Although the Tartar troops had proved themselves a formidable enemy at Chin-keang-foo, and the loss sustained on our side had been much greater than in any previous encounter, a far more dangerous enemy soon began to show itself. Cholera and low marsh fever now made their appearance, and carried off a great many men, particularly among the new comers. The 98th regiment, recently arrived from England, suffered perhaps more severely than the rest; but, in reality, every ship, whether a man-of-war, or belonging to the transport service, had numerous sick on board; and some of the transport ships were at length scarcely manageable, owing to the shortness of hands. Nor was the sickness limited to one part of the river more than another; for the North Star, and the French frigate, Erigone, which were at anchor at Woosung, were quite as much afflicted by it as the rest of the squadron higher up the river. Nor did it begin to diminish until cool weather set in, and the fleet gradually withdrew out of the river, after the peace. Many a brave man, too, suffered from its effects for months after leaving the country; and the officers were not more exempt than the men.

We may next proceed to inquire what was being done elsewhere by the naval branch of the expedition, particularly by the advanced squadron higher up the river, during these operations at Chin-keang-foo. The great object in view was to stop the entire trade through that part of the country, which, having numerous branches of the Grand Canal passing through it, or at all events being intersected by several canals having communications with the great one, may be considered as a centre of commercial intercourse with some of the most important provinces of China. The annual grain-junks had already passed up the canal towards Pekin; but the importance of this great commercial highway (if a canal may so be called in a country where the only means of transport is by water) may be estimated from the fact, that in the course even of a few days no less than seven hundred trading-junks were stopped; by which means no less panic was created throughout the country, far and near, than by the successes of our arms.

There are at least three principal communications between the Yangtze-Keang and the southern portion of the Grand Canal, of which, perhaps, the largest passes along the western side of the walls of Chin-keang-foo, through the suburbs of that city. It runs very near the west and south gates, where it is crossed by stone bridges, which, of course, impede the navigation for large junks. In its narrowest part, where it is contracted by stone buttresses, it is about twenty feet broad; but, in other parts, it varies from seventy to eighty feet in breadth, with very high, steep banks, and with a depth of water varying from nine to fifteen feet. These observations were made by Captain Grey, of the Endymion.

The communications on the northern side of the Yangtze-Keang are much more numerous, and the main canal becomes much larger and finer. The principal branch of communication opens about a mile above Golden Island; but there are, in fact, so many openings, and such numerous cross-lines running from one branch to the other, that the whole of this part of the country resembles a network of water-courses. It is in reality, so little above the level of the river, that it is entirely laid out in paddy-swamps, which are only separated from the various canals by embankments artificially made, and which form the only roads or footways.

The main canal itself, on that side, varies from eighty to one hundred yards in width, and has a fine towing-path, running along upon the top of the embankment by which its waters are confined. A few junks had been sunk at its entrance, and barriers had also been formed in other branches, in order to impede the navigation, in case our small steamers should attempt to ascend them. At the time our forces were in the neighbourhood, the waters were evidently much higher than usual; the paddy-fields were deeply inundated, although the rice was being cut; and some of the villages and courts of the joss-houses were flooded. Shortly afterwards, while our squadron was lying off Nankin, the river overflowed its banks so extensively, that the Chinamen were obliged to move about in boats from house to house in the suburbs; and great distress arose, both from this cause, and from the entire stoppage of trade in the river.

A country so subject to inundations, and intersected as it is by canals in all directions, cannot but be at times extremely unhealthy; and it is not to be wondered at that sickness should have broken out extensively, among a body of foreigners long confined on board ship. We shall presently allude to the sickness prevailing among the Chinese themselves in the neighbourhood of Nankin, which may, in some degree, account for the great falling off in its population.

From what has been said of the numerous openings and communications of the Grand Canal, it is evident that it would require a considerable force to establish an efficient blockade. But not only was it necessary to stop the trade, but also to take measures, at the same time, to prevent the panic among the people from reaching such a pitch as to drive them away from their homes, and leave the country at the mercy of the rabble, and of the lawless plunderers who flock into the towns from all parts, causing uneasiness even to the government.

The Blonde and Modeste, together with the Proserpine, were placed so as to blockade the two principal entrances of the canal immediately above Chin-keang-foo, two or three days before the town was taken; while the Nemesis and the Queen steamers, having the Plenipotentiary and Captain Bourchier on board, proceeded some miles higher up the river, until they suddenly discovered a large fleet of not less than three hundred trading-junks. These were all ordered to drop down immediately to Chin-keang, where they could more easily be prevented from making their escape. A number of papers written in Chinese were distributed among the captains of the junks, telling them that no harm would be done to them, but their vessels must be detained. The Plenipotentiary immediately returned to Chin-keang-foo, and the Nemesis was left to hasten the departure of the junks, which were made to get under way at once. A grand scene of confusion followed, as they were crowded together, and all were glad to be allowed to get away from the steamer without molestation. They were afterwards brought-to, in one of the branches of the southern canal, just above Golden Island, and, for some time, were under the charge of the Proserpine steamer, Commander Hough.

A few miles up the branch of the canal near the mouth of which this large fleet of junks was discovered, was situated the third-class town called Esching, distant about twelve or fourteen miles from Chin-keang. The approach of the Nemesis, and the detention of the junks, caused so much consternation, that in the evening a respectably-dressed Chinaman, who, from the authority he was afterwards found to possess, must have been a mandarin of some rank, came down to the steamer, bringing a few trifling presents of tea &c., as a means of introduction. His object evidently was to ascertain whether there was any intention of taking possession of the town; and, if so, to endeavour to avert the calamity by the offer of a ransom.

Supplies of fresh provisions were at this time greatly wanted in the fleet. Many ships, particularly transports, had not been able to procure fresh meat or vegetables for a considerable time, and the sick were, consequently, deprived of what was most essential to their recovery. This opportunity of procuring supplies was not to be neglected. The Chinese gentleman and his attendants were conducted over every part of the steamer, with which they were evidently much surprised, but above all with the engines. He was soon made to understand that if he promised to send down abundant supplies, all of which would be equitably paid for, no harm whatever would be done to the town or its inhabitants; but that no trading-junks could on any account be permitted to pass up the river, or through that branch of the canal.

A demand for twenty bullocks was made, and they were to be delivered on the following day. This was declared to be impossible—so many could not be found; however, he was quietly told that they must be forthcoming, and that ten dollars would be paid for each of them. Late in the evening the party of Chinamen returned to the town, apparently quite satisfied with the civility they had received, and equally convinced of the formidable character of their new visiter.

On the following morning, the 19th, the same people again came on board very early, bringing with them vegetables and fruit, and remained some hours, while the Nemesis was chasing the junks, which were continually coming into view as she proceeded, and were naturally trying to make their escape. There were two interpreters (Chinamen from Canton) on board, who hailed them to bring-to, telling them that they would receive no molestation if they went quietly down the river. But some of them continued to persevere in their attempt to escape, and, when two shots across their bows failed to bring them to, a third was invariably fired into them, which soon had the desired effect. One or two Congreve rockets frightened them still more, and at last they were all brought-to in great consternation. The Chinese visiters, who were on board all this time, were perfectly astonished and bewildered, but were not prevented from making a good breakfast, nevertheless.

A short distance further up the river, they fell in with several junks laden with coal, but abandoned by their crews. Some of them were soon driven on shore at different points, where they could not easily be got off, in order to serve as coal depÔts for the steamer, and one of the largest of them was lashed alongside and taken in tow, while the Nemesis still continued her pursuit of the other junks up the river; one part of her crew being occupied in "coaling" from the junk, and the other at quarters, occasionally firing a shot across the bows of any junk that refused to bring-to.

It is here worth while to remark that coal is found in great abundance in China. Indeed, it is difficult to say what is not found there: gold, silver, iron, copper, zinc, coal, in short, all that is most requisite for a commercial and manufacturing people. Coal is known to exist in abundance in the gulf of Pechelee; it is found in the province of Che-Keang, and in almost every town visited by the expedition it was exposed for sale in greater or less quantity. At Nankin, immense heaps of it were found stored up by the river side, and divided into three qualities, separated from each other. That which answered best for steaming purposes had a less promising appearance than the other qualities. It looked slaty, but was found to burn better than the Indian coal, and our steamers all found it to answer well. Probably, if the mines were worked to a greater depth, a better description of coal would be found.[71]

About a mile and a half above the lower branch of the canal leading up to Eshing, another larger branch was discovered, which joined the first one a little below the town. On the evening of the 19th, the Dido and Childers arrived, and joined the Nemesis; the former, commanded by the Honourable Captain Keppel, who was now the senior officer, was stationed off the upper branch, while the latter blockaded the lower one. Captain Hall immediately presented to Captain Keppel the Chinese gentleman, or, in reality, mandarin, who had hitherto been so polite and attentive; and the assurances previously given were reiterated, that no harm would be done to the town or the neighbouring country, if abundant supplies were brought down. The same evening they went up the canal in three boats to the town, where they were very politely received by the same Chinaman, who appeared to possess great authority over the people, who obeyed every direction he gave. At first they looked on in half stupid wonder, but were evidently reassured when they were told that nothing would be demanded but supplies of meat and vegetables.

On the following day, the Chinaman again came down to the Nemesis, bringing with him all the gentlemen of his family, in order to show his confidence, and at the same time invited Captain Keppel and other officers to visit him at his house in the city, and proposed to give them an entertainment at a joss-house ashore. He even hinted that he would introduce them to his wife.

Arrangements were now made for establishing a regular market in the courtyard of the large joss-house, which stood close to the landing-place at the mouth of the canal. The man scrupulously kept his word, supplies in great abundance of every description were brought down for sale, and the sight of dollars soon overcame all the Chinamen's fears. In fact, they reaped a good harvest. These supplies were all sent down to the fleet at Chin-keang as fast as they could be procured, Chinese boats or small junks being employed to convey them, escorted by a boat alternately from the Dido and the Nemesis, to ensure their safe delivery. Such was the result of conciliating the good-will, and pacifying the fears of the Chinese.

For a moment the fears of the people were awakened by the accidental burning of some buildings at the mouth of the lower branch of the canal, where the Childers was stationed. But fortunately the Admiral came up in person, on board the Pluto, in the afternoon, to examine the river, and the assurance of protection, if abundant supplies were provided, being circulated among the people by a written paper or chop in the Chinese character, they resumed their former confidence, and did not conceal their delight. This was the evening before Chin-keang was taken.

The next day, the 21st July, the Chinese gentleman and his attendants, according to previous invitation, came down to conduct the officers to his house in the city, situated four or five miles up the canal. It is not a little singular, that while one party of our countrymen were partaking of Chinese hospitality, upon the most friendly terms, in the centre of a considerable town, the rest were engaged in deadly hostility, fighting for hearth and home, in a city only a few miles distant. Although the distance from one to the other by the river cannot be less than twelve or thirteen miles, it must be very much less in a direct line by land, as the firing was distinctly heard.

On coming on board to fetch the officers who were invited to the entertainment at his house, the unhappy Chinaman burst into a flood of tears, and soon made them understand that his wife had ran away from him, the moment it was announced that they were coming to pay her a visit. Probably tidings had already been brought of the commencement of the attack upon Chin-keang; nevertheless, on reaching the town, there were no indications of alarm among the people; they crowded round in all directions, out of mere curiosity; the shops were not closed, and business did not appear to be interrupted.

A proclamation was distributed as the party proceeded, announcing to the inhabitants that all supplies would be scrupulously paid for, and that no injury would be done to the city. The best interpreter was found to be a little Chinese boy, only ten years old, who had been several months on board the Nemesis, having been almost adopted by her commander, after the death of his father, who was killed at Chusan. In this short time he had picked up English in an astonishing manner. His extreme youth was a guarantee for his honesty; and, at last, the Chinese gentleman carried on all his conversation through this interesting little boy; declaring that the little follow spoke truth and could be depended on, but that the two Canton interpreters perverted what was said, by purposely translating it wrongly, to suit their own purposes, and with a view to extort money.

The Chinese gentleman's house was situated in the very heart of the city; it was a very respectable mansion, with courts and buildings of great extent, ornamented with carved wood-work, similar to most other respectable houses of its class. All the relations and friends of the family had been invited on the occasion, refreshments were handed round, but no females made their appearance. At length, the master of the house was resolved to drown his sorrows for the loss of his wife, by the delicious enjoyment of his opium-pipe, which soon revived his drooping spirits.

The return of the party through the streets towards the boats was the occasion of greater movement among the people than before. As an additional mark of respect, two well-dressed persons accompanied each of the officers, one on either side, fanning them as they went, for the day was extremely sultry. Altogether, it was a most interesting scene. Another entertainment was also given to them in the joss-house, at the mouth of the canal, where the market was held; and, in short, nothing was omitted on the part of the Chinese, to show their confidence, and their wish to cultivate our good-will.

On the following day, the surveying vessels, Starling, Plover, and Medusa, having on board the masters of the fleet, joined the advanced squadron under Captain Keppel, bringing the first intelligence of the fight of the previous day.

We must now return for a moment to Chin-Keang, which we left in the last chapter in the possession of our troops, the greater part of which were already preparing to move up towards Nankin. Another attempt was now made by the Chinese commissioners, Keying and Elepoo, to open negotiations with the Plenipotentiary; but since they did not even now produce full authority from the Emperor to treat for peace, no other than the answer they had previously received could be given to them.

It has before been mentioned that the Tartar general, Hailing, when he saw that all was lost, set fire to his house, and burned himself to death in it. His wife and his grandson shared the same fate; at least so it would appear from the orders issued by the Emperor afterwards, whose mandate was sent to Keying, "that he should despatch messengers to make diligent search for their bodies, in order that great honours might be conferred upon them. Such loyalty and devotion are worthy of the highest praise!" A temple was also ordered to be erected to his memory, as soon as the war should be ended, upon which his own name, and also those of his wife and his grandson, were to be inscribed. Moreover, as soon as the prescribed period of mourning of one hundred days should have expired, the whole of his sons and daughters were to be sought out, and conducted into the imperial presence. Such, then, are the rewards which the Emperor holds out to those who put an end to their own lives after a defeat.

Sir Hugh Gough, finding that it would take a much larger body of men to garrison the town than could be spared from his small force, and that, moreover, it could scarcely be considered habitable during the great heat, on account of the horrible stench proceeding from the dead bodies of the fallen Tartars, (principally by their own hands,) and from the stagnant water in the smaller canals, determined merely to occupy the heights commanding the city towards its north-eastern angle. Major-General Schoedde's brigade was to be left in charge of the place, together with a detachment of artillery. In order to establish a direct communication between the heights and the city on that side, a portion of the wall was blown in, (with very large charges of Chinese powder,) and the rubbish removed, so as to leave a large, free opening into the city. The whole line of parapet on that side was also demolished. Another hill commanding the southern entrance to the Grand Canal was also to be occupied. The troops left behind were quite sufficient to hold these positions against any force the Chinese could bring against them after their late defeat. It consisted of the 55th regiment, and one company of the 98th, with the 2nd and 6th M.N.I., with artillery and sappers.

Perhaps the most curious object discovered at Chin-keang, and which has excited many ingenious speculations as to the ancient progress of the Chinese in many of the useful arts, was a small pagoda made entirely of cast iron. Some have called it Gutzlaff's Pagoda, for he is said to have been the first to find it out; and it excited so much attention, that the question was at one time mooted, as to the possibility of taking it to pieces, and conveying it to England, as a remarkable specimen of Chinese antiquity. Nor would this have been at all impossible; for, although it had seven stories, it was altogether little more than thirty feet high, and each story was cast in separate pieces. It was of an octagonal shape, and had originally been ornamented in high relief on every side, though the lapse of ages had much defaced the ornaments. It was calculated by Mr. Gutzlaff, that this remarkable structure must be at least twelve hundred years old, judging from the characters still found upon it. Whatever its age may be, there can be no question that it proves the Chinese were acquainted with the art of casting large masses of iron, and of using them both for solidity and for ornament, centuries before it was adopted in Europe.

On the 2nd of August, the preparations were all completed for the advance of the forces upon Nankin, the surveying vessels having already preceded the squadron. The principal difficulty which remained to be overcome was the great force of the current, which it required a strong favourable wind to enable the ships to stem. Indeed, without the assistance of steamers, it is doubtful whether all the ships could have got up. On the 5th, the General reached Nankin in the Marion transport, towed by the Queen steamer, having the Plenipotentiary on board.

On the following day, the Admiral got up in the Cornwallis, with some other vessels, but the whole of the squadron did not join until the 9th. The Nemesis attended a part of the fleet, to render assistance wherever it was most required, particularly in getting off the transports which took the ground, a service requiring no little judgment and perseverance. Just below Nankin the river takes a very considerable bend, its former course having been nearly east and west, while it now turns nearly due south until it has passed Nankin. There is, however, a cut, or canal, or creek, at all events, a water passage, which cuts off this bend, of course materially shortening the distance, which from point to point is about ten miles round, and only six miles by the cut. The passage, however, is narrow; but the Nemesis, taking in tow one of the transports, found her way safely through it.

On the 10th, the proper positions were assigned to the ships, in case it should be necessary to bombard the city. The nearest point of the walls to the river was about seven hundred yards, and the nearest gate about one thousand. The Cornwallis, Blonde, and heavy steamers were placed so as to breach the walls, if required.

Already before leaving Chin-keang, a regular summons had been sent up to Nankin, addressed to New Kien, the viceroy of the province. It was hoped that by these means bloodshed might be avoided. Immediately the forces arrived before the city, it was determined that the troops should be landed without delay, with a view to make a strong demonstration against the city, and there was some reason to think that this would be sufficient to decide the wavering councils of the Chinese, without further resort to arms; and, at all events, it was requisite to support our demands by a show of the means of enforcing them.

A memorial was intercepted, addressed to the Emperor by the Tartar general commanding at Nankin, boldly announcing the defeat and dispersion of the Chinese troops, and the imminent danger even of Nankin itself. It was evident that great alarm was felt, and that a general desire to stay hostilities had got the better of all their hatred of the foreigners. The entire stoppage of the trade of that part of the empire, and the distress resulting from it, tended very materially to promote this desirable object.

The venerable Elepoo had arrived at Nankin nearly at the same time with Sir Henry Pottinger; and very soon afterwards, Keying, the other imperial commissioner, a member of the imperial house sent expressly from Pekin, joined his colleague. Various messages and writings now passed between the governor of Nankin, New Kien, and the Plenipotentiary, in which, among other things, a heavy ransom was offered for the city. In short, the grand effort of the Chinese authorities was to gain time, to defer the evil hour of absolute concession to our demands, and to put us off in some way or other for the moment, as they had formerly done at Canton, without committing themselves to a final settlement of affairs.

Fortunately, they had a man of determined energy and statesmanlike qualities to deal with, in Sir Henry Pottinger; one who took a broad, defined view of all the questions involved, and who would not swerve for a moment from what he considered just demands and capable of being enforced. All the astute efforts of the Chinese to temporize, to shirk the main question, to save their own dignity, and to withhold what was due to that of their opponents, were promptly and energetically met. With all the honour which we justly accord to the naval and military operations of the war, with all due consideration for the diplomatic difficulties which had hitherto beset our efforts to make an equitable adjustment of the pending disputes, we cannot but concede to Sir Henry Pottinger the well-earned palm of praise and eminence for the consummate tact and skill with which he conducted the difficult negotiations at Nankin to a speedy and successful issue.

It is not necessary, nor indeed would it be an easy matter even for one initiated into the secrets of the diplomatic correspondence which followed, to describe all the attempts at evasion which were made by the Chinese, and the cunning with which they at first endeavoured to arrogate to their Emperor and to themselves superior titles of distinction and precedence. Even when it was announced that the high commissioners, Elepoo and Keying, had arrived, with full powers under the imperial pencil to treat upon every subject, it was no easy task to bring them to straightforward matters of business, or to force them to produce the actual instrument of authority which they professed to possess. The landing of the troops, however, and the earnest preparations which were made for storming the city, tended to bring them speedily to their senses.

After deducting the garrison left at Chin-keang, and the sick which remained on board the transports, the actual force at Sir Hugh Gough's disposal for the attack of the city amounted to about three thousand four hundred men, exclusive of the officers; a force sufficient for the easy attainment of the object itself, but very small indeed for the duties likely to be required of it, when once in possession of the city. Sickness would very soon have greatly reduced the number of effective men; and although they would, in case of need, have received accessions, by the addition of the marines and seamen of the squadron, still there were even at that time so many sick on board the ships, that it would have been very difficult to make any calculation as to the number which would have remained fit for service at the end of a couple of months. The waters of the river were exceedingly high; in many parts the banks were overflowed in the neighbourhood of the city, and fever and cholera were the most dangerous enemies to be apprehended. In every point of view, it is a matter of the greatest congratulation, not only that the war was so soon brought to a close, but even that our forces were not detained for any great length of time at Nankin.

The position of Nankin is evidently well chosen for that of a great capital; but the city is greatly fallen from its ancient importance and extent. There are remains of an ancient or outer wall, which can be traced over hill and dale for a distance of not less than thirty-five miles. The Chinese have a saying, that if two horsemen start at daybreak from any given point of the walls, in opposite directions, and gallop round the walls of the city, they will not meet until sunset. But this must be a regular Chinese gallop, and not exactly that of an English hunter. How much of this immense space was in ancient times occupied by houses, it would be difficult to determine. The walls of the present city are not nearly of so great an extent; and of the actual space enclosed within them, a very small portion indeed, perhaps not exceeding an eighth part, is occupied by the actual town.

Here again, as at Chin-keang and Chapoo, the Tartar city is separated from the Chinese part of it by a wall and gates running across it;—so carefully have the conquerors preserved their broad line of distinction, in person, habits, mode of life, and privileges, even in the ancient capital of the empire.

The great extent of the walls, even in the present day, rendered the city ill calculated for defence, independently even of its being commanded by hills, particularly on its eastern side. The principal of these was called the Chungshan hill, the base of which commanded the ramparts, and from the summit of which there was a magnificent prospect over the whole surrounding country, including the city itself. It was principally from this, the eastern side, that the chief attack was to have been made, had it been necessary to resort to extremities. There were three gates in that face of the walls, which run very irregularly, and towards the river are almost inaccessible, owing to the swampy nature of the ground; a considerable lake occupies the space between two of the gates. The latter are, however, approached by good causeways, by which they might easily have been threatened, while the real attack would have been made higher up, under cover of the guns planted upon the slope of the Chungshan hill.

The greater part of the troops were landed at a village about four or five miles up the creek or short cut before described, because there were good causeways leading directly from that point towards the city. The Nemesis was able to land at one time not less than a thousand men, and, in case of absolute necessity, could have contrived to carry at least a hundred and fifty more.

On the opposite or western side of the city, there was a large canal running from the river directly up under the walls, and serving to strengthen the approaches to them on that side. The mouth of this canal was completely stopped up by very strong rafts, firmly secured. They were, moreover, constructed in such a manner that there were, in fact, a succession of rafts, one above the other. On removing the upper tier, another lower one immediately rose to the surface; and, as they were made of stout timbers, well secured together, they effectually prevented our boats from getting up the canal. Upon the top of the rafts, little huts had even been erected, in which a few poor fellows were living, but apparently not with any purpose of defence.

At daylight, on the 14th, the attack was ordered to be made upon the city, all being now in readiness, and the guns in position. Due warning was finally given to the commissioners, that nothing could delay or suspend the attack except the production of the actual document itself, of the contents of which they had hitherto only given a very partial account. It was not until past midnight, scarcely more than three hours before the artillery would have opened, and the assault have taken place, that the commissioners at length yielded, and sent a letter, addressed to Sir Henry Pottinger, promising the production of the all-important document at a meeting to be arranged for the morning, and entreating that hostilities might at least be delayed until that time.

This was a moment of intense excitement to all who were acquainted with the circumstances. The attack was of course delayed, but it was doubted by many whether some new pretext would not still be found to delay or to break off the negotiations, and render the capture of the city inevitable. However, the proposed meeting did take place at a temple on shore, in the southern suburbs of the city, near the canal; and at length, with great form and ceremony, the emperor's commission was produced, and carefully examined by Mr. Morrison, in the presence of Major Malcolm; and, at the same time, Sir Henry Pottinger's patent was likewise produced, and translated to the deputies who attended for the purpose on the part of the imperial commissioners.

As yet, no personal interview had taken place between Sir Henry and the commissioners. Matters now proceeded satisfactorily. It was evident that the Chinese were at length prepared to yield anything we might demand; their anxiety to put an end to the blockade of the river and the canal was not concealed, and it was said to be freely admitted that the people were in the greatest distress.

Three days afterwards—viz., on the 17th, it was announced by Sir Henry Pottinger to the naval and military commanders-in-chief, that the negotiations had arrived at that stage which authorized him to beg that hostilities might be considered suspended. Some little delay was necessarily occasioned, by the time required, and the difficulty experienced, in translating the lengthened correspondence which took place. The distance, moreover, of the city from the ships, and the time necessary to receive and transmit the communications and their replies, tended to prolong the proceedings. Even in three days, however, the treaty was actually drafted in English and Chinese, (the latter a task of extreme difficulty, from the precision of terms necessary,) and the commissioners acceded to the whole tenour and forms of a document of incalculable importance, not only to England and the other nations of Europe, but to the whole future welfare and progress of the Chinese empire.

Many days must have elapsed before the terms of the treaty could be made known at Pekin, and the assent of the emperor be received. It might still have been doubted whether, even in the eleventh hour, the emperor could bring himself to submit to the hard necessity of accepting terms which he had hitherto believed himself able rather to dictate to every other nation, or to accord, as a matter of "especial favour," to submissive barbarians, than to receive from them as a boon.

The high commissioners, of course, professed to be confident that all the provisions of the treaty would be assented to by the emperor. They were extremely anxious to persuade Sir Henry Pottinger that the ships might safely be withdrawn from the river at once, even before an answer could be received from Pekin. Their great anxiety to have the blockade raised was by no means concealed; but the plenipotentiary was far too clever a diplomatist to think of foregoing, for a moment, the immense advantage which the position of our forces already gave him, and the commissioners were distinctly apprised that everything would still continue to be held in readiness for the resumption of hostilities, in the event of the emperor's confirmation of the acts of his commissioners being withheld.

The report which was sent up to the emperor by the two high commissioners was certainly remarkable for its clearness and simplicity, compared with the tone usually adopted in Chinese documents. Indeed, it has generally been accorded to Keying, that he was the first high officer who, since the commencement of the war, had dared to tell the naked truth to his imperial master.

The time which elapsed between the sending up of the draft of the treaty for submission to the emperor, and its return with the imperial assent, was partially occupied by visits of ceremony between the high commissioners and the British plenipotentiary. On the 19th, the former paid their first visit on board the Cornwallis, having been conveyed thither from the mouth of the canal, on board the little Medusa steamer. They were received on board by the plenipotentiary, supported by the admiral and general, and after having partaken of refreshments, were conducted round the ship, every part of which they inspected, but without expressing any particular astonishment, which in China is considered ill bred.[72]

The commissioners were accompanied by New Kien, the viceroy, and also by the Tartar general.

On the 22nd, the visit was returned by Sir Henry Pottinger, accompanied by the Commanders-in-chief, and attended by upwards of a hundred officers in full uniform. They were escorted by a guard of honour of the grenadiers of the 18th royal Irish. The place of meeting was at the temple outside the walls, at which the previous conferences respecting the production of the imperial commission had been held. It was an imposing and interesting scene; the number and variety of the costumes, contrasted with the uniforms of our officers, and the novelty of the spectacle altogether, could not fail to make a deep impression upon all present.

On the 26th, a conference was held within the walls of Nankin itself, between Sir Henry Pottinger and the commissioners, and the terms of the treaty were again read and discussed. Sir Henry was escorted by a guard mounted upon the Arab horses brought from Madras for the artillery. Little could have been seen of the city upon this occasion, as the procession passed directly up to one of the public halls, and returned by the same route. The bearing of the people was perfectly quiet and orderly; and the mark of confidence on both sides shewn by the visit of the commissioners on board the Cornwallis, and of the plenipotentiary within the walls of the city, must certainly have tended to increase the mutual good understanding which it was now so desirable to cultivate.

At length, on the 29th of August, three days after the previous visit, the emperor's full assent to the provisions of the treaty having in the meantime arrived, the ceremony of the actual signature of this most interesting document took place on board the Cornwallis. Every arrangement was made which could at all enhance the solemnity of the ceremony; and even the venerable Elepoo, though sick and very infirm from age and ill health, allowed himself to be carried on board, and into the after-cabin, rather than delay for a day the signature of the treaty.

A great number of officers (all those having a rank equal to that of a field-officer) were admitted into the after-cabin, in order to witness the intensely interesting ceremony. Captain Hall was likewise permitted to be present, as a mark of especial favour, although not then of the prescribed rank. Just at the eventful moment, also, Captain Cecille, of the French frigate Erigone, arrived from Woosung, having made his way up in a Chinese junk hired for the occasion at Shanghai, and manned by a picked crew of his own men. He presented himself uninvited, on board the flag-ship, and almost demanded to be present. It is said that his reception was not very cordial.

It was at first feared by many that the Chinese government would prove itself insincere in its professions, and would probably seek an early opportunity of nullifying the provisions of the treaty. By others, it has been thought that even the people themselves would not only continue their ancient hostility to foreigners, but might urge, and almost force the government itself into renewed collision with us—that, in fact, nothing short of the capture of Pekin itself, at some future day, would suffice to humble the nation, and compel them to hold reluctant intercourse with us.

The disturbances which took place at Canton, after the peace (to be described in the next chapter) gave some colour, for the moment, to these apprehensions; and the less people at a distance were acquainted with the origin and nature of those disturbances, and with the Chinese character generally, the more readily such apprehensions found credence. In this respect, I firmly believe that we do the Chinese some injustice; and I cannot but think that, if further difficulties should arise, which might lead to a collision much to be deplored, they will be occasioned rather by some indiscretion, some want of forbearance, or some undue and unwarranted interference with the acknowledged rights and customs of the Chinese, by foreigners themselves, than by violence on the part of the people, or a wish to annul the provisions of the treaty on the part of the government. It is only necessary to read the whole of the published correspondence of Sir Henry Pottinger, and to look at the scrupulous exactness with which the Chinese have acted, and, we may add, the readiness with which they have met Sir Henry's wishes, to be convinced that it only requires judgment, forbearance, and strict propriety on our part, not only to continue, but even to increase, the good understanding which already exists.

The regulations already published by Sir Henry Pottinger, respecting the future trade, will go far to prevent any wilful misunderstanding. But if we wish to extend our intercourse, and to benefit by increased good-will and confidence, we must win it from the Chinese by cultivating their good feelings, not by offending their prejudices, and by treating them with consideration, firmness, and scrupulous honesty.

The consuls at the five ports will have arduous and responsible duties to perform, and very much must depend upon their tact and judgment. The Chinese are not only a prejudiced, but a timid people; they require to be led rather by good management and scrupulous faith, than to be irritated by overbearing manner, or forced into dishonesty by the constant suspicion of it. During the existence of the company's charter, the mark of the company was considered by the Chinese as an unfailing guarantee of the genuine character and quality of the articles, in accordance with the description given of them. The mark no longer exists, and the Chinese merchants have not that implicit faith in the written description of our goods which they formerly had. It is impossible to be too scrupulous in maintaining our character for strict integrity and fair dealing; and it is to be hoped that these will be kept strictly in view, more especially in the new ports just opened to us.

[71] Dr. Smith makes particular mention of coal as being commonly seen in China during Lord Macartney's embassy. Pits of coal were found near the Poyang lake above Nankin. He says that the coal found in the province of Pechelee was a species of graphite; that which was seen near the Yangtze river was like Kennel coal, and that observed near the Poyang lake resembled covey coal. Other coal found at Chow-chow-foo contained much sulphur, and was used in the manufacture of sulphate of iron in the neighbourhood of that city.