All intention of advancing upon the important cities of Hang-chow or Soo-chow-foo was now given up; large reinforcements had already arrived, and more were daily expected at Woosung; and it was resolved to advance immediately upon Nankin, the ancient capital of the empire. The navigation of the Yangtze river was almost entirely unknown, only a small portion of it having been surveyed by Captain Bethune in the Conway. To the Chinese themselves the ascent of large ships or junks, as far as Nankin, appeared quite impracticable, principally owing to the amazing strength of the currents, and the numerous sand-banks which render its channel intricate.

Sir William Parker, however, felt so much confidence in his own resources, and in the aid of his numerous steam-vessels, (several more of which had now arrived,) that he did not hesitate to undertake the bold measure of conducting a fleet of between seventy and eighty sail, including two line of battle ships, besides the large troop-ships, into the very heart of the empire, more than two hundred miles from the sea. The whole commerce of this vast Yangtze river would thus be cut off; the Grand Canal itself would be blockaded, and it was hoped that we should be able to intercept the large fleet of grain-junks, which, at this time of the year, carry up their cargoes to the imperial metropolis, and not only furnish its inhabitants with food, but also the imperial treasury with tribute. It appeared, however, from official documents afterwards found at Chin-keang-foo, the Tartar stronghold at the mouth of the Grand Canal, that the authorities had anticipated the possibility of their communications being interrupted, and had, therefore, hastened on this annual supply, and had collected a body of militia to act as an escort for it. It was ascertained that these grain-junks had all crossed the Yangtze river, from the southern to the northern branch of the canal, on the 26th of June—viz., a few days before our fleet left Woosung.

On the 23rd of June, our troops returned from Shanghai to Woosung, principally on board the steamers; but two companies of the 18th, and the Rifles, together with the horses of the artillery, marched back by land, the guns being brought down on board the vessels. The Nemesis, having conveyed her detachments of troops to their respective transports, volunteered to go and fetch off the other division, and also the horses, which had marched overland, and had been waiting for several hours at Woosung without the means of getting on board their ships. The men were embarked direct from the river's bank, and the horses were hoisted in with slings, and it was late at night before they were put on board their respective transports; in doing which one boat was unfortunately capsized.

The Belleisle, with the whole of the 98th on board, had just arrived from England, together with the Rattlesnake troop-ship, and the Vixen, heavily-armed steamer, Commander H. Boyes; and the Proserpine, Captain J. J. Hough, R.N. They were preceded by the Endymion, 44 guns, Captain Honourable F. W. Grey; the Dido, 20, Honourable H. Keppel; Calliope, 26, Captain A. S. Kuper, C.B.; Childers, 16, Commander Halsted; and numerous transports, having on board the 2nd and 6th regiments Madras Native Infantry; also the Bengal Volunteers, and reinforcements of artillery, together with the necessary proportion of camp followers.

Shortly afterwards two French ships of war also arrived at Woosung, for the purpose of watching our movements—the Erigone, 44, Captain Cecille, and the Favorite, 18, Captain Le Page. The latter attempted to follow the fleet up the river, and the Admiral was politely requested to allow the use of one of his steamers to assist her in getting up; but this, of course, could not be complied with, as our steamers were all indispensable, to enable the numerous fleet of transports to stem the current, and to tow them off whenever they chanced to get on shore.

Before our forces left Shanghai, the same mandarin who had before frequently presented himself at head-quarters[68] again made his appearance as the bearer of a communication from the high authorities to Sir Henry Pottinger. But, as no document was shewn by which any individual could prove his having received full authority from the Emperor to treat for peace, no attention whatever was paid to these very equivocal overtures. At the same time, however, Sir Henry Pottinger published a very important and interesting proclamation, addressed to the Chinese people, and adopting something of the tone of Oriental language. It was, of course, published in Chinese. The opening sentences form a sort of quaint imitation of the celestial style, with the object, probably, of fixing the attention of the Chinese at the outset. For instance: "Under the canopy of heaven, and within the circumference of the earth, many are the different countries: of the multitude of these, not one is there that is not ruled by the Supreme Heavenly Father, nor are there any that are not brethren of one family. Being then of one family, very plain is it that they should hold friendly and brotherly intercourse together, and not boast themselves one above the other." After this exordium, it proceeds to lay open the grievances of the English, the extortions and double dealings of the local authorities at Canton, gradually increasing year after year; and then recapitulates the proceedings adopted by the English, their visit to the Peiho, the conferences and stipulations agreed to by Keshen, and rejected by the Imperial Cabinet, the treacherous attack of the Chinese, and other matters already fully explained. It then refers to the cruelties practised upon our countrymen when taken prisoners, either by being kidnapped, or in cases where they were shipwrecked. It further reminds the people that in ancient times foreigners were permitted to trade at various ports in China, to the manifest advantage of all parties, and that it was only by false statements and local intrigue that the Emperor was at length induced to confine the foreign trade solely to Canton, and to establish the monopoly of the thirteen Hongs. Finally, it is declared that hostilities will continue to be carried on, until some high officer shall be appointed by the Emperor, with full powers to negotiate and conclude arrangements, of which the three following points were to be the basis:—Compensation for losses and expenses; a friendly and becoming intercourse, on terms of equality, between officers of the two countries; and the cession of insular territory for commerce, and for the residence of merchants, and as a security and guarantee against future renewal of offensive acts.

This proclamation was issued the day before the fleet set sail from Woosung for Nankin. It is a curious coincidence that, a few days before this, an edict, or proclamation, was issued by the Emperor, in which he also recapitulated the leading events of the war, and tried to make it appear that the whole difficulties had arisen solely from the crusade which his Majesty had directed to be carried on against the "Opium poison." He blames Commissioner Lin for his bad management; and with regard to the six million dollars ransom for Canton, his celestial Majesty declares that it was a very small matter, and that he did not grudge it at all. But when the rebellious foreigners left Canton, and then advanced to recapture Chusan, and to take Ningpo and other cities, then says his Majesty, with unaffected bitterness of spirit, "I severely blame myself, and hate myself for being unequal to my duties; I cannot rescue my subjects; and repose by day or night is difficult for me." At the same time, he is slow to believe that the strength of the barbarian ships is really so great as represented, and strongly hints that his people are cowards; and while, on the one hand, he promises rewards to the valiant, he orders that those who run away shall be instantly executed without mercy. Carefully losing sight of every other grievance or source of difficulties, his Majesty reiterates his prohibition against opium, and urges the most strenuous exertions to sweep the worthless barbarians clean away into the depths of the wide ocean.

In fact, it now became very manifest that the Emperor was seriously alarmed; and, although his spirit breathed a bitter hostility, it could not be doubted that his Majesty ardently longed for peace.

Sir Henry's proclamation soon afterwards called forth a reply from Niew-kien, the Viceroy of the two Kiang provinces, to which the seat of war was now removed. It was one of those curious little essays in which the Chinese delight, made up of a few common-place truisms dressed in the peculiar phraseology of the East. He cunningly recommends the plenipotentiary to draw up a full statement of all grievances, to be transmitted through him (the Viceroy) to the Emperor, which would of course bear upon its very face the appearance of asking for favours, instead of dictating terms. He farther reminds his Excellency, that although the Chinese have suffered much, still the English must have lost many brave men also, and by coming from so great a distance must have likewise incurred great expense; that it would be much better for both parties to put an end to the war at once, and vows the most perfect sincerity before all the gods. At the same time, he confesses his great alarm at seeing all the people fly from their habitations, and the country given up to the plundering of the native robbers. Indeed, Miew-Kien, in another report addressed to the Emperor, expressed the greatest possible apprehension lest the people should be frightened away, either by severe measures on his own part, or by the approach of the enemy, and thus the whole country be given up to the excesses of the lawless native plunderers, who would take the opportunity to rob, and commit all kinds of mischief.

The Chinese appear to have rested all their hopes for the defence of the Yangtze river, and the approach to Nankin, entirely upon the strength of their works at Woosung, and had consequently made little or no preparations for resistance higher up. It had, indeed, been recommended by one of the Tartar generals that a portion of the river below Nankin should be staked across, and junks laden with stones sunk to impede the navigation, and likewise that fire-vessels should be prepared. But this advice was overruled by Niew-Kien, the Viceroy, upon the ground of its inutility; and it was urged that the extreme rapidity of the current, and the sunken rocks and sands in parts most difficult of navigation, would be the best defences, and that any attempts to stake the river would not only be expensive and useless, but would greatly alarm the people. Fire-rafts were only ordered to be got ready, when there was no time whatever even to commence them, the enemy being already close to the city of Chin-keang-foo.

From documents which subsequently fell into our possessions it was also ascertained that the apprehension of our advance upon Pekin by way of the river Peiho was so great, that a body of troops, already ordered to march to Soo-chow-foo, were recalled, and directed to proceed immediately to Tientsin, in order to defend the approaches to the metropolis.

During the latter part of June, the weather was very squally and unsettled, and therefore not very well adapted for the advance of a fleet of more than seventy sail, up a river, the navigation of which was almost entirely unknown. The channels were now buoyed off, and beacon-vessels were also placed at one or two of the most important parts; and Commanders Kellett and Collinson, accompanied by the masters of the ships of war were sent in advance on the 29th, to sound and to make preparations for the passage of the fleet, and particularly for the purpose of surveying the river above the point where Captain Bethune's researches terminated.

The distance of Nankin from Woosung is about one hundred and seventy miles, and a very accurate survey was ultimately completed of this beautiful river, as far as that ancient capital. Even there the river is very broad and the channel deep, so that the Cornwallis was able to lie within one thousand yards of the walls of the city. It is, perhaps, to be regretted that the river was not examined for some distance above the city, for it could not be doubted that, with the assistance of steamers, even large ships would be able to ascend several hundred miles further. But the conclusion of the peace followed so soon after the arrival of our forces before the ancient capital, that there was no opportunity of continuing our discoveries further into the interior, without compromising our character for sincerity, while the negotiations were in progress. It could not have failed, however, had circumstances permitted, of furnishing much interesting information respecting the interior of this extraordinary country.

There are few rivers in the world to be compared with the Yangtze, in point of extent, and the richness of the provinces through which it flows. Supposed to take its rise at a distance of more than three thousand miles from the sea, among the furthest mountains of Thibet, it traverses the whole empire of China from west to east, turning a little to the northward, and is believed to be navigable through the whole of these valuable provinces.[69]

The navigation of this river was found less difficult than might have been expected. There are, indeed, numerous sand-banks, some of which change their places, owing to the rapidity of the current; and at the upper part of the river, towards Chin-keang-foo, there is some danger from rocks; but the greatest obstacle to the navigation is the rapidity of the current, which, even when beyond the influence of the tide, runs down at the rate of three and a half to four miles an hour. It is not surprising that almost every ship of the squadron should have touched the ground; but, as the bottom was generally soft mud, no serious damage was sustained. The steamers were of course indispensable, and the assistance of two or three of them together was, in some instances, requisite to haul the ships off.

One of the largest transports, the Marion, having the head-quarters and staff on board, was thrown upon the rocks by the force of the current, on the way down from Nankin, and would certainly have been lost, but for the aid rendered by two steamers, the Nemesis and the Memnon, and the valuable experience already gained by the former in the Chinese rivers.

Sir William Parker's arrangements for the merchant transports were perfect; their orders were definite, and were generally obeyed with alacrity; boats were always in readiness, and signals carefully watched. Probably, if it were required to point out any one circumstance which redounded more than another to the honour of the British service, it would be that of having carried a fleet of nearly eighty sail up to the walls of the city of Nankin and brought it safely back again.

At the beginning of July, the weather became very favourable for the ascent of the river, and the Phlegethon, having returned with the intelligence that a clear and deep channel had been found as far as Golden Island, close to the entrance of the Grand Canal, and that buoys had been laid down to facilitate the navigation, orders were given that the fleet should be in readiness to get under weigh on the morning of the 6th. It was formed into five divisions, each consisting of from eight to twelve transports, conducted by a ship-of-war, and under the orders of her captain; and to each division also a steamer was attached, to render assistance when required.

In addition to the steamers so employed, the Phlegethon, Medusa, and Pluto were in attendance, principally upon the advanced squadron, and in readiness to assist any other ship which stood in need of it. The Nemesis and Proserpine also accompanied the fleet. Thus there were not less than ten steamers attached to the squadron when it set sail from Woosung, and they were afterwards joined up the river (but not until hostilities had ceased) by two other powerful steamers, the Driver and the Memnon.

A list of all her majesty's ships of war and steam vessels, together with those belonging to the East India Company, which were present in the Chinese waters at the conclusion of the peace, will be given in its proper place. The following was the order of sailing of the squadron on leaving Woosung, each division being about two or three miles in advance of the next one. The North Star, Captain Sir E. Home, Bart., was left at Woosung to blockade that river, with orders to detain all merchant junks which might attempt to pass up the Yangtze, or into the Woosung, laden with provisions.

It was a curious sight afterwards to look at the numerous fleet of junks, some of them of large size, which were collected at that anchorage, and for some time it was no easy matter for the North Star to prevent them from attempting to make their escape; but when a round shot or two had been sent through some of the most refractory, and a few of the captains had been brought on board the North Star and strictly warned, they all became "very submissively obedient," and patiently awaited the permission to depart, which was not accorded to them until the peace had been proclaimed.

The advanced squadron consisted of the—

The Chinese had prepared no means of resisting the advance of our squadron up the river; and even the few guns which had previously been mounted on two small forts on the right bank of the river, adjoining the towns of Foushan and Keang-yin, were withdrawn on the approach of our forces, in order to avert the injury which might have been done to those towns had any show of resistance been offered.

The country along the lower part of the Yangtze is altogether alluvial, and intersected by innumerable canals and water-courses. In most parts it is highly cultivated, but in others less so than we were led to expect. On one occasion, I walked for the distance of five or six miles into the interior, attended by crowds of the peasantry, who appeared to be a strong, hardy, well-disposed race, and offered no kind of violence or insult. They appeared to be solely influenced by curiosity, and a few of them brought us poultry for sale, but the greater part seemed afraid to have any dealings with us. The small cotton plant was cultivated very extensively, and at nearly every cottage-door an old woman was seated, either picking the cotton or spinning it into yarn. The hop plant was growing abundantly in a wild state, and was apparently not turned to any use.

The small town of Foushan, at the base of a partially fortified hill, and a conical mountain with a pagoda upon its summit, situated upon the opposite side of the river, form the first striking objects which meet the eye, and relieve the general monotony of the lower part of the river. Above this point, the scenery becomes more interesting, and gradually assumes rather a mountainous character.

Compared with the neighbourhood of Ningpo, or Chapoo, you are inclined to be disappointed in the aspect of the country generally; you find it less carefully and economically cultivated, and perhaps one of your first hasty impressions would be to doubt whether the population of China can be so dense as the best-received accounts lead us to suppose. When you consider the immense extent of country through which this magnificent river flows, and the alluvial nature of the great belt of land which runs along the sea-coast, you are prepared to expect that here, if anywhere, a great mass of people would be congregated, and that town would succeed town, and village follow village, along the whole course of this great artery.

About twenty-five miles above Foushan, stands the rather considerable town of Keang-yin, situated in a very picturesque valley, about a mile distant from the river side; but there is a small village close to the landing-place. The river suddenly becomes narrow at this spot, but soon again spreads out to nearly its former breadth. The town of Keang-yin is distinguished by a remarkable pagoda, to which, with great difficulty, we persuaded a venerable-looking priest to conduct us. He hesitated a long time before he could be induced to lead us into the town, which was surrounded by a very high, thick, parapeted wall, banked up with earth on the inside. No soldiers were to be seen, and many of the inhabitants began very hastily to shut up their shops the moment they saw us enter the streets.

The pagoda appeared to be the only striking object in the place, and from the peculiarity of its construction was well worth seeing. It was built of red brick, in the usual octagonal form, gradually inclining upwards, but was so constructed in the inside, that each story slightly overhung the one below it, although the outside appeared quite regular. The building was partly in ruins, but looked as if it had never been perfectly finished. Not far from it was a well of clear, delicious water, some of which was brought to us in basins, with marks of good-nature, as if the people intended to surprise us with a treat. We afterwards learned that good water is rarely found in the neighbourhood of the river, and that the inhabitants are in the habit of purifying it by dissolving in it a small portion of alum. It was also stated that fish caught in the river are considered unwholesome.

The distance from Keang-yin to Chin-keang-foo is about sixty-six miles by the river, but not much more than half that distance by land, the course of the former being very tortuous. The country gradually increases in interest, becoming more hilly and picturesque the higher you ascend.

At Seshan, which is about fifteen miles below Chin-keang-foo, some show of opposition was offered by two or three small batteries, mounting twenty guns, situated at the foot of a remarkable conical hill. They opened fire at first upon the Pluto and Nemesis steamers, which were at that time employed on the surveying service. The day afterwards they opened fire also upon the Phlegethon and Modeste, which were sent forward to attack them. The garrison were, however, soon driven out, and could be seen throwing off their outer wadded jackets, to enable them to escape with greater nimbleness. The guns, magazines, and barracks, were destroyed.

A little way below Chin-keang-foo, the channel is much narrowed by the island of Seung-shan, and the current is consequently extremely rapid, so that the utmost skill and care, aided by a strong breeze, are necessary to enable a vessel to stem the stream and overcome the strength of the eddies and whirlpools. Seung-shan, or Silver Island, is all rocky, but rendered picturesque by the trees which are planted in the hollows. It is devoted to religious purposes, being ornamented with temples, and it was formerly honoured by the visits of the Emperors, to whom it is said still to belong.

Nearly the same description will also apply to Kinshan, or Golden Island, situated higher up the river, nearly opposite the mouth of the Grand Canal. It is distinguished by a pagoda which crowns its summit, and by its numerous yellow tiled temples. The decayed condition of some of the pavilions, and the remnants of former splendour which once decorated their walls, together with the imperial chair itself, ornamented with well-carved dragons all over its back and sides, attest the importance which this island and the environs of the great southern capital possessed in times long past, and the low estate into which this interesting part of the country has fallen since Pekin became the metropolis of China, and the Imperial residence of its Conquerors.

On the 16th, Sir William Parker and Sir Hugh Gough proceeded up the river in H.M. steamer Vixen, followed by the little Medusa, to reconnoitre the approaches to Chin-keang-foo. They passed up above the city without any opposition, approaching very near the entrance of the Imperial Canal, which takes its course close under the city walls. No preparations for resistance were apparent—at least, there were no soldiers visible upon the city walls, and the inhabitants, who came out in great numbers, were evidently attracted only by curiosity. Hence the first impression was, that no resistance would be offered, and the information obtained through the interpreters tended to encourage the same conclusion.

The walls of the city, which is situated on the right bank of the river, were, however, in good repair, and the distance from the river was not too great to enable the ships to bombard it if requisite. But the general feeling was, that the attack (if indeed any resistance at all were offered) was to be left entirely to the military arm of the expedition, the more particularly as the engagement at Woosung had been entirely monopolized by the navy, and an opportunity was desired by the army to achieve for itself similar honours. A second reconnoissance, made from the top of the pagoda on Golden Island, brought to view three encampments on the slope of the hills, a little to the south-west of the city, which rather tended to confirm the impression that the troops had moved out of the town.

The advanced squadron, under Captain Bourchier, had been sent a little higher up, to blockade the entrances of the Grand Canal, and the other water-communications by which the commerce of the interior is maintained. On the 19th, the Cornwallis was enabled to take up a position close off the city, near the southern entrance of the Grand Canal; and on the 20th, the whole of the fleet had assembled in that neighbourhood.

It has been already stated that little or no resistance was expected in the town itself; but the ships might have easily thrown a few shells into it, to make the enemy shew themselves, or have regularly bombarded the place if necessary. It seems, however, to have been settled that it should be altogether a military affair; and with the exception of some boats, which were sent up the canal, and a body of seamen who were landed, and did gallant service under Captain Peter Richards and Captain Watson, the naval branch of the expedition had little to do. From documents subsequently found within the city, it was ascertained that there were actually about two thousand four hundred fighting men within the walls, of whom one thousand two hundred were resident Tartar soldiers, and four hundred Tartars sent from a distant province. Very few guns were mounted, as the greater part of them had been carried down for the defence of Woosung.

Outside the walls there were three encampments, at some distance from the town, in which there was a force altogether of something less than three thousand men, with several guns, and a quantity of ginjals. As the adult Tartar population of every city are, in fact, soldiers by birth, it may be supposed that even those who do not belong to the regular service are always ready to take up arms in defence of their hearths; and in this way some of our men suffered, because they did not know, from their external appearance, which were the ordinary inhabitants, and which were the Tartars.

On our side, the whole force engaged at Chin-keang-foo, though very much larger than any hitherto brought into the field in China, did not amount to seven thousand men, including officers, non-commissioned officers, and rank and file. The exact numbers, according to the field list, amounted to six thousand six hundred and sixty-four men, besides officers. They were divided into four brigades.

ARTILLERY BRIGADE.

Under Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomerie, C.B., Madras Artillery.
Captain Balfour, M.A., Brigade-Major.
Captain Greenwood, R.A., Commanding Royal Artillery.

	Officers.		Men.
European	26	ditto	318
Native	6	ditto	252
	——		——
	32		570
	——		——

FIRST BRIGADE

Major-General Lord Saltoun, C.B.
Captain Cunynghame, 3rd Buffs, A.D.C.
J. Hope Grant, 9th Lancers, Brigade-Major.
26th Cameronians, Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt.
98th regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell.
Bengal Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Lloyd.
41st M.N.I. Flank Companies, Major Campbell.
Total, 83 officers.—2235 other ranks.

SECOND BRIGADE.

Major-General Schoedde, 55th.
Captain C. B. Daubeney, 55th, Brigade-Major.
55th regiment, Major Warren.
6th M.N.I. Lieutenant-Colonel Drever.
2nd M.N.I., Lieutenant-Colonel Luard.
Rifles of 36th M.N.I., Captain Simpson.
Total, 60 officers—1772 other ranks.

THIRD BRIGADE.

Major-General Bartley, 49th.
Captain W. P. K. Browne, 49th Brigade-Major.
18th Royal Irish, Major Cowper.
49th regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens.
14th M.N.I., Major Young.
Total, 68 officers—2087 other ranks.

GENERAL STAFF.

Aides-de-Camp to the General Commanding-in-Chief:
Captain Whittingham, 26th regiment.
Lieutenant Gabbett, Madras Artillery.
Adjutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Mountain, 26th.
Assistant ditto, Captain R. Shirreff, 2nd M.N.I.
Deputy Assistant ditto, Lieutenant Heatly, 49th.
Deputy Quartermaster-General, Major Gough.
Field Engineer, Captain Pears, M.E.
Commissary of Ordnance, Lieutenant Barrow.

On the evening of the 20th, all the arrangements were completed for the attack upon the city and upon the encampments beyond it, to take place on the following morning at daylight. It has been already stated, that it was not proposed that the ships should bombard the town; and the only vessel which fired into it was the Auckland steamer, which covered the landing, and threw a few shot and shells into the city. But a body of seamen and marines of the squadron (as will presently be described) took an active share in the work of the day, under Captain Peter Richards and other officers; and Sir William Parker himself accompanied the general, and forced his way with him through the city gate.

The plan adopted by Sir Hugh Gough was to endeavour to cut off the large body of Chinese troops encamped upon the slope of the hills; for which purpose the first and third brigades, together with part of the artillery, were to be landed in the western suburbs of the city, opposite Golden Island, near where a branch of the Grand Canal runs close under the city walls; Lord Saltoun, with the first brigade, was to attack the encampments; while Sir Hugh Gough, in person, with the third brigade and the rest of the artillery, proposed to operate against the west gate, and the western face of the walls.

The second brigade, under Major-General Schoedde, was to land under a bluff point somewhat to the northward of the city, where there were two small hills which commanded the walls on that side. The object was to create a diversion, and draw the attention of the enemy towards that side, while the real attack was to be made upon the western gate, which was to be blown in by powder-bags. General Schoedde was directed to use his own discretion, as to turning his diversion into a real attack, should he think proper to do so.

There was found to be more difficulty in landing the troops than had been expected, many of the transports lying at a considerable distance, and the great strength of the current rendering the operation troublesome and protracted. The first brigade, under Lord Saltoun, succeeded in driving the enemy completely over the hills, after receiving a distant and ineffectual fire as they advanced; but they met with a more determined resistance from a column of the enemy, who were in great danger of being cut off. Several casualties occurred on our side, in this encounter. Upon the walls of the town itself, few soldiers shewed themselves, and the resistance which was soon experienced was not at all expected.

General Schoedde, with a portion of the second brigade, took possession of a joss-house, or temple, upon the hill overlooking the northern and eastern face of the walls, near the river, and there awaited the landing of the rest of his brigade, being received by a spirited fire of guns, ginjals, and matchlocks, which was opened from the city walls; this was returned by a fire of rockets.

As soon as a sufficient force had been collected, the rifles, under Captain Simpson, descended from a small wooded hill which they occupied, and crept up close under the walls, keeping up a well sustained fire upon the Tartars. Major-General Schoedde now gave orders for escalading the wall, although, from its not having been part of the regular plan of attack, only three scaling ladders were provided. The grenadier company of the 55th, with two companies of the 6th Madras Native Infantry, advanced to the escalade, under the command of Brevet-Major Maclean, of the 55th. The first man who mounted the walls was Lieutenant Cuddy, of the 55th, who remained sitting upon the wall, assisting the others to get up, with astonishing coolness. He was shortly afterwards wounded in the foot by a matchlock ball.

The 55th and the 6th Madras Native Infantry vied with each other in gallantly mounting the ladders, together with the rifles; but the Tartars fought desperately. As they retreated along the wall, they made a stand at every defensible point, sheltering themselves behind the large guard stations and watch-boxes, which are found at intervals upon most of the Chinese walls.

Many anecdotes are told by those who were present, of the desperate determination with which the Tartars fought. Many of them rushed upon the bayonets. In some instances, they got within the soldiers' guard, and seizing them by the body, dragged their enemies with themselves over the walls; and in one or two instances succeeded in throwing them over, before they were themselves bayoneted. The Tartars were fine muscular men, and looked the more so from the loose dresses which they wore. They did not shrink from sword combats, or personal encounters of any kind; and had they been armed with weapons similar to those of our own troops, even without much discipline, upon the top of walls where the front is narrow, and the flanks cannot be turned, they would have probably maintained their ground for a much longer time, and perhaps even, until they were attacked by another body in the rear. Major Warren and Captain Simpson were wounded, as well as Lieutenant Cuddy.

As soon as the wall was scaled, one body of our troops proceeded to clear the walls to the right, and the other to the left; and the latter, as they scoured the walls, afterwards fell in with the third brigade, with the General and the Admiral at their head, who had just forced their way in at the gateway. While these important successes had been gained by General Schoedde with the second brigade, two other operations had been conducted at the western gate, one by the third brigade, and the other by a small body of marines and seamen, under Captain Peter Richards. These are now to be detailed.

Sir Hugh Gough, as soon as he had been joined by the 18th and the greater part of the 49th, with the 26th, which had not accompanied Lord Saltoun's brigade, gave orders to blow in the west gate with powder-bags. The canal which runs along the walls on that side was found not to be fordable; and this was ascertained by four officers who volunteered to swim across it to ascertain the fact. Sir Hugh Gough was at this time with the third brigade, under Major-General Bartley, at about midway between the south and west gates, but determined to storm the latter, because the suburbs afforded shelter for the men to approach it, with little exposure. A few Tartar soldiers only appeared upon the walls at this point, as the main body had probably been marched off to reinforce those who were opposed to our troops, after the escalade of the walls on the northern side.

Two guns, under Lieutenant Molesworth, were placed so as to command the approach to the gate, and to cover the advance of a party of sappers and miners, under Captain Pears, who were to fix the powder-bags against the gate. This operation was perfectly successful; and the General, putting himself at the head of the 18th, who had just come up, rushed in over the rubbish, the grenadiers forming the advance, and entered a long archway, which led into what might be called an outwork, from which there was a second gate, conducting into the town itself.

It appears that in Chinese fortifications, as before described, there are always two gateways; the outer one placed at right angles to the main wall of the town, so as to be flanked by it, and leading into a large court, surrounded by walls similar to the walls of the town, and in which there are commonly cells for prisoners, &c. The second gate and archway leads from it directly into the body of the place, and is surmounted by a guard-house upon the top of the gateway, to which you ascend by a flight of stone steps on either side.

All resistance at the gateways had been already overcome, the Chinese guard at the inner gate having given way before the advanced party of the 55th regiment; and the open court, or space between the two gateways, having been just occupied by a party of marines and seamen, under Captain Peter Richards and Captain Watson, who had escaladed the outer wall very near the gateway.

As no detailed account of this interesting part of the day's work has yet appeared, and as some misapprehension has prevailed with regard to the affair of the boats of the Blonde in the canal, I have taken pains to ascertain the particulars from two officers who were present, and who were both wounded on the occasion. The following condensed statement of what took place may therefore be relied on for its accuracy.

The boats of the Blonde, which vessel was at anchor off one of the principal southern branches of the Grand Canal running under the city walls, having been employed in landing the Artillery Brigade during the early part of the morning, were ordered, about ten o'clock, to re-embark part of the Artillery and Gun-Lascars, with two howitzers, for the purpose of assisting in the attack of the west gate, and to create a diversion in favour of the troops. At all events, whatever the object of the movement might have been, it is certain that the guns were put on board the boats of the Blonde, and that there were altogether about one hundred men embarked. The boats consisted of the launch, barge, pinnace, cutter, and flat of that ship, together with two boats belonging to transports. They proceeded up the canal, which took a winding direction through the suburbs, for some distance, until they came suddenly in sight of the west gate of the city, which until then had been obscured by the houses. The whole of these boats were under the command of Lieutenant Crouch, of the Blonde, having Messrs. Lambert, Jenkins, and Lyons, midshipmen, under his orders.

On coming in sight of the gate, the barge, cutter, and flat were a little in advance of the other boats, and proceeding in single line towards a spot pointed out by Major Blundell, of the Madras Artillery, as well adapted for the landing of the guns. Suddenly a heavy fire of ginjals and matchlocks was opened on them from the whole line of the city wall, running parallel with the canal; and, as the height of it was little less than forty feet, the small gun of the barge could not be elevated sufficiently to do any service, and the fire of musketry which was returned was inefficient.

The Chinese opened their fire with deadly effect upon the advancing boats, and, in the course of about ten minutes, sixteen seamen and eight artillerymen were wounded; Lieutenant Crouch himself was hit in three places, and one midshipman (Mr. Lyons) and two officers of the Artillery were also wounded. Under these circumstances, the men were got out of the boats as quickly as possible, and placed under cover of the houses in the suburbs, on the opposite side of the canal. At this time these three boats were considerably in advance of the rest, and, as soon as the men were all landed, the boats were abandoned and the guns left behind. The launch and pinnace, who were behind them, as soon as they saw the disaster, and that to advance further would only expose themselves to a destructive fire, without the possibility of returning it with effect, stopped under cover of some buildings, which sheltered them from the city walls.

The officers and men who belonged to the advanced boats, having many of their comrades wounded, were now in a trying predicament. The only alternative left was to endeavour to join the other boats which had remained under cover; to do which they had to pass across an open space by the side of the canal, exposed to the whole fire of the enemy from the walls on the opposite side. This was, however, effected without farther loss, although a heavy fire was opened on them, (but of course at a greater distance than when in the boats.) Some of the wounded were necessarily left behind, and were kindly treated by the Chinese people in the suburbs, who shewed no hostility.

As it was evident that nothing further could be attempted at present, they all returned down the canal in the launch and pinnace, and reported the circumstances to Captain Richards, of the Cornwallis, to which ship the rest of the wounded were immediately removed.

On receiving the information of what had happened, Captain Peter Richards lost not a moment in landing with two hundred marines, at the entrance of the canal, where he was joined by about three hundred men of the 6th M.N.I., under Captain Maclean, of that corps, and then pushed through the suburbs towards the city walls; at the same time the whole of the boats of the Cornwallis, under the command of Lieutenant Stoddart, advanced by the canal, in company with the remaining boats of the Blonde, to bring off the boats and guns which had been left behind. They were also to endeavour to check the fire of the Chinese at the west gate, when Captain Richards advanced through the suburbs to escalade the wall.

As soon as Captain Richards had landed, he was joined by Captain Watson and Mr. Forster, (master,) of the Modeste, with a boat's crew and a small body of marines belonging to that vessel. On reaching the foot of the walls, a heap of rubbish was luckily found to have been left by accident not far from the gate. Upon this the ladders were planted by Captain Peter Richards and Captain Watson, under cover of the fire of the Marines, in face of a large body of Tartars, who lined the walls, and appeared determined to defend their post to the last. These two officers, together with Lieutenant Baker, of the Madras Artillery, and a private marine of the Modeste, were the first to ascend the ladders. As they got upon the wall (with much difficulty) they were directly exposed to the cross fire from the guard-houses over the outer and inner gateway, by which the marine was killed, and Captain Watson and Lieutenant Baker were wounded; the former having one of the buttons of his jacket driven into his side, and three balls passing through his jacket. The marine was killed by several shots passing through his body, and another marine, (also belonging to the Modeste,) who followed afterwards, was severely wounded.

With great difficulty and exertion about a dozen men got upon the wall; and Lieutenant Fitzjames, having succeeded in bringing up some rockets, lodged one of them in a guard-house over the gateway, which immediately caught fire, and threw the enemy into such consternation that they then gave way. Captain Richards, (who had, as if by a miracle, escaped being wounded,) was now able to dash down, at the head of his men, into the open space between the two gateways; and, just afterwards, the outer gate was blown in, as before described, by powder-bags. The advanced guard of the 55th had in the meanwhile come round along the walls from their north-eastern angle, where General Schoedde's brigade had escaladed it, and had now reached the inner gateway.

The third brigade, under Major-General Bartley, accompanied by Sir Hugh Gough, and also by Sir William Parker, dashed in over the ruins of the gate, and, to their great disappointment, found that the walls had been already carried; but, within the city itself, the resistance of the Tartars was by no means overcome. Part of the 18th and 49th regiments, under Major-General Bartley, were now ordered to march along the western face of the walls, and they threw out a line of skirmishers as they advanced along some ditches and old houses below the wall. As the brigade filed along the walls left in front, they suddenly received a heavy fire from a body of Tartars, by which two officers were killed and two wounded, and several men struck down. The leading division of the 49th immediately dashed down the ramparts upon the enemy's left, while the 18th pushed forward to turn their right. They were soon dispersed, although many of them fought with great determination. One company of the 18th pursued them into the Tartar city. In this spirited affair the 18th had one officer killed and one wounded, with about twenty men killed and wounded. The loss of the 49th was one officer killed, one wounded, and about twenty-four rank and file killed and wounded.

In the meantime, the Admiral, having put himself at the head of the seamen and marines, marched some way along the walls, where they had been already cleared by the 55th, and, as the heat of the sun at this time (past noon) was almost insupportable, he had directed the men to take shelter for a little while, in one of the watch-houses upon the ramparts. The heat was quite overpowering, and the men being already much fatigued, several of them died from sun-stroke. Here it was that the gallant Major Uniacke, R.M., fell, from the effects of the sun, and in the list of casualties of the day no less than sixteen men are included, who died from the same cause.

Having rested something less than an hour in the guard-house, a heavy firing was heard within the Tartar city, and the men were instantly formed, and advanced in the direction of the firing, under Captain Richards and Captain Watson. On passing through a narrow street in the Tartar part of the city, a sudden fire was poured upon them by a body of Tartars drawn up across the street, behind a small gateway, where they seemed prepared to make a most determined stand. Several men were wounded, and it was necessary to advance with caution, taking advantage of shelter when it could be found. Here Lieutenant Fitzjames was wounded while endeavouring to get a rocket off.

Captain Watson was now sent round by a side-lane, to endeavour to turn the flank of the Tartars, but there also the latter were prepared for them, behind a temporary barricade. However, a cheer, and a sudden rush from both divisions at once, upon the front and flank of the Tartars, carried the point, and the enemy were driven back with heavy loss, after shewing individual instances of the most desperate valour, in several hand-to-hand encounters. When the brave Tartars at length saw that their utmost efforts were of no avail, then began the scenes of horror, and the tragedy of self-immolation, which makes one's very blood run cold to hear of. The Admiral himself was a witness of what took place. Some of the Tartars kept the doors of their houses with their very lives, while others could be seen within, deliberately cutting the throats of their women, and destroying their children, some by strangulation, and others by throwing them into the wells. In one house in particular, a Tartar was found in the act of sawing his wife's throat with a rusty sword, as he held her over the mouth of the well into which his children had been already thrown. He was shot before the deed was completed, in order to save the woman, who was immediately taken care of, and had the wound, which was not severe, tied up. Yet the first use she made of her tongue, as soon as she could speak, was to utter the most violent imprecations upon the heads of the victors. The children who were in the well (in which there was little water) were all got up, and recovered.

In other houses, numbers of poor creatures were found dead, some by their own hands or the hands of each other, and the rest by the hands of their husbands. In one house no less than fourteen dead bodies were discovered, principally women; in others the men began to cut their own throats the moment they saw any of our soldiers approaching; while in other instances they rushed out furiously from some hiding-place, and attacked with the sword any one who came in their way.

Several of our officers had to defend their own lives with the sword, long after all systematic opposition had ceased. An officer of the 14th M.N.I. had a sword combat with three Tartars who rushed out upon him sword in hand, and by retreating so as to endeavour to take them singly, he was able to cut down two of them just at the moment when a fatal blow was about to be aimed at him by the third, who was fortunately shot at the very critical moment, by a soldier who was coming up to his officer's assistance.

It is impossible to calculate the number of victims to the barbarous practice of self-immolation and wholesale murder. Chin-keang-foo was a Tartar stronghold considered by them as impregnable; they could not brook defeat, or the desecration of their hearths, by the tread of the unknown but thoroughly-hated barbarian; every house had its victims; and to add to the horrors of the day, and the desolation of the city, the Chinese plunderers flocked in from the country in multitudes, pillaging in all directions. They even set fire to the streets in some parts, to enable them to carry on their work with less interruption in others.

On our side, although the place had been taken by storm, and not without heavy loss, the strictest orders were given to prevent the pillage of the town as much as possible. Measures were taken, not only to control our own men, (who, according to European custom, might have expected to be allowed to pillage a town taken by assault,) but also to arrest the violent proceedings of the Chinese rabble, who, in this as in other instances, were the worst enemies of their own countrymen.

The authorities and nearly all the respectable inhabitants had fled; and the Tartar general (who had complained bitterly to the Emperor of insufficient means for defence) had set fire to his own house, and buried himself and part of his family in its ashes.

Notwithstanding all the attempts to prevent the destruction of property, it was impossible altogether to arrest it in so large a city. Plunder was sometimes taken from the Chinese thieves outside the town, and occasionally articles of value were thrown over the walls, because they were not allowed to be carried through the gates. In this way, plunder was sometimes obtained, and many ingenious devices were adopted to endeavour to secure a few valuables; but nearly all the mischief was done by the Chinese themselves.

The public offices were taken possession of by our troops, and all the arms and warlike stores which were found were destroyed. Only sixty thousand dollars, worth of Sycee silver was found in the public coffers; but a little addition was made to the prize fund by the sale of articles which were taken from plunderers, when they were discovered trying to carry property out of the gates. The waste and destruction of property was, however, enormous. When more valuable objects were discovered, those of smaller value were left in the streets; costly furs lay strewed in all directions; silks and satins lay about in such profusion that the only difficulty was to choose among them. So little had the inhabitants expected that their stronghold would fall, that valuables of all kinds, gems, and gold ornaments, and curiosities of every description, and in some instances even money, were left in the wardrobes of the best houses, at the mercy of the first comers. Under these circumstances, it is surprising that so little plunder was carried away from a city taken by assault.

Terrible as was the downfall of Chin-keang-foo in the eyes of the Chinese, and great as was the desolation throughout the city in every direction, it cannot be doubted that the loss of this important Tartar stronghold, and the panic created by it, (the whole trade of the country being at the same time suspended,) tended very materially to produce in the mind of the Emperor and of his ministers the conviction that a speedy peace, on any terms, was preferable to a continuance of the war.[70]

[68] He was jocularly christened Corporal White.