mean time, I joyn absolutely with you in your opinion of that part of learning, and in your censure of the professors of it. I have two or three pretty knackes which I have lighted upon very cheap, and yet I vallue them dear. I have a delicate cat’s eye; two or three Seraphims; two little cupids holding a lyon, imbossed admirably in a Cameo; severall petrifyed mushroomes; tiles; etc.

In truth, I am now weary, and I believe so are you by this time. I cannot read these papers over to correct them. You are my Friend: for your sake I have scribbled them at full gallop; for my sake passe by whatever is amisse, or twice over, or rudely and carelessly done. I did all to testify what you shall ever find—Fidum pectus amicitiae. You must communicate them to Sam. Th.; and for others I leave it to your discretion who you shall admitte to see my levityes. It would be some passetime to T. Fairmeddow over a pot of ale; but use your discretion. I shall tell him I have wrote you at large. Now, Dear friend, the Mighty God of heaven and Earth watch over us for our good; and, if it be his blessed will, bring us together once more. I am,

Thy faithfull and affectionate friend,

J. C.

---

The two volumes of Dr. Covel’s consecutive diary terminate with his visit to Adrianople. There are, however, several smaller diaries of different journeys, which would be too long to insert here. One is thus headed:

Feb. 16, 1676/7.—Our Voyage to Nicomedia, NicÆa, etc.

Dr. Covel sailed up the Gulf of Ismidt, and, on arriving at the town of Ismidt (Nicomedia), he was “nobly lodged at the monastery by Greeks”. He speaks in quaint terms of the numerous ????sata, or sacred springs, at Ismidt, and describes more particularly one dedicated to St. Anne, and its supposed healing qualities.

“I saw”, he writes, “a man who, last 2nd of February, went to St. Anne’s ???asa for cure, being full of ulcers, and could receive no benefit otherwayes but washing all over. His ulcers were dryed up in less than a fortnight’s time, which made me reflect upon the story of Naaman.”

“Feb. 22. Got to Isnick (NicÆa), which is not now within the walls, a third part inhabited, or filled with houses, most being gardens or yards enclosed with mud walls. I do not remember that I saw one tolerably good house in the town; and most were intolerably bad, little, pittyfull, low, dirty hovels, instead of houses.”

As usual, Dr. Covel’s narrative is full of archÆology, and as he only stopped one day at NicÆa, it is marvellous how much he saw and put down.

“If I had had any instrument in the world to have taken a plain angle withall, I should have plotted down everything exactly. Now I have done it by guesse and loose calculation, and let that suffice.”

On his return journey he visited the islands of Prinkipo and Chalcis. He was on this latter on Feb. 25, and visited the celebrated monastery there.

“This monastery about 5 or 6 yeares since, was unfortunately burnt down, and Panagiotes[445] (the late Vizier’s Dragoman), who lyes buryed here, rebuilt it at his own cost.”

“Our first ambassador, Sir Edw. Barton, lyes buried without the outward gate, to the right hand. His armes are rudely done, but I take them to be three stagges heads above. It was cut by a Turk, and thence came all the mistakes in the writing, and at the bottome are three Cypress trees, which are commonly put on the Turks’ tombs.”[446]

On April 2nd, 1677, Dr. Covel left Constantinople for good, and his return journey to England forms another MS. volume. He thus begins it:

“This day, in the year 1638, I was born at two o’clock in the morning, being Monday, and it pleased me to see so many things meet this day, whereby I might reckon it my second birth. Just at two o’clock Antonio called us to go to the Alloy. This day I left Stamboul, which, for many reasons, I may well liken to the prison of my mother’s belly.”

Dr. Covel and Sir John Finch, the ambassador, started together on the Alloy, and the new Grand Vizier, Kara Mustapha,[447] came to see them off, and brought them “large quantities of presents, and grand accompaniment.”

The homeward diary is very much scamped and badly written, but there are interesting passages in it. He gives us a good description of Cyzicus and the temple of Nemesis therein, and his account of Mt. Athos is also valuable, though prolix. The ship Alloy then came to the island of Lemnos, “where we lay weather fast.” Dr. Covel here gives us an interesting account of what he saw in connection with the terra Sigillata of Lemnos, the sacred earth with supposed curative properties, a superstition which has survived since the days of Galen, and still exists, so I will give Dr. Covel’s description in full.

“On the side hills, on the contrary side of the valley, directly over against the middle point betwixt this hill and ?a?a??? ??t????t?, is the place where they dig the terra sigillata. At the foot of a hard rock of grey hard freestone enclining to marble is a little clear spring of most excellent water, which, falling down a little lower, looseth its water in a kind of milky bogge; on the East side of this spring, within a foot or my hand’s breadth of it, they every year take out the earth on the 6th of August, about three houres after the sun. Several papas, as well as others, would fain have persuaded me that, at the time of our Saviour’s transfiguration, this place was sanctifyed to have his virtuous earth, and that it is never to be found soft and unctuous, but always perfect rock, unlesse only that day, which they keep holy in remembrance of the Metamorphosis, and at that time when the priest hath said his liturgy; but I believe they take it onely that day, and set the greater price upon it by its Scarcenesse. Either it was the Venetian, or perhaps Turkish policy[448] for the Grand Signor to engrosse it all to himselfe, unless some little, which the Greekes steal; and they prefer no poor Greek to take any for his own occasions, for they count it an infallible cure of all agues taken in the beginning of the fit with water, and drank so two or three times. Their women drink it to hasten childbirth, and to stop the fluxes that are extraordinary; and they count it an excellent counter-poyson, and have got a story that no vessel made of it will hold poison, but immediately splinter in a thousand pieces. I have seen several finganes (Turkish cups) made of it in Stamboul; we had a good store of it presented to us by Agathone and others, all incomparably good. We had some such as it is naturally dig’d out and not wash’d. (There is no such chappel nigh as Bel talked of, called Sobiranon, to be found, unless he took ?a?a??? ??t????t? for it.) Thus they take it out: before day they begin and digge a well about 1½ yards wide, and a little above a man’s height deep; and then the earth is taken out soft and loomy, some of it like butter, which the Greeks say, and the Turks believe, is turned out of rocky stone into soft clay by virtues of their mass. When they have taken out some 20 or 30 kintals for the Greeks’ use, they fill it up again, and so leave it stop’t without any guard in the world....

“We came down to a town called Hagiapate, where there is a great large fountain, where they wash and prepare the ????? ??a (sacred earth) for the Turkish seal. They first dissolve it in water, well working it with their hands; then let the water pass through a sive, and what remains they throw away. They let the water stand till settled, then take of the clear, and, when dry enough, they mould in their hands; and most of this we have is shaped from thence. It is all here white, yet I had some given me flesh-coloured. I enquired diligently about it, and they all told me it came out of the same pit; but I expect some of these fellows have found some other place which they conceal. We had some little quantity given us of several people, but very privately, for fear of the AvaniÁs. Agathone, being the Pasha’s favourite, feared nothing, but gave us at least 20 okes before 20 people. They tell a story that the earth is hollow from the holy well, when dig’d, to the fountain, where they wash it; and that a duck once dived in the water there and was taken up here; but it seemed an impossible thing to me, there being not water enough in the first place to cover a duck, and the water in the bogge so very shallow, and the earth not sinuous.”

Dr. Covel’s remarks on the sacred earth of Lemnos are particularly valuable, as this is one of the clearest instances of a pagan superstition being carried on through the influence of Christianity down to our own times. Pliny mentions it (Hist. Nat., 29, 5); also Dioscorides (De Mater. Med., 5, 113); and Galen made an expedition to Lemnos on purpose to see it, and gives us an account of it (De Simpl. Med., 9, 2, vol. xii). He mentions the disorders for which it was considered beneficial; he also gives us the ceremonies and mode of operation; on certain occasions a priestess of Artemis came, and, after certain rites, carried off a cartload to the city; she mixed it with water, kneaded it, and strained off both the moisture and gritty particles, and, when it was like wax, she impressed it with the seal of Artemis. During the Middle Ages, the reputed virtues of this earth remained unimpaired as a remedy for the plague. Belon saw it in the sixteenth century (Observations de plusieurs singulaires, p. 51). Here we have Dr. Covel’s account of it in the seventeenth century. Conze was able to buy specimens of it in 1858; but Dr. Tozer, who visited Lemnos three years ago, writes of it as an expiring superstition. In that year only twelve persons were present at the ceremony; and the Turkish governor, seeing so small a prospect of revenue, has ceased to be present in person. Dr. Tozer could not even obtain a specimen in a chemist’s shop; but the superstitious in remote parts of the island still use it.

Proceeding from Lemnos, the Alloy went to Chios, where Dr. Covel gives us an account of the silk-trade carried on there, and the growth of the mastic, and the avanias thereon imposed by the Turkish Government. “The poor sort of Greek women dayly scold and quarrell, and pull one another’s head gear of,[449] then in a fury run to Turkish justice; and, in conclusion, both pay soundly, though the richest purse always speeds best.”

When passing between Chios and the island of Psara, Dr. Covel tells two curious nautical yarns. “The Plymouth, which caryed my Lord Winchilsea to Stambol, passing between these two islands, strook twice or thrice upon a blind rock, and a great peice broke of, and stuck in the keel of the ship, and continued in quite till she returned to England, and was found when she came to be carin’d. The peice is now kept in the king’s closet. Captain Blake told me that a ship coming from the E. Indyes, the Doctor was very kind to a sick mariner, who thereupon made the Dr. his heir; he, tempted thereby, gave him something to sleep, and, taking opportunity, thrust in a small needle or bodkin under his ear, and kil’d him. He was thrown over board, and three days after, sayling with a very stiff gale, they spyed his body floting under the weather bow; as fast as the ship could make way, it kept pace. With wonder they took it up, and, after many consultations, the Captain came himself first and touch’t it; when the Dr. came, the blood spirt out of the dead man’s nose and the wound under his ear, upon him: he confest all, and was brought home and hang’d.”

After rounding Cape Matapan, the Alloy sailed up the Adriatic to Venice, where Dr. Covel stayed some time and crossed Italy and France on his way to England.

“On Monday morning, Jan. 20th, 1679, we got over to Dover in four houres just; that night to Canterbury; next night to London.”

At the end of his Diary there is this curious note on a London fog:—“Feb. 12, 1679, was Black Sunday; so dark about 9 or 10 o’clock for about ½ an hour, as candles were lighted in most churches in London. It is thought it came partly from a misty thick air, partly from a very black, thick cloud, which, being low, hindered in the third place the smoke to rise high, which increased the thickness of the air. I am informed the like hath been often before. Mr. Standish was lighted home with a torch at 3 in the afternoon.”