Hubert Howe Bancroft

[I-1] See History of Mexico, this series. The masses of the people were kept in utter ignorance, to be used, if necessary, as the blind tools of the ruling oligarchy. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 6.

[I-2] I have told in my History of Mexico how CÁrlos IV. was forced to abdicate, and his son Fernando raised to the throne.

[I-3] There were the governor, archbishop, oidores of the real audiencia, MarquÉs de Aycinena, high officials of the treasury, dean and chapter of the archdiocese, alcaldes and regidores of the 'muy noble ayuntamiento,' officers of the university, prelates of the religious orders, prior and consuls of the real consulado, intendente of Comayagua, temporarily sojourning in the city, secretary of the audiencia, commandant of the artillery, and colonels of the militia regiments. Diario MÉx., ix. 316-18; Guat. por Fern. VII., 2-6, 83-94; Saravia, Manif.

[I-4] His last position in Europe had been that of teniente de rey of Palma, in the island of Majorca. Juarros, Guat., i. 273.

[I-5] Guat. por Fern. VII., 50. In 1866 their descendants were living in Guatemala.

[I-6] Dec. 13, 1808.

[I-7] The acts were performed with great solemnity and magnificence, the people manifesting much joy. This evidence of loyalty was warmly acknowledged, May 27, 1809, by the Junta Suprema Gubernativa of Spain, sitting at Seville and acting for the imprisoned king. Most glowing descriptions of the ceremonies appear in Diario MÉx., xi. 279-80; Guat. por Fern. VII., 7-82, 94-101, 158-9.

[I-8] 'No son propiamente colonias, Ó factorÍas, como los de otras naciones, sino una parte esencial É integrante de la MonarquÍa EspaÑola.' Guat. por Fern. VII., 163-6; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 326-7.

[I-9] Ayuntamientos of head towns were to choose three honorable and competent men, from among whom each ayuntamiento had to draw by lot one elector, whose name, country, age, profession, and political and moral qualifications must be at once made known to the president of the audiencia. After the names of all the nominees were in his possession, he, jointly with the electors, had to select by secret ballot three candidates of the highest recognized character and ability, out of which three the audiencia, presided over by the governor-general, was to choose the deputy, to whom all the ayuntamientos must forthwith send their powers and instructions. The deputy, duly provided with means to journey decorously, was required to embark for Spain, his yearly pay being fixed at $6,000. Alaman, Hist. MÉj., i. 291-2. A later order of Oct. 6, 1809, required the deputy to be a native of Spanish America and a resident of the province choosing him; he was not to be the holder of any of the chief offices therein, such as governor, intendente, oidor, etc., nor a debtor to the royal treasury. The right of election was also given to minor ayuntamientos; and for the choice by plurality from among the candidates of cities a board was constituted, with two members of the audiencia, two canons, and two citizens named by the ayuntamiento. Guat. por Fern. VII., 165-6.

[I-10] His competitors were JosÉ de Aycinena and Lieut-col Antonio Juarros.

[I-11] He was not to give assent to the transfer of the Spanish dominions to any foreign power; the nation's rights must be upheld at all hazards; and the last drop of blood shed for the catholic religion, and for king and country.

[I-12] Feb. 14 and June 26, 1810. Diario MÉx., xiii. 549-51.

[I-13] The American suplentes were lawyers or ecclesiastics seeking preferment at court, or military officers with a long residence there. Alaman, Hist. MÉj., iii., ap. 4; Bustamante, Defensa, 16; Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 10; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., viii. 450-1. The second named proxy in Nov. 1811 gave up his seat to the regularly chosen deputy. CÓrtes, Diario, 1811, 93.

[I-14] October 15, 1810. Alaman, Hist. MÉj., iii. 10; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., viii. 458-9.

[I-15] Installed June 9, 1810. Its first members were the Spaniards JosÉ Mendez, an artillery officer, Oidor Joaquin Bernardo Campuzano, and Auditor de Guerra Joaquin IbaÑez. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 5.

[I-16] Saravia died like a soldier, and his fate was deplored even by the enemies of his cause. Hist. Mex., iv. 486, this series. The Mexican writer Bustamante, who was not prone to praise Spanish officers, said of Saravia, 'hombre de bien, humano, religioso, de un corazon recto, digno de mejor fortuna.' Cuadro Hist., ii. 217; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., iii. 325. He was accused, however, though it is believed the charge was slanderous, of having connived at smuggling by the treasury officials. The charge appears in Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 107-9.

[I-17] One was a cruise round the world under Malaspina, being the next in rank and commanding the corvette Atrevida. Juarros, Guat., ii., adv. ix.; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 6; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., vi. 134; viii. 569; Los Anales, Sept. 1872, 30; Salv., Diario Ofic., 1874, ap. 1.

[I-18] These were restrictions enforced by the crown against agriculture, mining, fisheries, manufactures, and commerce, despotism of rulers, and disregard of the merits of Americans, in keeping them out of public offices. See Hist. Mex., iv. 441-67, this series.

[I-19] In the first half of the 18th century.

[I-20] In the matter of appointments to office, an early royal order prescribed that American descendants of Spaniards should have the preference for the position of curate; and yet, during the last thirty years, the most lucrative curacies were given to European Spaniards. Of the 170 viceroys that ruled in America, four only were of American birth, and those were reared or educated in Spain. Out of 602 captain-generals, governors, and presidents, only 14 were Americans. Of 982 bishops and archbishops, 703 were Europeans, and 279 Creoles. Most of the latter were nominated in early times, when Europeans were few, navigation difficult, and mitres afforded more work than money. Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 278-85.

[I-21] We are assured that Antonio LarrazÁbal, a clergyman, Antonio Juarros, and JosÉ M. Peinado were the chief authors of the instructions for Central American deputies in Spain. The Central American deputies whose names were appended to the constitution were: LarrazÁbal for Guatemala; JosÉ Ignacio Ávila for Salvador; JosÉ Francisco Morejon for Honduras; JosÉ Antonio Lopez de la Plata for Nicaragua; and Florencio Castillo for Costa Rica. CÓrtes, Col. Dec., ii. 158-62; iii. 201-2; CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xvii. 240; Pap. Var., ccx. no. 1, 109-17; Const. PolÍt. Monarq., 1-134. LarrazÁbal ably defended in the cÓrtes the rights of the Americans, specially of the aborigines, and above all, the national sovereignty. For this, after Fernando VII. returned to Spain in 1814, he was denounced by the absolutists, Conde de Torre Muzquiz and MarquÉs de Mata Florida, and confined in a fort in Spain. Pineda de Mont, in Guat. Recop. Leyes, iii. 348.

[I-22] MÉx., Col. Ley. Fund., 34-91.

[I-23] The junta preparatoria, Nov. 12, 1812, designated only 12 deputies to the Spanish cÓrtes from Central America (Chiapas included), based on the inaccurate census of 1778, which gave the whole country—with 101,506 for Chiapas—949,015 inhabitants in 881 towns. It was fixed that the 12 provinces of Guatemala, Chimaltenango, Quezaltenango, Ciudad Real de Chiapas, Vera Paz, San Salvador, San Miguel, Chiquimula, Sonsonate, Leon, Costa Rica, and Comayagua should each choose one deputy; and Guatemala, Ciudad Real, Leon, and Comayagua the four suplentes. Only two diputaciones provinciales were at first established, one in Guatemala and one in Leon. CÓrtes, Act. ord., i. 1813, Oct. 12, 62; Mendez, Mem. in Pap. Var., ccxv. no. 17, 16-17; Conder's Mex. and Guat., ii. 310; Modern Traveller's Mex. and Guat., ii. 309-10. Later, under the constitutional rÉgime, Chiapas was represented in the Spanish cÓrtes, and had a diputacion provincial. Larrainzar, Discurso, 12. In 1812 a census was formed to ascertain how many deputies Chiapas should have in the cÓrtes. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, iii. 400.

[I-24] Quezaltenango had already, by its ayuntamiento of Aug. 12, 1812, expressed approval of the provisions of the instrument, promising loyal obedience to it. In Honduras Gov. Juan Antonio Tornos granted leave for the erection of a monument in the plaza of Comayagua, which was carried out. CÓrtes, Diario, ii., March 17, 18, 1822.

[I-25] Some authors give the 19th as the date of this defeat. Alaman, Hist. MÉj., iii. 343-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 269-73; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., ix. 9-10, 110-11. The last-named authority asserts that Dambrini again invaded and took the town of Tehuantepec, February 1814. During the revolutionary wars of Mexico, Chiapas, owing to her isolated position, was not a seat of war; and even when Morelos' troops from Oajaca visited TonalÁ, as above stated, there was no resistance. This country enjoyed peace during the struggle in New Spain. Larrainzar, Chiapas, in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, iii. 100.

[I-26] Letters were constantly sent to the Spanish government, and to private persons, which were published in the newspapers friendly to the Spanish cause, representing the independents as banditti and murderers, and the Spaniards as exemplars of moderation. It was the emissaries of Bonaparte who had induced the Americans to rebel, they said. Trumped-up miracles and punishments from heaven, anathemas, and every means suggested by foul fanaticism were used to make the friends of freedom odious. Archbishop Casaus granted 80 days' indulgences to Guatemalans not participating in the revolutionary movements of Mexico. Puerto, Convite, pt iii., 2-3.

[I-27] The invitations sent the people of San Miguel to coÖperate were burned in the plaza by the hands of the public executioner. Nor were these towns left without the usual cheap reward of monarchs. San Miguel received the title of 'muy noble y leal;' San Vicente was made a city, which title was confirmed Jan. 15, 1812. According to Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed., 1823), 257, many noble families dwelt in the place, and among its founders were some descendants of Gonzalo and Jorge Alvarado, brothers of Pedro, the conqueror. Santa Ana was raised to the rank of villa. The parish priests of the several places were promoted to be canons of the chapter of Guatemala. CÓrtes, Diario, 1812, xiv. 38, 167; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 8.

[I-28] The archbishop sent priests to preach against the insurgents. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 9. Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., ii. 270, says that the whole country would have been driven into rebellion but for the advice of the able secretary of government, Alejandro Ramirez.

[I-29] Aycinena was, on the 7th of Feb., 1812, made by the Spanish cÓrtes a councillor of state, and in Aug. 1813, entered upon his duties at CÁdiz. CÓrtes, Diario, 1812, xvi. 16; 1813, xxii. 216. According to Zamacois, the appointment was made only after the adoption of the constitution; it is possible that the appointment was then renewed or confirmed. Hist. MÉj., viii. 557; Ayon, Apuntes, 15-16; Rev. Cent. Am., 2-3; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 11, 1875; Valois, Mex., 213-16.

[I-30] In 1813 he was elected a deputy to the Spanish cÓrtes, but declined the position on account of ill health. CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xxii. 216.

[I-31] A person writing from Guatemala, and referring to a document issued August 1811, in secret session held in London by 33 Spanish Americans, after registering his disapproval of its purpose, positively asserted that the masses were well disposed, fond of peace, and respectful to authority, if some agent of Satan did not turn their heads and make them believe they were superior beings, who needed no ruler over them. Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 438.

[I-32] Before the attack the city was visited by Father Benito Soto, as pacificator and commissioner from the bishop governor. He tried to fulfil his mission without degrading his countrymen; but seeing the object of the war was to crush liberal Americans, he made common cause with the Granadinos. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 11-12. Ayon, Apuntes, 17, gives the attack as occurring in August, which is an error.

[I-33] Miguel Lacayo, TelÉsforo and Juan ArgÜello, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, Joaquin Chamorro, Juan Cerda, Francisco Cordero, JosÉ D. Espinosa, Leon Molina, Cleto BendaÑa, Vicente Castillo, Gregorio Robledo, Gregorio Bracamonte, Juan D. Robledo, Francisco Gomez, and Manuel Parrilla were to suffer death. Among those sentenced to hard labor for life were Juan Espinosa, the adelantado of Costa Rica, Diego Montiel, and Pio ArgÜello. Ayon, Apuntes, 17-18; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 12-14; Rev. Cent. Am., 3.

[I-34] One of them, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, refused to accept the pardon unless coupled with leave to prefer charges against Bustamante. But an influential friend of the general's prevented its being granted, and Cerda, to get out of the country, escaped on a vessel bound to Sweden; thence he went to Cuba, and lived there several years under an assumed name. Los Anales, Sept. 1, 1872, 30. The noted Nicaraguan statesman, TomÁs Ayon, justly bewails the seeming ingratitude of some of his country's writers in saying that Nicaragua's independence had cost nothing. The history of that period, 1811-21, it is true, records no bloody fields, no brilliant feats of arms; but it presents an array of victims to the cause, of men who sacrificed their lives, liberty, and fortunes to secure their country's freedom; and these sacrifices, Ayon claims, should be remembered, and the sufferers' memory held in reverence. Apuntes, 18. Squier, in Travels, ii. 378, speaks of a suppressed revolution in Leon in 1815, giving that city the whole credit of the first impulse to liberal sentiment in Central America. There was no such movement in that year, and he probably had reference to that of 1811, though to Salvador certainly belongs the honor of the first attempt for independence. Pim's Gate of the Pac., 38, prints the same error.

[I-35] More empty rewards for Leon. In 1812 the cÓrtes acceded to the bishop's petition for the creation of a university in this town. It was long delayed, however. The ayuntamiento had conferred on it the title of 'muy noble y leal;' and that of Nueva Segovia was similarly honored. The dean of Nicaragua was much commended in the cÓrtes, Aug. 1813, for his loyal and judicious conduct. CÓrtes, Diario, 1811-12, xi. 198; 1813, xvii. 247, xxi. 45-6; CÓrtes, Col. Dec., ii. 47-8, iii. 177; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed., 1823), 335-8; Belly, Nic., i. 227; Conder's Mex. and Guat., ii. 309. Bishop Jerez had written the captain-general a warm letter on behalf of the Leonese, for whom he had a special predilection, and said, 'Si me desterrasen un Leones dejo de ser obispo.' Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 7.

[I-36] This bitterness originated bloody wars, and did much harm to Nicaragua. Rev. Cent. Am., 3; Ayon, Apuntes, 15, 18-19; Registro Ofic., Nov. 21, 1846, 381.

[I-37] The $43,538 went on the ship Venganza to CÁdiz, and the arrival was announced, Feb. 15, 1813, to the cÓrtes by the deputies of Guatemala. CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xvii. 239-40.

[I-38] Marure, on the authority of the Gaceta de Guatemala, xiii. no. 112, and xiv. no. 191, assures us that nearly one and a half million dollars had been remitted by Central America to Spain, from donations and other sources, to cancel royal warrants. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 18. This work, that I have occasion to quote so often, bears the title Bosquejo HistÓrico de las Revoluciones de Centro AmÉrica desde 1811 hasta 1834. Its author, Alejandro Marure, who was a professor of history and geography in the university of Guatemala, and otherwise a prominent citizen, issued in Guatemala his 1st volume, sm. 4to, 295 pp., with designs on the frontispiece, in 1837; containing events to 1826 only. The publication of the other two volumes, it is understood, he was obliged to withhold by order of his government. MontÚfar, ReseÑa, Hist. Cent. Am., i., preface pp. iii. and iv., tells us the circulation of the 2d vol. was not allowed; 'un solemne auto de fÉ devorÓ la edicion entera.' One copy escaped, however, from which another edition was printed in later years. It scathes the so-called conservative party, more properly entitled to the appellations of fanatical and servile, for the infamous acts of its men that for many years misgoverned the country. Its contents have been fully used by MontÚfar. The 3d volume has not been published, and the author's heirs long refused to allow any one to see the manuscript. This work furnishes an interesting account of political affairs in Guatemala from the first attempt at separation from the mother country in 1811 to its accomplishment in 1821, from an American standpoint; the intrigues by which Central America was yoked to Iturbide's Mexican empire, and subsequent events culminating in the second and final enforcement of independence, followed by the organization of the federal government; rupture between Guatemala and the general government, and victory of the latter; church and military affairs; intrigues of parties; authorities being freely quoted to sustain statements. The author does not enter into much detail on military operations, but is quite full in his description of party workings, which affords a clear understanding of their antagonistic interests. Under the title of EfemÉrides de los hechos notables ... de Centro AmÉrica, the same writer gave to the press at Guatemala, in 1844, a 12mo of 77 pp., furnishing a very brief synopsis of the chief events that occurred from 1821 to 1842, with tabular lists; quite useful as a chronology.

[I-39] Among the implicated were a number of military officers whose role was to win over the troops, and gain possession of their arms.

[I-40] The plan was to seize Bustamante, Auditor de Guerra IbaÑez, Archbishop Casaus, and all the high military officers; after which the Granadan prisoners were to be liberated, and the country's independence proclaimed. The royal officials chose to add that the parties had harbored 'incendiary and horrible schemes of plunder and devastation.'

[I-41] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 16; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 42; Mem. Hist. Cent. Am., 2, 3.

[I-42] Julian Ibarra, AndrÉs Dardon, Manuel de San JosÉ, Manuel Yot. The names of the other six do not appear. Pineda de Mont, in Guat., Recop. Leyes, iii. 347-8; Rodriguez, Problema Hist., in Salv., Diario Ofic., 1875, Apr. 1 and May 23. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7, who was evidently blinded by prejudice against Barrundia and against the cause, says that the latter lost credit for being mixed up in the Betlen affair with 'hombres sin luces, sin crÉdito, y sin costumbres;' and forfeited the character for firmness he had held in public estimation by needlessly petitioning for a pardon when he had not been imprisoned, and could at any time have left the country without risk. Lorenzo MontÚfar, a statesman and writer, tells us, in rebuttal, that these men were of good intelligence and position; that Barrundia's peril was imminent all the time of his concealment, and as only Spanish vessels visited the ports, it would have been risky to attempt escape upon one of them. Moreover, it was impossible to foresee when independence would be attained. Under the circumstances, Barrundia had to ask for pardon when he could get it. Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 2, 1854. Villar, the prosecuting officer, became notorious in 1817 for cruelties and wanton murders of unfortunate inhabitants of PetÉn-ItzÁ, when he was commandant there. Fajardo, Inf. al Min. de Rel., Campeche, 1828, sm. 4to, 17 pp.

[I-43] He was the father of Alejandro Marure, born in Guatemala, and one who had attained a respectable rank in letters, at a very early age, in his country. At the time he began to figure in its political affairs he was a master of philosophy. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 14-15.

[I-44] Arce began to figure in the rebellion of 1811. After the organization of the federal rÉgime he was the first constitutional president of the republic. Rev. Cent. Am., 3; Salv., Diario Ofic., 1875, Feb. 13.

[I-45] In disregard of the rank and standing of the 'excelentÍsima diputacion,' he would append only his media firma, or surname, to its decrees and documents, when he should have used his name and surname—a serious breach of etiquette in those times.

[I-46] The chamber now had but a short time to live. Manuel Micheo had presented his credentials in Jan. 1814, and been admitted to his seat as deputy from Chimaltenango, Guatemala. Luis Aguirre's claim to admission was referred back on the petition of citizens of Chiquimula for his election to be declared null. CÓrtes, Act. ord., 1814, Jan. 21, i. 487, March 20, ii. 121.

[I-47] Several accusations had been preferred hitherto against Bustamante; all remained unheeded, so far as it ever became known. One more was that of Juan ArgÜello of Granada, in Nicaragua, who charged the governor with unjust treatment of him in 1814, and demanded his trial and punishment. This case was before the cÓrtes Oct. 20, 1820. But as the second constitutional epoch was so short-lived, ArgÜello's demand for justice had no better result than preceding ones. A memorial of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the political condition of the province, expressing fear that the harshness extended to men for political opinions might lead to evil consequences, and asking for the pardon of prisoners, was presented March 24, 1814, to the cÓrtes. It was referred to a committee, and that was all the action taken, till the king in 1817 granted an amnesty. CÓrtes, Act. ord., March 24, 1814, ii. 152; Id., Diario, Oct. 20, 1820, ix. 4.

[I-48] Concluded Dec. 11, 1813.

[I-49] Upon the news of the king's acts becoming known in Guatemala, the archbishop and his clergy, and the other authorities, offered thanks to God for his release and restoration to the throne. Juarros, Guat., ii., adv. xii.

[I-50] The pope lent his support with an encyclical letter of Aug. 15, 1814, against freemasonry and other secret societies, which was published June 2, 1815. All persons affiliating in such organizations were required to sever their connection with them. Fern. VII., Decretos, 27-32.

[II-1] A native of Habana, Cuba. He had filled several high offices, the last being that of governor of Santo Domingo. Juarros, Guat., ii., adv. ix.-x.; Salv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 1, 1875, 4.

[II-2] Convulsions of nature had been constantly occurring in Quezaltenango during two months, which greatly alarmed the population. On the 17th of Jan., 1818, a hill on the south of the town burst open and threw out enormous quantities of ashes, covering the whole country, even to the distance of 35 leagues, and flames were occasionally seen. CÓzar, Carta, in Noticioso Gen., March 16, 1818, 4.

[II-3] The Spanish official account published by the government of Guatemala, May 1 and 13, 1820, and copied in the Gaceta of Mex. of June 17th, same year, has it that the attempt resulted in the discomfiture of the assailants.

[II-4] The commander's ship hoisted a flag with two blue bars and a white one between them showing an escutcheon.

[II-5] The Spanish official account sets the enemy's casualties at 40 killed and wounded on shore; those on board could not be ascertained. The Spanish loss is given at one killed and two wounded.

[II-6] CÓrtes, Diario, 1820, ii. 19; Apr. 30, 1821, extra, xvi. 15-16; Id., Act. PÚb., i., June 26, 1820, 6; Aug. 2, 1820, 2.

[II-7] A congratulatory address from the newly created corporation was received with marks of satisfaction. CÓrtes, Diario, June 17, 1821, xxii. 6.

[II-8] From the ecclesiastic state, Juan JosÉ Batres and JosÉ MarÍa Álvarez, with Pedro Ruiz de Bustamante for a substitute. From the secular class, Pedro Molina, JosÉ Barrundia, and Lic. Venancio Lopez. Secular substitutes, licenciados Francisco Javier Barrutia, Felipe Neri del Barrio. CÓrtes, Diario, 1820, ii. 228-9.

[II-9] A native of Choluteca, in Honduras. Rev. Cent. Am., 1. He was auditor de guerra. Valle was undoubtedly an able man; a speech of his on equality before the law is spoken of with high commendation. Observ. de la Rep. Mex., ii., Oct. 3, 1827, 128-33. Subsequently was a deputy to the imperial congress of Mexico, and when Iturbide was on the eve of succumbing under the blows of the republicans, he appointed Valle his minister of state, which office ceased with the fall of the empire. Valle returned to Guatemala and figured prominently in the government. In 1826-29 he was a federal deputy, and died on the 2d of March, 1834, soon after being elected president of the republic. The assembly on the 21st of March of the same year decreed honors to his memory. Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 338-9, 348. Salvador did the same in April. A likeness of Valle is given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 160. Valle had been honored with the friendship of Bentham and other European savans; and he was a member of the French Academy of Sciences. Marure, EfemÉrides, 35.

[II-10] The same man who afterward appointed himself bishop of Salvador. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 386.

[II-11] They cajoled the artisans with the promise of checking the trade with Belize, and of prohibiting the importation of foreign manufactures.

[II-12] He was born in Guatemala on the 29th of Apr., 1777; studied humanities under Father Goicoechea, one of the lights of his time, and received his diploma of a licentiate of medicine and surgery at the age of 22; served in Nicaragua as surgeon of the batallon fijo early in the century, and returned with it to his native city in 1811. He afterward filled the position of professor of medicine in the university. The degree of doctor was given him in 1817, and the office of protomÉdico, or head physician of the province of Guatemala. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854.

[II-13] He adjured all to free themselves from party influences, and to give their suffrages only to men who had their country's interests at heart. He demanded of all citizens to love their country, to be true to the constitution, and to respect the legitimate authorities.

[II-14] Urrutia, Modelo, 2-3. Constant complaints had been made to the national government since 1813 against the foreign trade. The regulations of 1778 had been made to appear advantageous to Spain and her American colonies. Foreign trade was declared a means of corruption which placed arms in the hands of Spain's foes. In the report now before me, the mechanics of the country are represented as hostile to the foreign trade. Arrillaga, Informe, in Cedulario, 66-7.

[II-15] The latter had three suffragans—Leon, Comayagua, and Ciudad Real de Chiapas. It had also 20 vicars, 161 curacies in 424 towns, 85 valleys, 23 doctrinas under missionaries, of which 16 were in charge of Dominicans, 4 of Franciscans, and 3 of the order of Mercy.

[II-16] Deputy JosÉ Mariano Mendez, from Sonsonate, gave the province of Guatemala 116 leagues from the Pacific to Santo TomÁs, and a width of 100 leagues in some parts, and less in others, with two cities and about 294 towns. Mem., 12-13, 20; Memoria del estado polÍtico y eclesiÁstico de la capitanÍa general de Guatemala, Mad., 1821, sm. 4to, 30 pp., gives data on the economical, political, and ecclesiastical condition of Central America in general, and of each of the divisions or provinces, including Chiapas in particular, and proposing to the Spanish government reforms deemed advisable.

[II-17] A native of Habana, at which university he received the degree of doctor. Juarros, Guat., i. 296-7.

[II-18] He consecrated in his cathedral, on the 12th of Sept., 1802, the treasurer of the diocese, the licentiate of theology, Ambrosio Llano, as bishop of Ciudad Real de Chiapas.

[II-19] He had been bishop of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in Peru. At the time of his death he was 55 years old. The remains were interred in the cathedral. Juarros, Guat., i. 297; Diario MÉx., xii., Jan. 26, 1810, 104.

[II-20] He was a native of Jaca, in Aragon; took the Dominican habit in Zaragoza, and completed there his education; joined the province of Santiago in Mexico at the age of 23; became a lecturer in Porta Coeli college, and a professor in the university of Mexico, by which he was made a doctor, and by his order a maestro. On the 9th of Nov., 1806, as bishop of Rosen in partibus infidelium, he was made bishop-coadjutor of Oajaca, and consecrated on the 2d of Aug., 1807. Juarros, Guat., ii., adv. p. xi.-xii.; CÓrtes, Diario, xviii. 395; Puerto, Convite, p. iii. 1.

[II-21] The payments were to begin no later than one year after the installation of the autonomic government. The allowance was to be increased when the condition of the two countries should become improved.

[II-22] Positive news of Iturbide's defection had not yet reached Guatemala. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2.

[II-23] He is represented as a fickle man, one easily influenced, and likely to act under the impressions of the moment. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 21; Salv., Diario Ofic., 1875, Apr. 1, 4. Events showed he was a man of no settled principles or character, who proved himself, first a traitor to his king and country, and next, for self-aggrandizement, betrayed the men that in an evil hour placed their trust in him.

[II-24] This plan is described in Hist. Mex., iv. 709-10, this series.

[II-25] The order was a dead letter, however. Gainza evidently issued it to cover his responsibility in Madrid; at any rate, no one was arrested, and the manifesto was soon after retired, public affairs being allowed to take their course. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 4; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 21-2.

[II-26] Gainza on the 13th had exacted of all the superior military officers a renewal of their oath of fidelity to the king. Id., i. 23.

[II-27] The diputacion, on motion of Simeon CaÑas, had acted at the instance of the ayuntamiento, whose sÍndico, Mariano de Aycinena, had called for an extra session to petition for immediate independence. Gainza, with the view of averting such a declaration, attended personally to preside over the meeting; but he finally submitted to the inevitable, and weakly assented to the convocation of the authorities, without first obtaining Urrutia's approbation. He thus ignored the real chief authority in the country. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 4-5; Ayon, Apuntes, 21.

[II-28] Archbishop Casaus, oidores Miguel Moreno and JosÉ Valdez, Luis Escoto, prelate of the Dominicans, FÉlix Lagrava, Juan Bautista JÁuregui, JosÉ VillafaÑe, and others of less note. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 23-7.

[II-29] The supporters of this resolution were: Canon Doctor JosÉ MarÍa Castilla, Dean Doctor Antonio GarcÍa Redondo; Regente of the audiencia Francisco Vilches, oidores Miguel Larreinaga and TomÁs O'Horan; deputies from the university, doctors Mariano Galvez and Serapio Sanchez; deputies from the college of lawyers, JosÉ Francisco CÓrdoba and Santiago Milla; Antonio Rivera Cabezas, Mariano Beltranena, J. Mariano Calderon, Rev. Doctor J. MatÍas Delgado, M. A. Molina, members of the diputacion provincial; Mariano and J. Antonio Larrave, Isidoro Castriciones, Pedro Arroyave, and Mariano de Aycinena, members of the ayuntamiento; Lorenzo RomaÑa, government secretary; Domingo Dieguez, secretary of the meeting; Friars Mariano Perez and JosÉ Antonio Taboada, prelates respectively of the Recollects and Franciscans. Some Spaniards also recorded their names in favor of such action. Id. The Memorias de las Revoluciones de Centro AmÉrica give among the members of the diputacion JosÉ ValdÉs, and leave out M. A. Molina, 5.

[II-30] 297 years, 3 months, and 19 days from June 24, 1524, when Pedro de Alvarado arrived with his 300 conquistadores.

[II-31] Article 2d, speaking of the congress, says: It is to decide upon the point of 'independencia general y absoluta, y fijar, en caso de acordarla, la forma de gobierno y ley fundamental que deba regir.' Marure, who gives the text of the acta, asserts that the declaration actually was for an 'independencia absoluta de MÉjico y de cualquiera otra nacion;' and that Gainza, who favored annexation to Mexico, had beforehand prepared an oath to support it. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 27, and ap. ii., iii.; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 346-8; Ayon, Apuntes, 21; Squier's Trav., ii. 378; Squier's Cent. Am., 67; Cuevas, Porvenir de MÉx., 252. Another vital clause in the instrument was that the Roman catholic religion which the Central Americans had professed in past centuries, 'y profesaremos en los siglos venideros,' must be preserved 'pura É inalterable,' its ministers respected, and protected in their persons and property. The prelates of the various religious communities were invited to coÖperate in behalf of peace and harmony, endeavoring to do away with personal passions. The whole proceeding was novel, this of Spanish officials, presided over by the chief agent of the king, meeting with natives of the country to decide whether Guatemala should cast off the old mother country or not. Several other things worthy of notice happened then among them. Canon Castilla, though a friend of the archbishop, his prelate, who had advocated anti-independence, favored the separation. Many of the officials declared for secession, chief among their number the gazista leader JosÉ del Valle, who held the high office of auditor de guerra. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 5-6.

[II-32] The following names appear in the acta: Gavino Gainza, Mariano de Beltranena, JosÉ Mariano Calderon, JosÉ MatÍas Delgado, Manuel Antonio Molina, Mariano de Larrave, Antonio de Rivera, JosÉ Antonio de Larrave, Isidoro de Valle y Castriciones, Pedro de Arroyave, Mariano de Aycinena. Secretaries, Lorenzo de RomaÑa, Domingo Dieguez. Pineda de Mont, Recop. Ley. Guat., i. 1-14. The news of this declaration reached Spain, and mention was made of it in the cÓrtes Dec. 15, 1821, by Deputy Navarrete. CÓrtes, Diario extraord., vi., 1821, Dec. 15, 34; CÓrtes, Diario, viii., 1822, Feb. 12, 5; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 43-4, 66-130; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6-9.

[II-33] This clause gave rise to much trouble afterward.

[II-34] The authorities were to be apprised of any plots against the new rÉgime by persons becoming aware of them, or the latter would be held as aiders and abettors of treason. Carrying concealed weapons, ringing of bells other than for religious service, and injuring or destroying public or private property, under any pretext, would be severely punished. MÉx., Gac. Imp., Dec. 1, 1821, 260-3.

[II-35] The additional members were Miguel de Larreinaga, JosÉ del Valle, J. Antonio Alvarado, MarquÉs de Aycinena, JosÉ ValdÉs, JosÉ M. Candina, and Antonio Robles. Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez were made the secretaries. Marure, EfemÉrides, 59.

[II-36] The acta was signed at Gainza's house on the 16th, and the extra members were appointed. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6.

[II-37] Ciudad Real, the capital, had in the city proper 6,000, chiefly Spaniards; the outside districts and suburbs swelled the population to 14,000. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 51. The canon of Chiapas, Mariano Robles Dominguez de Mazariegos, being the deputy from his province in the Spanish cÓrtes in 1813, laid before the chamber an interesting memorial, which was afterward given to the press at CÁdiz, in one volume, 18mo, of 71 pages, under the title of Memoria HistÓrica de la Provincia de Chiapa. He suggested means to develop the commerce of the province on its navigable rivers, and particularly with Guatemala and Vera Cruz. His recommendations were heeded, and several ports and rivers were opened to trade. Id., 33-4, 54-9; CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 392; Noticioso Gen., Aug. 30, 1816. Mazariegos' successor was also a clergyman, Fernando Antonio DÁvila, who took his seat in November, 1813. CÓrtes, Act. ord., i. 275.

[II-38] From the time of the conquest there existed in all Indian towns ayuntamientos called cabildos, and composed as follows: a gobernador, who was a cacique or noble Indian, generally for life, though 'sin jurisdiccion,' appointed formally in writing by the principal executive of the province; two alcaldes; four, six, or eight regidores, according to population; and some officers called in some places mayores, and in others alguaciles, who aided the regidores, took care of the cabildos' houses, and furnished supplies to travellers going through their towns. They were elected on the first day of January of each year, and were subject to the alcalde mayor and the teniente of each town, by whom they were too frequently badly treated. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 28-29.

[II-39] In some Indian towns, so-called maestros were salaried from the community funds of the inhabitants. Such maestros could scarcely read and write, and most of them were immoral and given to drunkenness. Of course no good results could be obtained from such teachers. The Spanish cÓrtes in 1813 decreed the adoption of measures for promoting public instruction, and on the 24th of October enacted the establishment of a university in the province. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 51-53; CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 392; Id., Act. ord., 1813, i. 113, 141.

[II-40] The cathedral chapter was composed of four dignitaries, one simple canon, six choir chaplains. The revenue of the diocese was limited. The number of its parishes was forty-seven, which included the eleven of the capital and suburbs. Mazariegos, Mem. Hist. Chiapa, 48. From 1819 to 1836, according to Larrainzar, religious, educational, and general affairs had attained much improvement. In the diocese there were, besides the cathedral, three convents of friars and one of nuns; a hospital, founded by Bishop Juan Álvarez de Toledo; an ecclesiastic college, founded by Bishop Bravo de la Serna; primary schools and a university. Since 1819 existed the Sociedad de Amigos del PaÍs, to develop agriculture, industry, and learning. The inhabitants of the capital were quite cultured. Discurso, 17-18. In 1813 the Spanish cÓrtes, among other measures for the benefit of Chiapas, decreed that the friars of Guatemala should undertake the conversion of the Indians of Palenque. CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 392.

[II-41] Soconusco cacao being considered the best of America, some loads of it were sent every year to Spain for the use of the royal family.

[II-42] On the 20th of Dec., 1817, he congratulated the viceroy of Mexico on the triumphs of the royal arms. The capture of Mina and other successes were enthusiastically celebrated in Ciudad Real. Noticioso Gen., Feb. 14, 1818, 4; Gaz. de MÉx., 1818, ix. 141-2.

[II-43] The bishop of Chiapas, Salvador San Martin, incurred the wrath of the cÓrtes, when he was acting as deputy from Porto Rico, for his support of the royal decree of 1814, that overthrew the national constitution. San Martin was dead when Chiapas followed the example of Mexico in 1821. Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 344; MÉx., Gaceta Imp., i. 11, 173.

[II-44] In Ciudad Real, Iturbide was called 'padre salvador de la religion y de la patria.' Id., 10-12.

[II-45] The act of independence was signed by Juan N. Batres, JosÉ Ignacio Larrainzar, JosÉ Diego Lara, Julio JosÉ Flores, JosÉ NicolÁs Osuna, EstÉvan Gordillo, and Lic. JosÉ Vives.

[II-46] Soon after this act that desire began to assume proportions. Larrainzar, Notic. Hist. Soconusco, 28.

[II-47] For particulars on the final separation of Chiapas, and incorporation as a state of the Mexican confederation, see Hist. Mex., v. 22-4, this series. The clergyman Pedro SolÓrzano was the agent appointed under the resolution referred to in the text, and he accordingly repaired to the city of Mexico. Larrainzar, Notic. Hist. Soconusco, 29; MÉx., Gaceta Imp., i. 169-73, 270-1, 319-23, 337-9.

[III-1] They were Lorenzo RomaÑa, who was made colonel of the battalion of regulars, superseding the Spaniard FÉlix Lagrava, and Manuel ArzÚ, who obtained the command of the artillery, with the same rank. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 28.

[III-2] A writer of the opposite party asserts that the practice caused much confusion, arising from ignorance. The populace abused the privilege, and had finally to be excluded from the chamber. The same author speaks disparagingly of the three leaders. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7. It is said of them that they often addressed from the gallery petitions to the junta, demanded removals of officials, and had disputes with its members or with Gainza. I have already given some account of Barrundia and Molina. CÓrdoba had suffered imprisonment and prosecution for being concerned in the revolutionary movements of 1811.

[III-3] 'Acorde al fin en sus sentimientos, se reuniÓ Últimamente en la opinion que debiÓ siempre ser el vÍnculo estrecho de su voluntad. AsÍ consta del testimonio que acompaÑo Á V. E.' The last sentence must refer to a copy of the acta de independencia. Mex., Gaceta Imp., i. 60-2. And yet, another journal of Mexico, alluding to that letter, after erroneously giving the writer's name as Gabriel Quinia, actually asserted its contents to be that Guatemala, like Chiapas, had submitted to Mexico, party spirit having been powerless to disturb the peace or general will of the inhabitants! MÉx., Noticioso Gen., Oct. 19, 1821.

[III-4] Decree of Sept 20, 1821.

[III-5] Decrees of Sept. 26 and 27, 1821. They were given two months' extra pay. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 6-7.

[III-6] This act was effected amidst great enthusiasm, and rejoicing at its accomplishment without bloodshed. Persons then residing in the city who had favored the movement had their names inserted in a book. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 27-30.

[III-7] Another committee was to count the population in order to apportion the deputies to congress. Gracias, Cuad. Estad., 28.

[III-8] Before the news reached Spain of the change in Guatemala, Deputy Milla spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in the cÓrtes of the insufficiency of Spanish bottoms for the transportation of American produce, and demanded the privilege of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded also to the inability of the royal navy to protect Spanish merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact that five vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from Nicaraguan ports. CÓrtes, Diario Extraord., Nov. 18, 1821, iv. 12-13.

[III-9] Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta in Guatemala. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 9-10.

[III-10] Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa Ana, and used it effectively, though without violence. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 36-7. The extent of the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide; it was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador, San Vicente, and San Miguel, with three cities, five villas, and 140 pueblos. Mendez, Mem., 9-10. The following were the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casimiro GarcÍa Valdeavellano, JosÉ Ignacio SaldaÑa, JosÉ Rosi, Millan Bustos, GerÓnimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian, Juan B. de Otonto, Francisco Ignacio de Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro Miguel Lopez, secretary. Ruiz, Calend. Salv., 67-8; Salv., Diario Ofic., Jan. 26, 1875, 5; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2, 9-10. Alaman has it that Delgado seized the government by a revolution in 1822. Hist. MÉj., v. 474-5.

[III-11] In the Spanish cÓrtes, March 29, 1813, was read and passed to a committee a petition of the ayuntamiento of Comayagua, objecting to the limited scope of the decree of May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of only two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for one in Comayagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of Tegucigalpa, and that of San Miguel in Salvador, within its jurisdiction, which would give the new diputacion a territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from E. to W. CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no evidence as to when Honduras was granted the diputacion, but the fact appears that it had such a corporation in September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua, and divided into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa, and the nine sub-delegations of Gracias Á Dios, San Pedro Zula, Tencoa, Yoro, Olanchito, Olancho Viejo, Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa, Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo, and Cartago. The bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole intendencia, with 35 parishes, one mission, and 145 churches. Mendez, Mem., 8, 21. In 1821 there lived in Trujillo about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint Vincent, later occupying the island of Roatan, whence they removed to Trujillo. They were a rather industrious, honest people. Coggeshall's Voy., 2d ser., 161-3.

[III-12] Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito, and others, who seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio Prado. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 35.

[III-13] The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of Dec. to reward the villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the rank of a city, and bestowing on its ayuntamiento the title of 'patriÓtico.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 35.

[III-14] As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always existed in the provinces against the capital. This hatred was intensified by the respective intendentes in forwarding their ambitious purposes. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2. Lieut-col Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot in Oajaca, was the gov.-intendente of Nicaragua since 1818. Naturally he hated the independents for his father's execution. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 34; Ayon, Apuntes, 22; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed. 1823), 337-8.

[III-15] They would remain independent of the Spanish crown, they said, until the clouds disappeared. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 34; Ayon, Apuntes, 22; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 387; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 346-8; Wells' Hond., 468. TomÁs Ayon, Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos polÍticos de Nicaragua, Leon, 1875, 8vo, 50 pp., gives a few important memoranda on the political events of Nicaragua in 1811-24, in a clear, concise, and apparently impartial manner.

[III-16] Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against Granada, obstructing her relations with Guatemala. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 35. The extent of the province of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detaching Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba, and Matagalpa, with 88 towns in all. Mendez, Mem., 7. According to Miguel G. Saravia, Bosquejo polÍtico estadÍstico de Nicaragua, its population in 1813 was of 149,751, a very imperfect census. Squier's States Cent. Am., 50. The bishopric of Leon comprised all the intendencia of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3 missions, and 88 churches. Mendez, Mem., 20. A considerable military force had been, since 1796, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821 additional defences were erected, by government order of May 2d. This force was expelled after the declaration of independence by the patriots. Squier's Trav., i. 83.

[III-17] On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the diputacion at Comayagua. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 44-6.

[III-18] Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed by the ayuntamientos supporting the Granada rÉgime. These members to choose every month from their own number the president. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 5-6. Perez, JerÓnimo, BiografÍa del coronel Don Crisanto Sacasa, 1875, fol., 18 pp., furnishes important data on the origin and life of a man who figured prominently and honorably in the affairs of Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in 1824. In connection with them appear several official letters on events during the period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico.

[III-19] The people acted prudently; they could but reap trouble from the political complications. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2; Molina, Bosq. Costa Rica, 4-5, 17-18; Salv., Diario Ofic., May 23, 1875; Lond. Geog. Soc., vi. 135.

[III-20] It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil and military government of its own, but under dependence of the audiencia and captain-generalcy at Guatemala. In matters ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leon. Molina, Bosq. Costa Rica, 92; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2. The Spanish constitution gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion provincial. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 54. In 1812 the province had 22 towns—12 of Indians and 10 of white and black men—besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 1821 was 160 by 60 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the villas, San JosÉ de UjarrÁz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa; the villages, EspÍritu Santo, Pueblo Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela, Bagasses, Las CaÑas, Barba, San Fernando, and the Indian towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there would be 27 towns. The population was computed at between 60,000 and 70,000, besides the three nations of heathen Indians in the mountains and northern coasts, and known respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte, and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 404-5. In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the Spanish cÓrtes petitioned for a bishopric; but at the time of the separation the matter had not been acted on. Mendez, Mem., 7.

[III-21] Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la Merced, Fray Luis GarcÍa, were selected for Comayagua; the prelate of the Franciscans, Fray JosÉ Antonio Taboada, for Leon; the prebendado JosÉ MarÍa Castilla, Pedro Molina, and JosÉ Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 37-9.

[III-22] Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and other rewards for their services in harnessing their country to Mexico's imperial car. El Progreso, Apr. 11, 1850. The organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas of the republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to them was large, and to be found in the officials, the higher classes, and indeed all sensible persons, who well knew how small was the number of the educated among them. It claimed that the journals published in Guatemala expressed the views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming thinner every day. That same organ had given to the public certain letters from the ayuntamiento of Comitan, in Chiapas, objecting to the 2d art. of the Guatemalan acta of Sept. 15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to sustain a separate government, which had been evident since the yearly allowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which, they said, the safety of Mexico might be imperilled should Spain at some future time recover possession of Cent. Am., which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and vindicate her authority over the former. MÉx., Gaceta Imp., i., Nov. 24 and Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2.

[III-23] Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by JosÉ de OÑate.

[III-24] 'Guatemala no debia quedar independiente de MÉjico, sino formar ... un gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala, y tratados de CÓrdoba: que Guatemala se hallaba todavÍa impotente para gobernarse por sÍ misma, y que podrÍa ser por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure of Iturbide's aid, grew bolder in their plotting. Squier's Trav., ii. 378; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 35-9. Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of Nov., to write very courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who was well connected and had addressed a communication to the liberator. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 28; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 20-2, 35-9.

[III-25] The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a public sitting Iturbide's letter, and express their opinion upon each point embraced in his proposal. Their answers as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to await the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or before the 31st of Dec., 1821. PetÉn-ItzÁ, Manif. de la Just., 2. This circular was drawn up by Valle. The elections for members of the congress that had been called to meet in February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by municipal agents in the presence of a notary public, and duly registered. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 10-11; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 475-6.

[III-26] The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was demanded by Pedro Arroyave, sÍndico of the ayuntamiento. Gainza was suspected of inciting certain imperialists to prefer charges against these parties.

[III-27] A number of republicans, when acclaiming their principles near San JosÉ church, were fired upon by an armed force patrolling the town with the alcalde Mariano Larrave, and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Remigio Maida. Several were wounded; some arrests were made. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 41-2, 47; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., app., i. 342; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 157.

[III-28] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i., ap. v.; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 474.

[III-29] His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent events proved it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala, have since contradicted his assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained nothing by the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist as an independent nation. He added that the provinces viewed with dislike the course of the aristocrats at the capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the advantage of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost inaccessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would have it, regardless of consequences. Ensayo Hist. Revol. Mex., i. 186-7.

[III-30] See Hist. Mex., iv. 710, 728-9, this series.

[III-31] The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that its duty was to annex the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le indicÓ en oficio de tres del corriente.' Other reasons were given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose, which had been in danger of a rupture. The names affixed to the manifesto are: Gavino Gainza, MarquÉs de Aycinena, Miguel de Larreinaga, JosÉ del Valle, Mariano de Beltranena, Miguel Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, JosÉ Mariano Calderon, JosÉ Antonio Alvarado, Angel Ma. Candina, Eusebio Castillo, JosÉ ValdÉs; JosÉ Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez, secretaries. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 14-16; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i., ap. iv.-vi.; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 18-23, 40-2; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8-9, 11; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 476; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 386-7; LastarrÍa, in La AmÉrica, 249; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 13, 1875, 4, and March 28, 1876, 603; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 218; Squier's Trav., i. 383: Kewen's Nic. and Walker, MS., 33-6; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 103-6.

[III-32] 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la independencia, van Á substituirse Á los partidos ominosos ... neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario y de los movimientos populares.' Gainza, Manifiesto, Gaceta Gob. Guadal., 1822, March 2, 302-4; MÉx., Gaceta Imp., ii. 657-9; Kewen, Nic. and Walker, MS., 30-6.

[III-33] He now gives himself a long list of titles, viz.: knight of justice of the sacred religion of St John of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of the independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda nacional; her captain-general; inspector-general of all her arms; superior political chief, intendent-general, and president of the junta provisional consultiva. MÉx., Gaceta Imp., i. 557-9; Gaceta Gob. Guadal., March 2, 1822, 304.

[III-34] Only two months earlier the diputaciones of Comayagua and Leon were told that neither the junta consultiva nor any other body then existing had any such power.

[III-35] It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the people, that a formidable force was on the way—5,000 men—which Central America in its present divided condition could not resist; hence the premature submission with an apparent good grace. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 10-11.

[III-36] Gaceta Imp., i. 162-3. According to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29, the party in favor of absolute independence in Guatemala sustained itself till a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the absorption was effected. The force had not arrived, but was certainly expected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells us that the people of Cent. Am. were mostly very enthusiastic for Iturbide, and at the same time anxious to rid themselves of the liberal party, whose members he calls an unbridled set of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid them. Porvenir de MÉx., 252.

[III-37] Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he resigned it on account of sickness. Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 474-8; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 387-8; Filisola Á la Junta Soberana, note 3.

[III-38] Squier, Guat., 580-1, has it 700.

[III-39] The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Id., EfemÉrides, 5.

[III-40] Among them were JosÉ del Valle, Juan de Dios Mayorga, and Marcial ZebadÚa. Zavala, Ensayo Hist. Rev. Mex., i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says that Mayorga had a secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican government. Hist. MÉj., 387.

[III-41] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12. The province was ruled by a junta gubernativa, one of whose members was Antonio JosÉ CaÑas, one of the most distinguished among Cent. Americans. He soon after became the second in command of the 'batallon fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 13 and 19, 1875.

[III-42] Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate, a town which hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala proper, and afterward became a part of Salvador.

[III-43] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13.

[III-44] The rest of the province had accepted that arrangement. Gov. Tinoco had made himself master of Omoa, but a revolution released it from his grasp. His authority over Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. Id., 7-9.

[III-45] The inhabitants were influenced to that course by Canon NicolÁs Irias and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent Tinoco to Mexico to report the state of affairs in Honduras. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 37.

[III-46] There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence between Saravia and Gainza. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14.

[III-47] This man was of the lowest class; had been a common servant, and afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined in a dungeon at Trujillo, from which he escaped. When he began to figure in politics his wit made him popular with the citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of medicine, and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however, given to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle. He was twice married, but left no children. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 73-4.

[III-48] OrdoÑez had Sacasa and others confined in irons in Fort San CÁrlos. Public opinion accused him of being the most active instigator of hatred between the white and other races. Id., 74; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 19, 1875.

[IV-1] His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or before the 5th of April. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12.

[IV-2] They claimed that their declaration of independence did not imply hostility to Guatemala, and in support of it expressed a willingness to furnish hostages. Their representations were of no effect, however; 'habia empeÑo en sojuzgar Á San Salvador, y Á este interÉs se sacrificaba todo.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 51.

[IV-3] Against Filisola's expressed wishes. That general was then in Chiapas, and had forbidden all military operations till his arrival. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 13; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 478; Filisola Á la Junta Soberana, note 6.

[IV-4] He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to the west, from which quarter, owing to the roughness of the ground, no attack had been expected.

[IV-5] The casualties were not heavy on either side. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13.

[IV-6] It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this occasion that Salvador subsequently based her claim to a prominent place in the councils held upon Cent. American affairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended superiority.

[IV-7] To answer charges preferred against him. Id., 15; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 53, followed by Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 478. Cuevas, Porvenir de Mex., 253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his own accord. At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen. of the imperial army, and an aide-de-camp of Iturbide's.

[IV-8] His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire to be guided only by the best interests of the country. MÉx., Gaceta Imp., 1822, 657-9.

[IV-9] Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that purpose to Mexico in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel and Santa Ana being permitted to recognize the government at Guatemala till an understanding should be arrived at in Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms seized by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests of the two provinces, and to rules to be observed before renewing hostilities. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 56-7.

[IV-10] Oct. 31, 1822. See Hist. Mex., v., this series.

[IV-11] Filisola Á la Junta Soberana, notes 9, 10.

[IV-12] His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from Guatemala, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras.

[IV-13] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 60-1; Molina, Costa Rica, 93; Squier's Travels, ii. 383. The decree never went into effect, however.

[IV-14] The principal conditions were: establishment in Mexico of a representative government; Salvador's absolute independence from Guatemala; participation of her delegates in framing the national constitution; continuation in office of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see. For less important terms demanded on that occasion, see also Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 16-17; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 62.

[IV-15] It seems that he again asked for instructions from the emperor, who peremptorily directed him not to lose more time in negotiations. 'V. S. no es mas que un soldado que debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y tratar Á los cabecillas como perturbadores del Órden.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address to the junta soberana of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10.

[IV-16] Squier, in his Travels, ii. 383-4, rather emphatically comments on this 'step expressive of sympathies and sentiments which still exist.'

[IV-17] 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the U. S., he continued his operations.'

[IV-18] Feb. 7, 1823. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 17-18.

[IV-19] Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit the country, and even furnished them money to leave. To the poor soldiers he afforded every facility to reach their homes.

[IV-20] It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and constancy of the sons of this little province, Central America owed to a great extent its existence as a sovereign commonwealth. Zavala, Rev. N. Esp., i. 142. See also Alaman, Hist. MÉj., v. 476; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 387; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12.

[IV-21] Col Felipe Codallos was appointed governor of the province.

[IV-22] Tinoco had gone to Mexico.

[IV-23] Hist. Mex., v., this series.

[IV-24] Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some attributed it to a conviction that Cent. Am. could not be held as a province dependent from a republic, which was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 73, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 19, claim that it was the unavoidable result of the situation, which is not exactly true. With the force at his command, he might have maintained supremacy for a considerable time at least. Filisola himself said that his object had been to avert civil war. In his address of July 24, 1823, to the junta of Guatemala, he assured that body that his recognition of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the supreme executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the 18th of June. Filisola Á la Junta Soberana de Guat., 1-8; Id., El Ciudadano, 16-17.

[IV-25] Among others, that of seizing, without any legal formality, the Spanish vessel Sinacam, whose cargo he sold to procure provisions and other supplies for his garrison. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 75; Ayon, Apuntes, 22-3.

[IV-26] It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823. Marure, Efem., 6.

[IV-27] On the 15th of April. Marure, Efem., 6.

[IV-28] Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the capital, though only for a short time. Molina, Costa Rica, 94; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 12.

[IV-29] According to Marure, EfemÉrides, 6, reserving the liberty of recognizing anew Iturbide as the legitimate emperor, should he be again restored to the imperial throne.

[IV-30] Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress complained of outrages committed by Filisola's soldiers, to which his attention was called to correct them by the executive of that republic.

[IV-31] Cuevas, Porvenir de MÉx., 254-6, laments it, considering it an act injurious to Cent. America's best interests.

[IV-32] The imperialists 'se limitaron Á oponerles algunas maniobras sordas, no teniendo Ánimo de disputarlas Á cara descubierta.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 82-3. The independents 'contrajeron sus planes Á ganar las elecciones, y Á hacer odiosas las tropas mejicanas, procurando Á toda costa, y por todos los medios posibles, hacerlas evacuar la repÚblica.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20.

[IV-33] The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed upon, but some preliminary work not having been completed in time, the installation was necessarily delayed. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83.

[IV-34] Chiapas was not represented, that province having continued detached from Cent. Am.

[IV-35] It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the Mexican troops taking part with the native ones in paying honors to the national representatives. Till the organization of an executive, the first decrees were addressed to Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20. That body, the first as well as the most numerous, was at the same time the most enlightened that the republic ever had. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83; Id., Efem., 7; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 16-24.

[IV-36] The full text with the names of the delegates present appears in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xiii.-xviii.; and Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., i. 19-23. Its principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces ... are free and independent from old Spain, from Mexico, and every other power, alike of the old and the new world, y que no son ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia alguna.' Translations into other languages may be seen in Revue AmÉricaine, i. 377-97; Democratic Rev., i. 486-7. The act was drawn up by the deputy JosÉ Francisco CÓrdoba, who was a member of the committee to whom the matter had been referred. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 21.

[IV-37] Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 24-32.

[IV-38] Aug. 20, 1824. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 713; Alaman, Mem. Á las CÁm., 9.

[IV-39] Decree of July 15, 1823. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 32-3.

[IV-40] The party was mainly composed of members of the so-called noble families, Spaniards, civil and military officers, the clergy, and the most ignorant class of the population. It was therefore the most numerous. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 259.

[IV-41] As he was then in the United States, the canon Antonio de LarrazÁbal was to be his substitute during his absence. LarrazÁbal having declined the position, it was given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 164-70; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 88; Id., Efem., 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 22.

[IV-42] The moderados wanted JosÉ Dionisio Herrera of Honduras, in the triumvirate, to avoid the undue influence Salvador would exercise, having two of her citizens in the executive, and because they considered Herrera intellectually superior to Villacorta. No one thought of JosÉ del Valle, who was then in Mexico. Cuevas, Porvenir de Mex., 256-7, erroneously states that the supreme authority was offered Filisola and he declined it. He declined the office of jefe polÍtico of Guatemala.

[IV-43] Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became known that Guatemalans disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts to bring the soldiers into discredit. Filisola certainly strove to maintain order and discipline. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 89-93; Filisola, El Ciudadano, 22-8.

[IV-44] JosÉ Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention is made in this history, severely attacked Filisola's course in a pamphlet, which was replied to in a small book entitled El Ciudadano ... Vicente Filisola Á JosÉ Francisco Barrundia, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself, employing strong invective against his accuser, charging him with hypocrisy and cowardice. The book gives some historical data, but owing to its bitterness, must be received with caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent soldier of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war of the U. S. and Mexico in 1846-8.

[IV-45] Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 877-8.

[IV-46] Practically, the word 'don' never fell into disuse. The manner of ending official letters was changed from the former 'Dios guarde Á ... muchos aÑos,' to 'Dios, Union, Libertad.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 94; Id., Efem., 7.

[IV-47] Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov. 5, 1823. Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., i. 162; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 54-5.

[IV-48] Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 33-8, 461-3; MÉx., Col. Dec. Sob. Cong., 219.

[IV-49] Even the statistics that might have served as a basis for establishing imposts were not to be found. It was said that they had all been forwarded to Mexico during the imperial rule.

[IV-50] He was offended at not being appointed commanding officer of the battalion.

[IV-51] The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 23-7, accused the government of allowing the conspiracy to assume serious proportions with the view of obtaining larger powers, including that of levying forced loans.

[IV-52] The 14th and 15th had been designated to commemorate the independence.

[IV-53] A number of persons were killed and others wounded in the street fight. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those who perished in defence of the assembly were declared 'benemÉritos de la patria en grado herÓico.' Id., Efem., 8.

[IV-54] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 104, gives the almost incredible account that the soldiery behaved in an orderly manner.

[IV-55] His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel Estrada, was imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of Ariza's revolt is given by Puydt and Binckum, Colonisation, 118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it was effected by order of the government in Spain.

[IV-56] It found support among some of the deputies who had not been present at the election of the members of the executive. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 25.

[IV-57] The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed the law which admitted only natives to the executive power, passed July 8th, when Filisola had been proposed as a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to the republic were made eligible. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 107.

[IV-58] Villacorta at first declined the position, on the ground that to exercise, as a mere substitute, the functions he had just been discharging as proprietary in the office, affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A unanimous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him to fill the office, induced him to accept it. Id., 107-8. It has been said of him for his final acceptance: 'Tuvo la falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 26.

[IV-59] The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from his government not to go back till he became convinced that the assembly could continue its labors without hindrance in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he had been prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at the last elections for executive, not to heed the command to retire. In consequence of the events of Sept. 14th in Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Salvador on the 27th of Oct. assumed the powers of a junta gubernativa, and exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was installed. Marure, Efem., 8.

[IV-60] 'No sin algunos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles de parte de los salvadoreÑos.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27.

[IV-61] They had been reported to the chamber by its committee on the 25th of Oct. Marure, Efem., 8.

[IV-62] The states had already constituted their governments by Sept. 1824. Chiapas was not included among the new states. Her admission was left open for such a time as she should apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that the province had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 96-7; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 120-1, 149; La Tribuna, ii., no. 2.

[IV-63] Marure, Efem., 12, gives the date as April 10th.

[IV-64] Cent. Am., Informe sobre la Constituc., 1-73, and 1-30. This constitution has been called 'el bello ideal de copiantes y teoristas que soÑaron un pueblo para constituirlo, y que no conocian el paÍs en que nacieron.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 36.

[IV-65] The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La Antigua as the meeting place of the local congress; but the latter at its first sittings selected for future times the capital. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 179.

[IV-66] Such as to determine the military and financial budgets, superintend the education of the people, declare war and conclude peace, and regulate the financial and commercial interests of the country. Its members were to be elected at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. Id., 174-5. There were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for Salvador, five for Honduras, six for Nicaragua, and two for Costa Rica. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 164, says Honduras had six representatives.

[IV-67] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. Molina, Costa Rica, 19, criticises this organization as follows: 'Se estableciÓ un senado nulo, un Ejecutivo impotente y un congreso absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and thus make the constitution only an imperfect copy of that which had originally served as a model.

[IV-68] Part of the constitution is given in Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., i. 37-9; on the following pages will be found such clauses of the old Spanish constitution as were retained under the new system. See also Peralta, Costa R., 5; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13-5.

[IV-69] 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos extranjeros pasen Á nuestros Estados, por recobrar su libertad.' Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., i. 212-13; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 217-9; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 133-5; Id., Efem., 10.

[IV-70] Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be indemnified. We are assured that no one ever applied for such indemnification.

[IV-71] In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the world's high morality, on one occasion claimed the return of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and supported the demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the ground that under her constitution there were no slaves in the country. Crowe's Gospel, 121-2; Squier's Travels, ii. 385-6; Revue AmÉricaine, ii. 550; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus emancipated was about 1,000.

[IV-72] 'Una confederacion general que representase unida Á la gran familia americana.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 138.

[IV-73] Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., whose agent was J. Bailey. Thompson's Guat., 266; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 143.

[IV-74] One of the conditions was that the republic should not contract for another loan within two years. It was estimated that the debt could be paid in 20 years. Asamblea Nac., Decreto, Dec. 6, 1824, in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 144. That expectation was not realized. Details will appear in connection with the finances of the republic, elsewhere in this volume.

[IV-75] The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of orders 1186. El Indicador de Guat., 1825, no. 16.

[V-1] He is represented as an able man, who had formerly favored the union with Mexico, but afterward joined the liberal party, becoming one of its most prominent members. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 39-41, 46, while acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de poca delicadeza ... de un carÁcter falso, y afectando una franqueza y una moderacion que no le es propia.'

[V-2] The delegates of the different states were in the following proportion: Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. The total number being 40, and not 34 as Squier erroneously has it. Travels, ii. 388.

[V-3] Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services, and his sufferings in the cause of independence. Valle had the support of those who objected to Salvadoran predominance. Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, and had property there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he would be more in sympathy with that state and the so-called serviles. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 150; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 28-9.

[V-4] The total number of votes for the whole republic was 82, but three had been rejected by congress for various reasons. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 210-11; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 40-1.

[V-5] Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order to be independent of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs. This was the chief question at issue. Arce promised to leave its decision to the next congress. Arce, Mem., 3. Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress defrauded him of his election. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 268.

[V-6] Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to accept the office, and likewise declined it. Valle protested against Arce's election as illegal, in several writings, apparently to little purpose. El Indicador, 1825, no. 26 et seq.; El Liberal, 1825, no. 7, 8; Nulidad de la prim. elec., passim; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 212-13; Id., Efem., 13.

[V-7] Arce, Mem., 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the numerous misprints in his work, the date given in the text is probably more correct. It is the one supported by Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 213; Squier's Travels, ii. 388; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 164. Its first president was TomÁs Antonio O'Horan. This court superseded the audiencia founded in 1544 at Gracias Á Dios, and transferred in 1549 to Guatemala. Marure, Efem., 14.

[V-8] It was for a defensive and offensive alliance and equal privileges of trade. It was ratified by the Cent. Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given in Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., i. 95-9; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xxxviii.-xlvii. See also Ayon, Consid. LÍm., 28-9; Gaceta de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854.

[V-9] It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both republics should enjoy all the rights granted by one or the other to the most favored nation. The same rights for political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free exercise of religion being included. All clauses of a commercial character were to be in force 12 years; the others perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by the citizens of either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger republic on the 28th of June, 1826. The text in both English and Spanish may be seen in U. S. Govt Doc., U. S. Acts, Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; Am. St. Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Gordon's Digest of Laws, 328-35; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xlvii.-lxv.

[V-10] Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in Repertorio Am., i. 274-9; Santangelo, Congreso PanamÁ, 73-5.

[V-11] Their newspapers, El Liberal and Don Meliton, charged him with partiality and incapacity. The latter, for its satire and ridicule, was the more formidable foe, as Arce himself acknowledges. Mem., 5.

[V-12] The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he was not under Arce's authority, but under that of the state, then residing at La Antigua. Congress empowered the executive to compel the local authorities to attend the celebration, and it was done. Arce, Mem., 8.

[V-13] The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that of orders submitted to the executive 308. For more details, see El Centro Americano, 1826, 38.

[V-14] One half of the representatives of every state had to retire, according to the constitution.

[V-15] He had at first declined the connection, but afterward accepted it 'para dar rienda suelta Á sus resentimientos y pasiones contra el presidente Arce.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 48.

[V-16] Text in Repertorio Am., i. 273-89.

[V-17] He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro Molina, who was representing Cent. Am. at BogotÁ, and had a high opinion of him, as he had served under Napoleon. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 230.

[V-18] After he completed that work he was ordered to remain on the coast till further orders from the government. The congress tried in vain to prevent it.

[V-19] The reasons adduced by him in his Mem., 22-4, and comments on the same in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 236-7.

[V-20] 'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que Á los diputados ministeriales convenia paralizar algun golpe contra el ejecutivo.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 51.

[V-21] The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a long argument, June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result of the unlawful conduct of the majority of congress. Doc., in Arce, Mem., 10-17.

[V-22] Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing him to some extent under civil authority; suppressing the subventions of curates, and abolishing certain privileges the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced, and persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take monastic vows. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 244-5.

[V-23] The full text of the resignation is given in Arce, Mem., 25-7.

[V-24] 'PondrÁ sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea necesaria.... En caso de resistencia repelerÁ la fuerza con la fuerza.' Id., 32.

[V-25] On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such contingent, and even more, and the other states had arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was accused, not without foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.

[V-26] On September 3, 1826; the document merely stipulates a temporary suspension of hostilities, without further entering into the question. Arce, Mem., 39. It has been asserted that EspÍnola held a favorable position, and adds: 'A pesar de esto, capitulÓ vergonzosamente'—a charge without much foundation, in view of the numerical superiority of the Guatemalan forces. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 52-3.

[V-27] Arce, Mem., 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his deliberations, and doubts whether it would or not be just, and consistent with his duties, to imprison Barrundia, all of which is at least doubtful.

[V-28] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53. Crowe's Gospel, 127, and Squier's Travels, ii. 395, confound the jefe with his brother JosÉ Francisco. The orders were, 'Que en el caso de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y ocupacion de las armas.' Arce, Mem., 41-2.

[V-29] This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on the part of Vera, a Mexican commanding the state forces, who subsequently entered the federal service. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 254-5.

[V-30] Doc., in Arce, Mem., 26.

[V-31] It is a long doc., giving details, and dwelling specially on the part Raoul had played. Id., 27-31.

[V-32] Comments and details on the subject in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 255-8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4.

[V-33] 'Este desenlace hizo ridÍculo todo lo que antes habia parecido un golpe maestro.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 54.

[V-34] To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his supporters to assume their positions in the chamber, but there is little doubt of its being mere sham. It has been intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might lead to civil war.

[V-35] Still declaring its allegiance to the federation. Gaz. de MÉx., Jan. 25. 1827; Arce, Mem., 51.

[V-36] The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members chosen to the 2d congress, and impending civil war, were among the reasons assigned for his action. The elections were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 30,000 inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the place of meeting. This measure was at first well received by the states, but afterward rejected in consequence of a decree of the Salvador government on the 6th of Dec., inviting the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuachapan. Marure, Efem., 17; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 56.

[V-37] Oct. 11, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 273; Corres. Fed. Mex., Nov. 27, 1826.

[V-38] He sought refuge in the parish church, but was pursued by the crowd. His only safety lay in the pulpit, the remonstrances of the religious, and the presence of the host. The religious succeeded at times in calming the rabble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile. But Antonio Corzo, who was in the court-yard with a few poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon the mob, which became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from the pulpit, took him out of the temple, 'y le inmolaron en un claustro bÁrbara y horrorosamente.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8. Squier's Travels, ii. 396, has it that the Indians had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar from the pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very foot of the altar, literally rending his body in pieces; the apparent cause of this vindictiveness of the priests being that in the general levy of taxes for the state the property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was the movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their allies, the priests.' Ex-president Morazan, referring to that catastrophe, uses these words: 'Puesto en manos de un feroz populacho, instigado por las funestas ideas que le inculcaron sus sacerdotes, pereciÓ al piÉ de las imÁgenes de los santos, Á la vista de sus inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la eucaristÍa, que estos cubrieran.' Apuntes, MS., 4. Flores had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially to the Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines, and other necessaries. The state assembly, after being restored in 1829, decreed honors to his memory, and ordered placed in its hall of sessions an inscription in letters of gold, as follows: 'Al inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo Flores, mÁrtir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango, en las aras de la ley.' In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores was given in his honor to the head town of the district of Peten. Marure, Efem., 17, 28.

[V-39] The liberals looked upon it as the result of an arrangement of Arce and his partisans; the latter declared it to have resulted from an accident, or rather from violent acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as forcibly taking horses in the night from private houses and the Franciscan convent. Marure states that he thoroughly examined every document bearing on the subject, and found no evidence against Arce or his party. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 275-85. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 58, acquits Arce, attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement. See also Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 15; Crowe's Gospel, 127-8; Pineda, in Guat., Recop. Leyes, iii. 348; Corres. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 1826; Doc., in Arce, Mem., 32-3.

[V-40] There was an effort toward reconciliation, the liberals offering to make concessions, and Arce favoring their proposals; but the serviles haughtily refused.

[V-41] Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical bull, which, under Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to Guatemala by the archbishop, a step that Delgado supposed to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a lack of interest on his part for San Salvador. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 60. Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party intrigues. Mem., 60. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 165, assigns disputes about the erection of the bishopric as the cause of the rupture.

[V-42] Arce, Mem., 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when his own had been just as illegal.

[V-43] Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force, captured Comayagua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested the jefe of the state, Herrera. The whole was a wanton proceeding. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 6-9.

[V-44] The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain his illegal proceeding. Doc., in Arce, Mem., 45-6.

[V-45] Detailed accounts, with copies of the official exaggerated reports, are given in Gaz. de MÉx., Apr. 26 till May 1 and May 22, 1827; Marure, Efem., 19; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on the subject, March 28, 1827. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 250.

[V-46] Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved the retaliatory plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it, though willing to abide by Arce's decision.

[V-47] Both districts had seceded from the state government of Salvador, attaching themselves to the federal cause.

[V-48] He committed the error of entertaining peace proposals, which were made only to gain time. He endeavored to explain it away on the plea of Cent. Am. brotherhood: 'Puedo yo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano? No es posible.' Arce, Mem., 69. On the same and following pages is a detailed account of the action, carefully worded and extolling the bravery of his Guatemalan soldiers. The official reports are in El Sol, Mex., July 3, 1827; Marure, Efem., 19.

[V-49] The government of Salvador had in May made peace proposals, but the federal authorities rejected them. Docs., in Arce, Mem., 47-57.

[V-50] It was decided in secret session of the state assembly on the 16th of Oct. that the state had a right to intervene, and if it was ignored, and treaties displeasing to the state were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they then held. Arce's letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. CÁscaras, in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 22.

[V-51] It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have seen ere this the great difficulty of conquering San Salvador with his small force, and that to continue longer in the field would only bring him into further disrepute.

[V-52] Ex-marquÉs de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of Guatemala, called the decree impolitic, illegal, and arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would restore the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority against them in both houses, they might have to resort to the dangerous expedient of driving away the senators and deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridiculous in them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily deposed Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It was arbitrary to keep the nation without a congress, which was their work. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 9, 23.

[V-53] Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named Soumaestra. Rafael Merino was made commander-in-chief. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 75; Arce, Mem., 77.

[V-54] Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which had control of Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and Salvadorans under Lieut-col Remigio Diaz. Marure, Efem., 20.

[V-55] It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place faith on pledges so often violated; evidently given to gain time.

[V-56] This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and Guatemalans.

[V-57] This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador, and next Guatemala, where Arce encountered more and more opposition to his plans. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 81-2.

[V-58] The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to meet at Jutiapa. Those of the general government went there and waited several days; no Salvadorans appeared.

[V-59] The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb. Marure, Efem., 20; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 83-5. Aycinena wrote his cousin Antonio, who was in the theatre of war, that in order to hinder all peace arrangements, measures would be resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The mutiny against Perks was evidently one of these measures.

[V-60] He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador to enter into negotiations as long as he remained at the head of affairs. Arce, Mem., 84-7. The real cause, however, was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demanding his resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course of the assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the expiation of Arce's political sins had arrived. According to his own statement, he retired to his plantations at Santa Ana.

[V-61] This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9, and opened the third campaign between Guatemala and Salvador. Marure, Efem., 21.

[V-62] Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire, and their commander had received a serious contusion. This fight has been since known as the 'ataque del viÉrnes santo,' having taken place on good-friday, March 12, 1828. Id., 21.

[V-63] April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the Salvadorans were defeated. With that victory, and another at Guascoran on the 25th of the same month, the whole department of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the federal government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the house of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal government and MatÍas Delgado for Salvador, by which the former was to be recognized by the latter, a general diet was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San Salvador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the arrangement, and the war continued with more fury than ever. Details on those preliminaries are given in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 100-1. July 6th, battle of Gualcho, on the banks of the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hondurans and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto victorious, were utterly defeated. Marure, Efem., 21-2; El EspÍritu PÚb., Jan. 18, 1829.

[V-64] ArzÚ had abandoned them to their fate. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 47-51.

[V-65] Morazan, Apuntes, MS.; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal forces their third invasion of Salvador territory. The actions of Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan figured as a general. Morazan will stand in history in many respects as the best, and in all as the ablest, man that Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his father being a French creole from the W. I., and his mother of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education was such as he could obtain in the country at that time; but his quickness of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon placed him far above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament, and possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance. His bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and open. These qualities could not fail to and did secure him the love and respect of his fellow-citizens, giving him an immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already occupying the position of secretary-general of Honduras, and later was senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but his temperament soon made him turn his attention to martial affairs. He ever after was noted as a republican of very liberal views. Squier's Travels, ii. 400; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 170-1; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 17. The writer of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 92, says that Morazan had been at one time a clerk in a notary's office at Comayagua, where he 'habia dado Á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco honrosas, para la imitacion de letras Ó firmas.' It has been said that Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing federal government at the instigation of Pedro Molina. Gaceta de S. Salv., Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait of Morazan is given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 72.

[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his services to Salvador, and was slighted, Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 97-8, which finds confirmation in Arce's own statement. Mem., 88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, Travels, ii. 402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala in 1829.

[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the powers of the state, with the vain purpose of removing one of the obstacles to the termination of the war. Marure, Efem., 22.

[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans on condition that the federal government should be fully restored. El EspÍritu PÚb., Feb. 14, 1829.

[V-69] He established his general headquarters in Ahuachapan, whence raids were constantly made into the enemy's territory.

[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened the action of Morazan with his allied Salvador and Honduras force.

[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan does not even mention it in his memoirs. Marure, Efem., 23; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 61.

[V-72] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 123; Marure, Efem., 23, gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 14, says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda acreditÓ en esta derrota su ineptitud y cobardÍa y el enemigo su crueldad con el asesinato de los vencidos.' After that the town was given the title of Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed its original name. This defeat was exaggerated in San Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were hastily made.

[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for during his stay there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango, that should have been followed by another from Guatemala, and destroyed between the latter and the few forces that Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone and taken prisoner. Morazan's force occupied Los Altos, took many prisoners, levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get from the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 124; Morazan's Memoirs, quoted in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 63.

[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 15. The place received, for that reason, the name of San Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul, now a general under Morazan, figures prominently in the military operations at this time.

[V-75] On the 15th of March. Marure, Efem., 23; Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 15; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 62-3.

[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was commanded by their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col Pacheco, as supposed by some. The federals had no general now. CÁscaras had lost his reputation, and was distrusted by the serviles. ArzÚ would not take the command, or was not trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena, Pacheco, and Prado. Id., 63-4.

[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and Morazan for Honduras and Nicaragua. The last propositions of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, namely: 1st. That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala, composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Prado, and Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced to 1,000 men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts; 3d. That the provisional government should be installed in Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force to give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A general forgetfulness of the past. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 5, 16; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 65. It is claimed, on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal vice-president and the chief of the state of Guatemala to throw up their offices, the legislative assembly and representative council to cease exercising their functions; and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and until new elections took place, Morazan was to be clothed with executive, representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext of restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a dictatorship, emanating from a war treaty, would have been created, whose sole object was to reward the victor with an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal and Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented counter-propositions of a different nature, namely, to the effect that the existing high functionaries should resign their powers, and a provisional government be established, with one representative from each state, to govern till new elections and the restoration of the constitutional rÉgime. There were also propositions respecting the government of the state of Guatemala. Full details in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at the request of that of Guatemala, tendered its mediation on the 20th of February, but it arrived too late, and there was nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full correspondence is to be found in MÉx., Mem. Rel., 1830, 2-3; also in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 407-14; this authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been finally successful in restoring peace but for the opposition of the new chief of Guatemala.

[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's forces appears in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 132-3. Marure, Efem., 24, in referring to the capture of Guatemala, makes no mention of any such abuses.

[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena, not recognizing the latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan Barrundia's term not having expired when Arce deposed him, in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position. The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them. Aycinena had changed his tone; he was no longer the man of the manifestoes of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of the stringent military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not now call his opponents 'un puÑado de enemigos del Órden, descamisados y forajidos.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 72-5, 79-86.

[V-80] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 18, erroneously places the surrender on the 20th. The terms of the capitulation are given in Arce, Mem., 98-4; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants were guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to the good-will of the victor. JosÉ Milla y Vidaurre, in his biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco Pavon, who figured in these events, claims that the capitulation was contrary to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot by foot. MontÚfar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding that it was advanced solely to make the chief of the serviles and head man of the nobles appear as a hero, and refers to the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite anxious to accept the guarantee of life and property.

[V-81] According to Miguel GarcÍa Granados, who in later years was a liberal leader and acting president of Guatemala, Arce had remained unmolested at his house in sight of the besiegers during the three days' attack. Id., 103.

[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from the governments of the states. So says Morazan himself, adding that the measure was in consonance with his own views, to reduce the number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar Á los principales jefes que habian llevado la guerra Á los Estados.' Apuntes, MS., 16-17.

[V-83] He took charge of the provisional government at the end of April. Mariano Zenteno, who had held the position ad int., was given a vote of thanks for his patriotism and courage. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 127.

[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their soldiers only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as demanded from them. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 236-9. Morazan says that soldiers were allowed to leave the city with their arms, infringing the 4th clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive answers. Apuntes, MS., 17; Arce, Mem., 58-9, 98-103, from which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges against the federal party were not unfounded. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself said: 'No one was put to death, or had money exacted from him by me. The capitulation was faithfully carried out, even after being annulled. Duty gave way to magnanimity, and there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand. Among many other victims sacrificed, there were, calling for vengeance, generals Pierzon and Merino, the one shot, without even the form of a trial, the other taken out of a Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil, his country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There were, besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just reparation.' Apuntes, MS., 10, 17.

[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of them mistaking the object of the summons made their appearance in full uniform. When all were assembled they were taken to prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when most of them were sent out of the country. Marure, Efem., 24.

[V-86] Marure, Efem., 24.

[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the services of Morazan, to whom was due its reinstallation. He was voted a gold medal, with the word 'benemÉrito' before his name. A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 129; Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores Á la pena capital.' Arce, Mem., 108; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 151; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 130.

[V-89] The text is given in full in Id., 131-4; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 253-7; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 254-6.

[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos Á la jurisdiccion militar de los mismos Estados.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 134-5.

[V-91] Crowe, Gospel Cent. Am., 131, erroneously asserts that all their property was confiscated.

[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest. He afterward boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The very fact that he dared to send such a document, and did not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not a tyrant. Arce, Mem., 113-14. Antonio JosÉ Irisarri, Manuel and Juan MontÚfar, protested before the assembly and government of Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the republics of America, and before all the free people of the world. The document was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier, though a colonel of militia; the language was pure and elegant, but it was virulent and full of sophistry. Irisarri also in several publications boasted of his courage in having sent such a document. He must have known that it would not have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man. The effect would have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom the serviles at a later period made their master, as well as of the whole country. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 135-6.

[V-93] Marure has it in Efem., 25; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 137-9.

[V-94] Portrait in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 138.

[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July 9th. Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-96] Arce, Mem., 122-3, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 167-9, assert that they were not even allowed to make preparations for the journey, and many had furthermore to start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however, issued till August 22d, and JosÉ del Valle is said to have been its author. The persons thus exiled for life were Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, Aycinena and his secretaries, CÁscaras, Villar, and other high military officers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping governments, and many other prominent officers. Others were expatriated for various terms of years. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 144-50; Marure, Efem., 26. Arce and Aycinena left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to reside in the U. S. of Am.; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and thence went to New Orleans.

[V-97] Dunlop, Cent. Am., 177, and Squier, Travels, ii. 408, speak of plots against the republic as the reason, but it was probably what the liberal party alleged.

[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by the federal congress. Marure, Efem., 25; Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., ii. 373. The friars sent away were the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not banished; they were but few, and had not been active against the liberal cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted their time to teaching and to the care of convalescents, were also allowed to remain. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage vilely treated, for they were allowed only sailors' rations. MontÚfar confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars had the succulent viands that were usually prepared for them in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they were so often favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters of confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with every comfort. Juan B. Asturias, who made the inventory of his property, reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey, and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so much. ReseÑa Hist., i. 156-7.

[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been said that it was because he accepted a pension of $3,000 from the Spanish government at Habana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June, 1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights, and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly invited to return, but never would do so. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 242-3.

[V-100] This declaration was subsequently confirmed by all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27, 1834—a further step was taken to consummate the suppression of monastic establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where they professed. These measures continued in force till June 21, 1839, when the second constituent assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reËstablishment of the suppressed convents. Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug., 1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 172-4, giving also a portrait of Molina.

[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in the federal congress would be greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best public buildings in the city would become national property. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 200.

[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the entire union was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most prominent being Morazan. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 201-3, dwells extensively and comments on the subject.

[V-104] Full particulars in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 205-17.

[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla, commanding the Colombian district of the Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the government and Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the coast.

[V-106] See my Hist. Mex., v. 72-6.

[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish property was sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico, the law was revoked. But property already sold was declared to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized Central American independence. The texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 182-7.

Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Centro AmÉrica. Por un Guatemalteco. Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these memoirs was attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of that country, Lorenzo MontÚfar, to Manuel MontÚfar, who had been chief of staff of the first president of the republic, Manuel JosÉ Arce. The work begins with the geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country, accompanied with data on each of the states and territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, together with some remarks on mining and other industries, military defences, and financial condition. The political portion, as the author himself acknowledges, is loosely put together, and lacks many necessary details, which he attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; nevertheless there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in describing the events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party, in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts he, like many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of that party on the field of battle.

Manuel JosÉ Arce, Memoria de la Conducta PÚblica y Administrativa de ... durante el perÍodo de su presidencia. Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This work purports to be a defence of his administration by the first president of the republic of Central America, against what he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who rebelled against the government and the nation, with documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's career, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to confuse the narrative still more.

[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed to the overthrow of the state government. A number had moved to Guatemala, Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent in the list were the ex-provisor, NicolÁs Irias, and Pedro Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from the port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser, and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his native place. This will account for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his active coÖperation with the despots of Guatemala. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 190.

[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate tax established by the legislature; the real object was to bring on a reaction.

[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina, from the earliest period of their political life, previous to the independence, became weakened, threatening a disruption of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in Guatemala.

[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.

[VI-5] Marure, Efem., 26.

[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sentenced to military duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an innocent victim and a martyr of religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions of the 108th psalm. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 196.

[VI-7] Composed of the citizens NicolÁs Espinosa, JosÉ Antonio Larrave, Manuel JosÉ de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.

[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and did not work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned from Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of Central America; none could compete with him in literary or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the provinces of Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan's victorious sword eclipsed all else just then. Id., 268.

[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in 1825 between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.

[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the legislature of Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure.

[VI-11] This was a common course with our brethren across the Atlantic. Marure, Efem., 27; Squier's Travels, ii. 414.

[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.

[VI-13] Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80; Morazan y Carrera, MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.

[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 348-65.

[VI-15] The national armed schooner Deseada took the Ejecutivo. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 377-81; Marure, Efem., 29.

[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications.

[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again.

[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the fight.

[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold.

[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the government forces.

[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 334, 382.

[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved. The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend. It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster and advance.

[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with his portrait, by MontÚfar, in ReseÑa Hist., i. 296.

[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.

[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was a necessity.

[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made punishable by death. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 338.

[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences under various pretexts.

[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly fanned the flame.

[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The president's casualties were trifling. Marure, Efem., 30; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 340.

[VI-30] The following facts are taken from Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, ArzÚ, and MontÚfar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself master of the place in less than two hours. The object of these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to Morazan's detractors in their attempts to lessen his military reputation. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 343.

[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio J. CaÑas.

[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of the victor, declared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832, were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the same animosity displayed in enacting them. Marure, Efem., 30.

[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa Rica separated themselves, respectively, on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. Marure, Efem., 32; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 42-3; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 20; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 184; Crowe's Gospel, 134; Squier's Travels, ii. 417.

[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la repÚblica son libres para adorar Á Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.' Marure, Efem., 31. JosÉ F. Barrundia is said to have effectively fathered this resolution. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854.

[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the congress is given in El Centro Americano, July 11, 1833, 57-69.

[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the states' rights agitation.

[VI-37] Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of June 2, 1833. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 240-1. A project appeared in the Centro Americano of June 11, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal numerical representation in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide the territory into three states of about the same population each, the executive authority to be alternately held by the presidents of the three states. The plan was impracticable.

[VI-38] The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress could not be secured until July 18, 1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date was generally accepted, and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. Marure, Efem., 33.

[VI-39] The correspondence between the state governments for the strict vigilance on the coast of that state appears in El Centro Americano, Oct. 18, 1833; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 41-2.

[VI-40] Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the government of Salvador had tried to have the federal authorities reside at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests had been subsequently made by other states; and even in the legislature of Guatemala reiterated motions had been presented to the same effect. But the federalist party, as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and the dissolution of the federal authorities. Marure, Efem., 34. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 58-9, remarks that Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his Bosquejo HistÓrico was a liberal; in his EfemÉrides, written later, he speaks like a conservative. The change of tone is attributed to the iron influence of the government from whom he had a salary as a professor. LastarrÍa, in La AmÉrica, 250, erroneously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action to break up the influence of the oligarchical party in Guatemala.

[VI-41] The affray lasted five hours; the federal force being under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador under Col. JosÉ D. Castillo. Marure, Efem., 36.

[VI-42] Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.

[VI-43] The legislature of the state had made a cession of the territory for the purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On the 9th of March, 1836, the district was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government had its capital in San Salvador till the 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of San Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory that had been ceded. Id., 37; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 165-7. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 187, says that the district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory surrounding it. Squier's Travels, ii. 419; Crowe's Gospel, 136.

[VI-44] The opposition came not only from the serviles, but from not a few liberals. It contained many liberal and equable modifications. Marure, Efem., 37, says it did not contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,' for which reason it was not accepted by the states, except Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7, 1835. Squier, Travels, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica expressed an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that the opposing states wanted different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa Rica accepted the reforms.

[VI-45] The assembly of Guatemala decreed, after hearing several eulogistic motions, that all the state officials residing in the capital should wear the badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by the members of the legislature, should be placed in its hall of sessions; and that the other states should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador, on the 9th of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in his EfemÉrides, 35, bestows the highest praise on Valle. 'PerdiÓ Centro AmÉrica, con el fallecimiento del licenciado JosÉ del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This remark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has been given by me elsewhere. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait.

[VI-46] It was so formally declared by the federal congress, Feb. 2, 1835, with the clause that he should be placed in possession of the office on the 14th. Id., 155-7.

[VI-47] Feb. 15, 1835. El Correo AtlÁntico, May 9, 1835.

[VI-48] The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London on the schooner Mary Ann Arabella, under a Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of Abbotsville. Marure, Efem., 38.

[VI-49] Many of the immigrants died, while others returned to England or went to the West Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 191, makes appropriate remarks on the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on pestiferous shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a temperate region, not even those of the interior of the same country, can enjoy tolerable health.' See also Astaburuaga's comments on the undertaking. Cent. Am., 25. A glowing and favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as 1839. See Cent. Am., Brief Statement, 1 et seq.

[VI-50] On the 6th of March, 1837. Marure, Efem., 39; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 353.

[VI-51] B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala, to report on the origin and progress of the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: 'There can be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present infested.' Esquipulas is a species of Mecca which people from all parts of Central America and Mexico visit in January of each year, to worship an image of Christ, to which countless miracles have been attributed. In the Boletin de Noticias del CÓlera of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, 'En San Sur han muerto muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' Id., 351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing havoc in the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and gradually spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till toward the end of the year, when it abated. The first case in the city of Guatemala occurred on the 19th of April. The mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or a little over the 44th part of the population, which was much smaller than in other less populated cities. Marure, Efem., 40. See also Dunlop's Cent. Am., 193-4; Salv. Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; Rocha, CÓdigo Nic., i. 215-16; ii. 163-4.

[VI-52] Squier's Travels, ii. 427-8. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents that were circulated.

[VI-53] Such as making them swallow the contents of their medicine-chests, or pouring water down their throats till they died, a circumstance that was always looked upon as an evidence of guilt. Crowe's Gospel, 141. Montgomery, Guat., speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.

[VI-54] On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa, accompanied with imprecations against the ley de jurados and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete change in public affairs. Marure, Efem., 41, copied by MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 353; Squier's Travels, ii. 428.

[VI-55] Tempsky, Mitla, 337, says that Carrera was born in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his lead occurred there. He was born about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate offspring of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the paternal mansion. Through the influence of the Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth adopted by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the boy subsequently was given. Such is the version of the author of a manuscript written in July 1844, and entitled OrÍgen de Carrera, in Morazan y Carrera, no. 4, 1 et seq., the authenticity of which is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's descent a little respectability. Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 225, says that in 1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of Guatemala by Morazan, and retiring to Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or, as Montgomery, Guat., 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, having risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 195, followed by Crowe's Gospel, 141, and Squier's Trav., ii. 429, essentially confirms Stephens' statements. Belly, Nic., i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier, near La Antigua. MontÚfar says of him: 'Un joven como de 25 aÑos, sin ninguna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun gÉnero, pues no conocia siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros aÑos de su vida los empleÓ, ya de sirviente domÉstico, ya de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of Carrera, where the words occur, 'Carrera Á pesar de su falta de educacion, y de los hÁbitos de la vida del campo,' which might have secured for Milla lodgings in the dungeons of the castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion often made against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of PanamÁ, and raised to the position of archbishop of BogotÁ, that he said at Carrera's death, in his funeral oration, that the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb was on the right side of God the father. All repentant villains are given some such post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the gospel.

[VI-56] In the early days they assured the Indians that he was their protecting angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. Squier's Travels, ii. 429-30.

[VII-1] On the 15th of June. Marure, Efem., 41. Gen. Carrascosa's report of his victory, with details, in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 356-9.

[VII-2] Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an implacable hatred. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 226; Crowe's Gospel, 142. Montgomery, Guat., 144, states that Carrera was then commanding a few men of the military cordon established because of the epidemic, which he induced to rebel.

[VII-3] The hostilities now carried on partook more of the character of highway robbery than of orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the liberals were the greater sufferers.

[VII-4] The provisional government constituted at La Antigua placed itself under the protection of the federal authorities. Marure, Efem., 42.

[VII-5] The division was created by JosÉ Francisco Barrundia. It is said that he joined the discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a high office for one of his relatives. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227. But looking over the correspondence that passed between them in June 1837, the conclusion is that the cause of the disagreement was not a personal one. Barrundia opposed the convocation of the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees enacted by it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president of the republic, some measures similar to those he had now censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the former answered that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast, and though outlawed for that offence, was not executed. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 377-407.

[VII-6] The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 26th of January.

[VII-7] Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February, but he is evidently mistaken. Marure, Efem., 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date.

[VII-8] At 4 p. m. of Jan. 28, 1838. Id., ii. 543.

[VII-9] Galvez well knew of the relations existing between Carrera and the revolutionists of La Antigua. The convention of Guarda Viejo would have saved the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed under Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the idea that a powerful party looked to him for aid.

[VII-10] Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's correspondence given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 589-97.

[VII-11] Among them were Miguel GarcÍa Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga, and their relations the Zepedas, together with the Barrundias.

[VII-12] He was in all this affair guided by the priests. Barrundia was accused throughout Central America of having brought about Carrera's invasion of the capital. The serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities, have endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to Carrera's headquarters, he would probably have been shot. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 573; Squier's Travels, ii. 432.

[VII-13] The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of their inability to take the city, or even to properly besiege it.

[VII-14] Dunlop, Cent. Am., 198, and Crowe, Gospel, 143, erroneously say it was on the 30th of January.

[VII-15] Marure, Efem., 43, places this event on the 2d of Feb., 1838.

[VII-16] Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with a green veil, the property of Prem's wife, who was known as La Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his breast a number of 'escapularios del CÁrmen,' symbolizing the religion he had come to protect. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 574.

[VII-17] It seems that a large portion of the men and women had never seen a city before.

[VII-18] The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the opposition party, and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing that his house would be a place of safety, induced the vice-president and his family to use it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and retired. The men fired upon were not of the force from La Antigua, but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from that time 'cachurecos,' who rushed into the house, fired upon the family, wounding one of the women and a child, and killing JosÉ Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president. Salazar was born in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, CÁrlos, the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed in action on the 23d of June, 1834. JosÉ Gregorio Salazar was one of the leaders in whom Morazan reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe of Salvador, vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops, Salazar unswervingly supported progressive principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelligent face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of calling for execration on the part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, NicolÁs Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez, and others, only brought out their diatribes against the victim. Id., 576-9.

[VII-19] It was found at first difficult to elicit a satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala, has been highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians the foreign residents and their property. Montgomery's Guat., 146; Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 233-4.

[VII-20] There being no money in the treasury, it was borrowed from private persons. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227 et seq., copied by LarenaudiÈre, Mexique et Guat., 298-9. The facts appear in the records of the asamblea.

[VII-21] Had he resisted, the reËnforced troops of La Antigua would in all probability have defeated his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited Father Duran and the other priests, who expected their own triumph through Carrera's success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid the city of himself and his men. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 584.

[VII-22] The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a man of dissolute character, who always accompanied him as a sort of counsellor.

[VII-23] Los Altos, Manif. Document., 1-28. The federal congress ratified the separation on the 5th of June, 1838; the departments were, however, reincorporated a year after. Marure, Efem., 43; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 198; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 28. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 9-23, furnishes a detailed account of the events preceding and following the separation. The provisional government then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo Molina, JosÉ M. Galvez, and JosÉ A. Aguilar.

[VII-24] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 239-42, details some of the military movements, which are not of sufficient interest to reproduce here. Marure, Efem., 43-4, says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo gÉnero de maniobras, el ejÉrcito de operaciones tiene que replegarse Á la capital ... sin haberse adelantado nada en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos.'

[VII-25] On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro Molina, JosÉ GÁndara, JosÉ F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress on the war and its consequences. In this document they say, among other things, that it had been moved in the asamblea of Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, and to declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron entÓnces la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.' They accuse the serviles of perversely attempting to render the representatives of liberalism and progress hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 47.

[VII-26] Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every other possible means were employed to induce him to swerve from the principles he had always upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, says it is impossible to realize 'el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de este partido noble aristocrÁtico.' The haughty patricians, represented by Pavon, Batres, Aycinena, and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, disgusted him with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore his contemptuous rebuffs as long as they hoped to win him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse were heaped upon him and his name. Had Morazan's morals been equal to those of the serviles, he might have accepted the dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them; but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith. Id., 175-9.

[VII-27] On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring the states free to constitute themselves as they might deem best, preserving, however, the popular representative form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of the constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the restrictions contained in the federal decree of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a majority of the legislatures. Marure, Efem., 44-5. The federal congress passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The federated states of Cent. Am. are, and by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent political bodies.' Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 69.

[VII-28] It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the capital, who, in view of the progress made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into the hands of the asamblea. Marure, Efem., 45; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 181-5. Crowe, Gospel, 144, attributes to Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the citizens.

[VII-29] On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give himself up; failing to do so, a reward was offered for his apprehension, alive or dead—$1,500 and two caballerÍas of land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws his captor or captors might have committed. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 242.

[VII-30] Squier, Travels, ii. 435, says that Carrera entered Guatemala; he probably meant Old Guatemala, or La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000 men, while his opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter were nearly annihilated. The few officers and soldiers who escaped with life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's excesses at this time knew no bounds. He not only ravished women, but amused himself cutting off their tresses and ears. Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala, and their stories produced great indignation. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 204; Marure, Efem., 45.

[VII-31] This action took place early in the morning of Sept. 11th. Salazar at once despatched a courier to Guatemala with the news of his success, which caused the utmost joy. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 206-8; Marure, Efem., 46. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 201, asserts that no mercy was shown by the federal troops in this encounter. By a decree of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges of honor were also conferred on the survivors. Guat., Recop. Leyes, ii. 636-7.

[VII-32] This man's life was then spared, but some time afterward he was shot, for which the serviles called Morazan a murderer. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 208.

[VII-33] His resignation was made before the body of his officers, which implied a disregard of the authority of the government. The officers eluded all responsibility, alleging that they had nothing to do with his resignation. The government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on him two months previously. Marure, Efem., 46.

[VII-34] In the Observador and the ApÉndice.

[VII-35] Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario capitular ... dirige Á los pueblos, etc., 17 p.

[VII-36] Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of Sept. in honor of the slain on the government side at Villanueva, in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 216-21.

[VII-37] JosÉ Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action, said: 'He [Carrera] could have been captured or annihilated had he been forthwith pursued; but no advantage was derived from such a glorious victory, and in a few days vandalism became again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, MontÚfar thinks unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were not in condition to pursue. This authority, partly on the testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the blame on Rivera Paz, who had no interest in destroying a faction on which his party relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the serviles. Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law in portions of Guatemala, peremptorily refused to listen to the proposals of the recalcitrants, and marched to Guatemala, leaving the government in charge of the vice-president, Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered Salazar. Id., 223-6.

[VII-38] His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these departments of Salvador. Barrundia, in El Progreso of S. Salv., 1850, no. 3.

[VII-39] 'Les causÓ un descalabro de entidad la division del coronel Carballo.' Marure, Efem., 46.

[VII-40] Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a mountain, surrounded at its base by a large force; but owing to some neglect he escaped.

[VII-41] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 244, erroneously has it that the delivery was to be of only 1,000 muskets.

[VII-42] The president of the republic ratified the agreement on the 25th of Dec.

[VII-43] The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconcito was prompted to Gen. Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom he believed to be a friend that would give him nothing but honorable advice. He had good reason at a later date to think differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied on a mule, as a trophy of Carrera's success. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 228-9.

[VII-44] After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in the federal district as vice-president. The conventicle of the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the two Aycinenas, had, however, during Rivera Paz's rule in Guatemala, arranged matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up the union, having at their disposal the requisite number of municipal districts. Their emissaries supported the separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was governed by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality. They were now working with Rivera Paz's successor, Gen. CÁrlos Salazar, with almost a certainty of carrying their point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a politician, without guile, and easily deceived. Id., 241-3.

[VII-45] And also to protect other states against all interference on the part of the late federal government. Full text of the convention in Cent. Am. Constitutions, no. 4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangement, the combined forces of the two states invaded Salvador. Marure, Efem., 47. This treaty brought about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption of the federal union. Francisco Ferrera, commander of the forces of Honduras, himself made it known to Carrera, and it prompted the latter's rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839, and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres, and the Aycinenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city on the 13th of Apr., 1839.

[VII-46] The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839, declared the federal compact dissolved, and the resumption by the state of its absolute sovereignty. This declaration was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of June of the same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a treaty of amity and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., made similar treaties with Salv., Nic., and Costa R., respectively. July 1st, Hond. and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship and alliance as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at Quezaltenango the first treaty of a similar nature between the new state of Los Altos and Salv. Marure, Efem., 48-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1838 assumed the plenitude of her sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio Carrillo, the supreme chief of the state, dated Aug. 4, 1838, her representatives and senators had left their seats in the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the federal debt and paid it at once. Carrillo's decree shows that the Costa Ricans were dissatisfied with the inequality of their representation in the national lower house, where Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more than Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica, which had only four representatives in the 'congreso,' as the lower house was called. The representation in the senate was equal to that of the other states; but if the latter chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former could, under the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law by three fourths of the votes present. Thus was Costa Rica made a nonentity in the legislative body. There were other reasons for complaint. By a good management of her finances, Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually paid her contingent to the national treasury in money. She was therefore taxed while virtually without representation. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 266-73, 310, 313-41.

[VII-47] It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez, who had entered by the frontier of San Miguel. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 292-3.

[VII-48] The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an HondureÑo, who had been connected with the incendiaries of Comayagua. This victory was mainly due to Morazan's daring. He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Col Benitez, who was a Colombian, was slain. Marure, Efem., 48; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 293-5.

[VII-49] Brigadier CabaÑas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He defeated the Hondurans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then entered Tegucigalpa. On the 25th, after quelling a revolt which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador, Morazan was again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under Ferrera, had entered that town on their way to San Salvador, to destroy the 'simulacro de gobierno federal que existia aun en aquella capital.' CabaÑas triumphed again at Soledad on Nov. 13th. Marure, Efem., 48-51; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 354-6, 446.

[VII-50] Ferrera was without a command for some time, owing to his continual defeats. Quijano was another 'notabilidad del partido servil aristocrÁtico.'

[VII-51] CabaÑas' official report of Feb. 3d from San Antonio del Sauce says that the enemy's force being superior, he had resolved to retire to San Miguel in Salv. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 451-2.

[VII-52] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 245, quaintly remarks, 'It must have been quite new to him, and a satisfaction to find out what principles he sustained.'

[VII-53] Among them were Mariscal and Del Rio. War had been declared between Guatemala and Salvador. The fiction of Atescatempa, Carrera's proclamations against Morazan the chief magistrate of Salv., the movement of the 16th of Sept., 1839, against the lawful authorities of Salvador prompted and aided by Carrera, the destruction of Los Altos the friend and ally of Salv., and many other causes, constituted a real state of war. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 456.

[VII-54] Their head men sought refuge with the nuns of La Concepcion.

[VII-55] Made up exclusively of Indians, as Carrera wanted no white soldiers or officers. Stephens' Cent. Am., ii. 111.

[VII-56] The worshippers of Carrera have said that he intentionally allowed Morazan to enter the city, with the view of besieging him, which is absurd. The city was full of war material, and was plentifully supplied with meat.

[VII-57] His officers who distinguished themselves in the operations were Generals CabaÑas and Rivas, colonels Antonio Rivera Cabezas and Ignacio Malespin, and Lieut-col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas.

[VII-58] Carrera's official report is dated at Guatemala on the 23d of March. He does not speak of the assassination of Col Sanchez, Morazan's aide-de-camp, by order of his brother, Sotero Carrera; nor of the wanton massacre of many others; nor of the maltreatment of women, followers of the Salvadoran camp, which caused the French consul to raise his voice in protest. Carrera gave full sway to his ferocious instincts on that day, taking the greatest delight in butchering the vanquished. Many of the pursued sought an asylum in the house of Chatfield, the British consul, and a word from him on their behalf would have saved their lives; but he did not utter it, and they were put to death. Id., 460-7; Marure, Efem., 52.

[VII-59] Their hatred against Morazan was shown in their cries, accompanying those of 'Viva la religion! Guanacos, entreguen Á ese canalla, entreguen Á ese hereje; nosotros, defendemos Á Dios y Á sus santos.' They called their opponents 'guanacos, pirujos, malvados, ladrones,' and declared that they were going to bring back the archbishop, and the friars who were sent away in 1829.

[VII-60] Stephens, who was then on his way from San Salvador to Guatemala, met the defeated troops, and in his Cent. Am., ii. 69 et seq., gives a graphic description.

[VII-61] Miguel Álvarez Castro, JosÉ Miguel Saravia, Isidro Menendez, CÁrlos Salazar, MÁximo Orellana, NicolÁs Angulo, Trinidad CabaÑas, Enrique Rivas, Gerardo Barrios, Pedro Molina, with his sons Felipe and JosÉ, and his son-in-law Manuel Irungaray, Antonio and Bernardo Rivera Cabezas, JosÉ M. Silva, MÁximo, TomÁs and Indalecio Cordero, Antonio Lazo, and others. Pedro Molina refused to go at first, but was prevailed on by his sons and son-in-law, who saw that his fate would be sealed if he remained. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 484.

[VII-62] Pedro Molina and his sons Felipe and JosÉ, Manuel Irungaray, Isidro Menendez, Gen. Enrique Rivas, Doroteo Vasconcelos, Gerardo Barrios, Indalecio Cordero, JosÉ Prado, DÁmaso Lonza, and others. They were made afterward the objects of abuse on the part of Carrillo and his coarse wife, Froilana Carranza. Id., iii. 600-1.

[VII-63] July 16, 1841. He details the acts of the serviles, enemies of their country's independence and freedom. Carrera's career of crime is also fully discussed. Morazan, Manif., in Id., 585-96; Id., in Cent. Am. Pap., no. 3.

[VII-64] The serviles had said that they waged war, not against Salvador, but against Morazan.

[VII-65] The embassy brought an escort of 200 men, and Salvador had to pay all the expense. See the note of Minister Manuel Barberena to the minister-general of Guatemala, dated May 18, 1840. Carrera was lodged in one of the best houses of Salvador, and his deportment clearly indicated what his early training had been. His first diplomatic utterances were threats, and the general conduct of himself and his soldiers was so abusive that the people of the liberal district of Calvario in San Salvador finally resolved to fall upon and annihilate them. CaÑas saw the danger, and called to it the attention of Duran, who prevailed on his colleague to leave the state with his troops. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 487-8, 492.

[VII-66] The convention was signed by Joaquin Duran, secretary of the sup. gov., and Lieut-gen. Rafael Carrera, on the part of Guatemala, and by Manuel Barberena and Juan Lacayo for Salvador. Under art. 1st Salvador was not to have in office any man who had coÖperated with Morazan. Art. 2d required of Salvador to surrender to Guatemala a number of persons, named in a list furnished, to be retained until Salvador should be fully reorganized. Art. 3d forbids Salvador to permit the return to its territory of any of the persons who went away with Morazan. Should any return, they must be given up to Guatemala, as prescribed in the 2d article. Art. 4th and 7th refer to the return of certain armament and of prisoners of war taken in the action of 18th and 19th of March last. Art. 5th says that the constituent assembly of Salvador having been called, her government must see at once to the appointment of deputies to the convention which was to organize the republic. Under art. 6th Salvador agreed that Guatemala and the other states should appoint agents, who, together with her own, were to have in their charge the archives and other effects of the federation. Id., 489-91.

[VIII-1] Guat. Recop. Leyes, i. 42, 62-9, 178.

[VIII-2] The title given the chief magistrate was that of jefe. That of president was not decreed till Nov. 29, 1839. Marure, Efem., 51.

[VIII-3] He is represented as a man of excitable temperament and harsh manners. He was a brother of JosÉ Francisco Barrundia.

[VIII-4] The prelate of the order was summoned to the palace of the federal government, and a compromise was agreed to. Meantime the mob had assembled, shouting, 'Mision queremos! Viva la religion! Muera la herejÍa! Mueran los que no quieren misiones!' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 182-3.

[VIII-5] It was solemnly promulgated Dec. 26, 1825. This constitution was in full force till the meeting of a second constituent assembly, when it ceased to rule. Marure, Efem., 15; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 201-2.

[VIII-6] Vera Paz with Peten; Chiquimula, Guatemala, and Escuintla; Sacatepequez with Chimaltenango; Suchitepequez with SololÁ; Quezaltenango and Soconusco; Totonicapan and Huehuetenango. Id., 463-70.

[VIII-7] Barrundia induced seven of the deputies to abandon their seats, and to protest against resolutions enacted by the legislature after they had quitted it. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 242.

[VIII-8] This step was taken Sept. 6, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 260; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4. A demand from the fed. gov. to muster out the troops was refused in round terms.

[VIII-9] He had once been a resident there, and knew it to be the most bigoted place in all Cent. Am. Liberal ideas had not taken much root there, and fanaticism ruled.

[VIII-10] He afterward attempted to recover his office, but the course events had taken impeded it. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8.

[VIII-11] A creole from Sto Domingo, who had been formerly a federal officer; but having been arbitrarily removed from the position, he joined the state cause.

[VIII-12] Near Quezaltenango he endeavored to capture his former command, now under Manuel MontÚfar, but the latter escaped. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 55-6. He had been forewarned by some serviles of Quezaltenango of the ambuscade prepared for him. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262.

[VIII-13] Abandoning the plan he had formed of attacking the federals under Francisco CÁscaras.

[VIII-14] He allowed four hours for the surrender: 'si en el tÉrmino de cuatro horas, no efectÚan Vds. lo referido, la hermosa ciudad de Quezaltenango desaparecerÁ.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 288; Id., Efem., 18; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8.

[VIII-15] Among them, one of Oct. 19, 1826, to punish attempts at propagating sedition among the soldiers; another, of Oct. 25th, to impose the penalty of death on all Guatemalans taking up arms against the state government. Gaz. de MÉx., Dec. 14, 1826; El Indicador de Guat., of same year, no. 106; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 248-50.

[VIII-16] Afraid of falling into the hands of the federal troops then marching toward Los Altos, he retired to Retalhuleu, where he lived till 1829.

[VIII-17] Oct. 28, 1826. CÁscaras' vainglorious report is in Guat., Gac. Gob., Nov. 2, 1826, and MÉx. Gac. Gob., Dec. 14, 1826; Marure, Efem., 18; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 59-60.

[VIII-18] All persons affording them aid were declared, on the 5th of March, guilty of high treason. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 250-4. Decree reiterated March 28, 1827; Marure, Efem., 19.

[VIII-19] All authorities agree that the execution was effected upon the mere order of Aycinena, the then jefe of Guat., and without legal formalities. Arce, Mem., 68; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 70; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 16; Squier's Travels, ii. 397. This last-named writer severely condemns the affected piety of Aycinena, who made confession before a priest and took the communion before signing the death-warrant. In 1829 the liberal party awarded extraordinary honors to Pierzon's memory, ordering that his name should be placed by the side of Cirilo Flores, with this inscription, 'Viva el ilustre Coronel Pierzon en el corazon de los buenos patriotas.' Marure, Efem., 19.

[VIII-20] Aycinena retained his position uninterruptedly till the 12th of Apr., 1829, when he was deposed by Morazan. A legislative act expatriated him, and he was in exile till early in 1836, when he returned to the bosom of his family; but a second legislative order compelled him to leave the country again. Finally, an amnesty decree of July 25, 1838, restored him to his country in Sept. Marure, Efem., 18, 61. Mariano CÓrdoba was chosen, in March 1827, vice-jefe, and when he resigned the office, Manuel MontÚfar was called to succeed him. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 60.

[VIII-21] It was the first of its class in Cent. Am., but by no means the last.

[VIII-22] Lieut Isidro Velazquez was executed March 30, 1827.

[VIII-23] Leniency toward the proscribed Antonio Rivera Cabezas, whose death-penalty he had commuted to exile, and prohibition of certain books, pursuant to decrees of the ecclesiastical authorities, were among the chief causes which alienated him many of his former supporters. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 236; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 114. On the 6th of December, 1828, he ordered such books to be burned. Marure, Efem., 22.

[VIII-24] It purposed with this measure, which turned out to be unavailing, to remove one of the obstacles to the termination of the war by means of a peaceful arrangement.

[VIII-25] They were reËlected, though succeeding events prevented the counting of the votes. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 115.

[VIII-26] A revolt at Quezaltenango, Nov. 5, 1828, had been summarily suppressed. Marure, Efem., 22.

[VIII-27] The districts of Sacatepequez and Escuintla recognized the authorities that were installed in La Antigua.

[VIII-28] His brother JosÉ Francisco having been made acting president, he resigned for the second time the office of jefe, urging obvious reasons, but he was required by the assembly to continue discharging his duties till the election should have been effected. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 167-9.

[VIII-29] The dispersed representative council of 1826 had been reorganized at La Antigua Feb. 11, 1829, and its senior member, Mariano Zenteno, recognized as acting jefe of the state.

[VIII-30] This body voted Morazan a gold medal, and declared him a benemÉrito. It also decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of sessions. This, however, was a spark of enthusiasm which died out.

[VIII-31] NicolÁs Espinosa presided, as he had done at the last sitting at San Martin Jilotepec, Sept. 26, 1826.

[VIII-32] Cayetano de la Cerda was the administrador de recursos, and he acted without restriction. Mariano Galvez, Barrundia's secretary of state, is credited with the invention of the financial schemes by the author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 136-7.

[VIII-33] MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 131-3, 143-51.

[VIII-34] Antonio Rivera Cabezas was chosen vice-jefe in March 1830. He was succeeded by Gregorio Marquez in Feb. 1831; Francisco X. Flores was consejero Aug. 1831.

[VIII-35] Molina was impeached on trivial and inconsistent charges by the legislative body. Twice tried and twice acquitted; but meantime the term for which he was chosen had expired, and new elections were ordered. Marure, Efem., 61. Full details of the trials in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 205-17, 229-33.

[VIII-36] Rivera Cabezas wielded a powerful pen, and in a playful way ridiculed the servile party. His Don Meliton dialogues did it more harm than JosÉ del Valle with his grave and erudite speeches in congress. He won himself the bitter hatred of that party. The political change of 1839 placed him in the hands of his enemies, and he lost much of his property. He left the country, but family affairs necessitated his return some years after. In his last years his intellectual faculties declined, and the serviles no longer feared him, but their hatred remained, and their insults and abuse hastened his death. His portrait is also given. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 235-7, 246.

[VIII-37] The most violent felt since 1773. Marure, Efem., 26.

[VIII-38] Several buildings were damaged, among them the churches of Santa Teresa, San Francisco, and Recoletos. Since the end of March shocks had been experienced in the vicinity of the Pacaya volcano, several villages being almost entirely reduced to ruins. Id.

[VIII-39] The nun Teresa called them the effects of God's displeasure for the banishment of the archbishop and friars. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 225-6.

[VIII-40] The liberals were certain that with Morazan at the head of the federal government, and Barrundia as chief of Guatemala, there would be no disagreements. Barrundia now made a cession for the benefit of public instruction of nearly $7,000—due him for salaries during the time he acted as president. This was a generous act on the part of a man who had no private fortune. He later ceded one half of his senatorial pay for the same purpose. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 273-6.

[VIII-41] Galvez was reËlected Feb. 9, 1835, and held the position till Feb. 2, 1838, when he was forced to resign it. During his first term Simon Vasconcelos was vice-jefe, and Juan Ant. Martinez consejero; during the second, Pedro J. Valenzuela, who superseded him; Mariano Sanchez de Leon was consejero in 1836, and Mariano Rivera Paz in July 1838. The latter also held the executive office. Salv., Gac., Oct. 12, 1854; Marure, Efem., 43, 45, 61-2.

[VIII-42] Galvez was not in league with the clergy or aristocracy, on one side; nor with Barrundia or Morazan, on the other. He wanted to form a party of which he should be the sole chief. This prompted him to oppose all parties, and brought upon him many reproaches.

[VIII-43] In July 1832 tithes were abolished. On the 16th of Sept. an academy of sciences, to take the place of the old university, was established, and to it were attached the colegio de abogados, and the protomedicato. This academy was suppressed March 6, 1840, and the university of old was restored. Marure, Efem., 32. Among other measures were the reduction of holidays to seven, aside from Sundays, and the prohibition of religious processions in the streets on working days. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 307-19, ii. 76-84.

[VIII-44] Even the offspring of priests were to be reputed as legitimate in cases of inheritance, where the father had died intestate. Id., ii. 346-7.

[VIII-45] This blow at the church was not favorably received by the people, and in July 1838 the resolution was suspended.

[VIII-46] They made the Indians believe that the cholera was the effect of Galvez and his friends having poisoned the springs, 'para destruir hombres que detestaba y poblaciones que aborrecia.' Id., ii. 349.

[VIII-47] It was constantly brought forward that while other states had seceded from the confederation, Guatemala alone had contributed to the common budget, and furnished the national executive arms and money to wage war against the rebellious states.

[VIII-48] Martial law was proclaimed Jan. 16, 1838, in the departments of Sacatepequez and Guatemala. Two days later La Antigua rebelled, appointing a provisional government, and subsequently Chiquimula and SalamÁ followed the movement. Marure, Efem., 42-3; Squier's Travels, ii. 431; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 858-9.

[VIII-49] The provisional government was placed in charge of Marcelo Molina, JosÉ M. Galvez, and JosÉ A. Aguilar. The assembly of Guatemala simply referred the matter to the federal congress, which recognized the new state. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 9-23; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 43.

[VIII-50] Marure, Efem., 47.

[VIII-51] The state comprised, on the north, the districts of Huehuetenango, Sacapulas, Malacatan, Tejutla, Cuilco, Jacaltenango, and SololÁ, together with all the territory between the river Pasion and Chiapas, to where it touched the undefined boundaries of Tabasco and Yucatan; on the west, Ostuncalco and San MÁrcos; on the south, Cuyotenango and Mazatenango; on the east, Atitlan, SololÁ, Joyabaj, QuichÉ; and in the centre, Totonicapan and Quezaltenango. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 391-3.

[VIII-52] Dated July 12, 1839. Id., 394-7.

[VIII-53] Galvez, JosÉ F. and Juan Barrundia, Simon Vasconcelos, and others.

[VIII-54] On the 28th of Jan. a body of Quezaltec troops, under Colonel Corzo, was defeated by the Guatemalans, under Gen. Monterrosa. It had been stationed in the hacienda of Bejucal, with the double object of guarding on the coast side the territory of Los Altos, and of forming a combination with the men of Salvador, who were about to invade Guatemala from the river Paz frontier. The treatment of the fugitives by the Indians was shocking. Corzo and Lieut-col CÓrdoba perished at their hands. Carrera, after defeating, on the 29th of Jan., the Quezaltec troops that attempted to check him on the heights of SololÁ, entered Quezaltenango unresisted, and put an end to that state. Its towns were taken under Guatemalan protection, on the fiction of their voluntary annexation, by decree of Feb. 26, 1840. Marure, Efem., 52; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 43-50.

[VIII-55] It was claimed that Carrera could not prevent these abuses, which were committed by the very people of Los Altos who rose against the partisans of the government. The fact is, they were savage Indians under Carrera's protection. This chief returned in triumph to Guatemala, and was received amid the plaudits of his clerico-aristocratic supporters and the rabble. His victorious army brought in the rear the armament and spoils of Quezaltenango, and upwards of 100 prisoners, among them Guzman, Mariscal, and Soto. The first named was wounded, and tied to a mule. The rabble made him the special object of their scoff. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 439-41.

[VIII-56] Deprived of the office Jan. 30, 1839; restored Apr. 13th of the same year; held it till Dec. 13, 1841. May 14, 1842, he assumed for the third time the executive office, with the title of president of the state. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 175; Marure, Efem., 61-2. Stephens, who saw Rivera Paz in 1840, speaks well of him, saying that 'in all the trying positions in which he was afterward placed, he exhibited more than ordinary prudence and judgment.' Cent. Am., i. 201.

[VIII-57] The 3d and last art. contained these words: 'Un olvido general sobre todos los acontecimientos polÍticos desde el quince de Setiembre de mil ochocientos veintiuno hasta la fecha; y se prohiba rigurosamente removerlos con ningun motivo.' Further than this, JosÉ F. Barrundia had moved that the initiative should be made urgent, and voted on without being referred to a committee. MontÚfar, who gives full details on this affair, blames Barrundia for his excessive generosity and abnegation, which, he declares, always turned to the prejudice of that statesman and his party. He wanted his enemies pardoned, and to enjoy all personal guarantees, but there was no spirit of reciprocity on their part. When the serviles assumed the reins of power, they invariably abused and persecuted Barrundia. He was not only sent into exile, but insulted there in publications they would forward him. ReseÑa Hist., iii. 188-90.

[VIII-58] The executive was authorized to support the petition of the clergy in order that the diocese should have a bishop, and permitted that he should appropriate a portion of the public funds to that end. No mention was made of the person who was to be bishop. The idea was to flatter the several clergymen who were with Carrera hoping to earn a mitre. July 25th the people were called to elect a constituent assembly, of not less than fifty members, to reform, add to, or retain in whole or in part the constitution of Guatemala. This decree was supported by the liberals, who foolishly believed that their party would have the power to reconstitute the state. The serviles hailed it, being sure of controlling the situation with Rivera Paz at the head of the government, and three servile wings as his counsellors. Reactionary deputies would be plentiful in the constitutional convention. The capitation tax was reduced to four reales. The assembly, now converted into a law-maker by steam, on the 26th of July revoked the laws establishing civil marriage and divorce, freedom to bequeath property, reduction of the number of holidays, and the further admission of religious vows. Id., 190-2.

[VIII-59] He ruled 2½ months, at the end of which he had to seek safety in flight, on Carrera occupying the capital. Marure, Efem., 48, 62.

[VIII-60] The former political order of affairs now came to an end, and a new era began under Carrera's auspices. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 207.

[VIII-61] The texts of the several treaties may be seen in Convencion, in Cent. Am. Constituciones, 5-25, 28-31; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 382-95.

[VIII-62] Honors were paid to Carrera and Rivera Paz. Their portraits were to be placed in the hall of sessions. Marure, Efem., 53. A few days later the 19th of March was decreed a civic feast-day. Guat., Recop. Leyes, iii. 348.

[VIII-63] Act of Nov. 9, 1840. Id., 286.

[VIII-64] Not at Aguanqueterique, as the federal congress had decreed. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13; Marure, Efem., 10. The last named, in his Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 148, gives the name as Leypateric.

[VIII-65] Comayagua, Tegucigalpa, Gracias, Santa BÁrbara, Olancho, Yoro, and Choluteca.

[VIII-66] Irias excommunicated Herrera, and the latter had him arrested. Both had many adherents.

[VIII-67] Arce claims that Gracias had called for the protection. Mem., 64-5; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 61. The truth is, he had no right to exercise jurisdiction there, the place not being on the frontier nor on the coast. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 6.

[VIII-68] Herrera had a force to defeat Milla, but refrained from using it, in order that Honduras should not be accused of beginning hostilities against the national government. Id., 7.

[VIII-69] Marure, Efem., 19, gives the 10th as the date. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 169, gives March 10th. Morazan attributes the surrender to the commander's treachery. Apuntes, MS., 8.

[VIII-70] Cleto BendaÑa was made jefe provisional in Sept. 1827, Francisco Morazan being consejero in Nov. of that year. Marure, Efem., 63.

[VIII-71] See his Apuntes, MS., 9-10.

[VIII-72] There was a sedition of the serviles, headed by Father Rivas and others, which was concluded by a peaceable arrangement with Morazan. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 191-3, 196.

[VIII-73] Martinez and Cori, implicated in a plot with negroes of Belize and Bacalar, and others were executed May 25, 1833. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 132.

[VIII-74] They mostly affected the clergy. Marure, Efem., 23-7, 35-6.

[VIII-75] Resulting from various causes. A law providing for a provisional currency checked foreign trade. In the interior it was at 50 per ct discount. A decree establishing a single tax never could be carried out. The abolition of tithes was a measure which caused trouble. Timid or fanatical rulers were afraid of 'cuatro canÓnigos viejos de Comayagua que amenazaban con el salmo 108 y las penas del infierno,' and fanaticism soon brought about the restoration of the tithes. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 277.

[VIII-76] This was the second constituent assembly, and its first president was JosÉ Santiago Buezo. The town of Tegucigalpa demanded absolute independence, declaring itself seceded and under the protection of Nicaragua until it should be declared. This was the work of the returned reactionists. Id., 279-82.

[VIII-77] 'Art. Único. El estado de Honduras es libre, soberano, É independiente.' It was published by the acting jefe, Leon Alvarado. The declaration being deemed insufficient by the secessionists, another act was passed on the 5th of Nov., to say that Honduras was independent of the late federal government, of the governments of the other states of Cent. Am., and of any other government or foreign power. Id., 282; Marure, Efem., 47.

[VIII-78] Tegucigalpa had been twice taken, and Comayagua once, by the federal forces. Id., 50-1.

[VIII-79] GerÓnimo Zelaya, primer jefe, June 1828. His authority was never recognized outside of Santa BÁrbara. His election was finally declared null, like all others effected pursuant to the convention by the president of the republic. Diego Vijil, vice-jefe, Apr. 1829. Juan Angel Arias, consejero, Dec. 1829. JosÉ Santos del Valle, consejero, July 1830. JosÉ Ant. Marquez, jefe, March 1831. Francisco Milla, consejero, March 1832. Joaquin Rivera, jefe, Jan. 1833 to Dec. 31, 1836. During his term, owing to illness, the executive was temporarily in charge of F. Ferrera, the vice-jefe, in Sept. 1833, and of J. M. Bustillo, consejero, in Sept. 1835. The latter was again in power as acting president in Aug. 1839. Ferrera again held the executive in Jan. 1841, with the title of president of the state. J. M. Martinez, consejero, Jan. 1837. Justo JosÉ Herrera, jefe, May 1837. Leon Alvarado, consejero, Oct. 1838. Felipe Medina, JosÉ Alvarado, and Lino Matute are also mentioned as having had charge of the executive in Nov. 1838; the last named till Jan. 1839. Juan F. Molina, consejero, Jan. 1839. JosÉ M. Guerrero, consejero, May 1839. Francisco Zelaya, consejero, Sept. 1839. Id., 63; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 133-6, 325-31; iii. 282-3.

[IX-1] March 5, 1824, the local constituent assembly met, and on the 4th of July, the state constitution, decreed on the 12th of June, was published, and its support sworn to. Marure, Efem., 10-11.

[IX-2] Sonsonate had always belonged to Guatemala, but was annexed to Salvador on the return of the auxiliary force that was despatched to the former in 1823 to quell Ariza's revolt, of which I have given an account. By intrigue and force, the inhabitants were made to declare in favor of Salvador. The region was later attached to the latter, though the change of jurisdiction has never been formally acknowledged by Guatemala. Some time after there was a plan of creating, with Sonsonate and Santa Ana, a separate state, but the federal congress did not sanction it. Marure, Bosq. Hist., i. 149.

[IX-3] He assumed his office Dec. 13, 1824. During the period of organization the executive was in charge of Juan Manuel Rodriguez, who bore the title of director. Id., Efem., 13, 62; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32.

[IX-4] At this time Salvador became the asylum of the liberal party.

[IX-5] Arce alleged that Molina and others had induced Villacorta to believe he was the only man who could right political wrongs; but he found he could not do this, and so resigned. Mem., 60-1.

[IX-6] Convents were abolished March 1, 1830. A college was established in July of the following year; and the state seemed to have recovered from the losses of the late war.

[IX-7] Cornejo could not be in accord with the federal authorities; he was a servile, and in league with their enemies. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 334.

[IX-8] The executive authority was held for a while by Morazan himself. Marure, Efem., 30, 62.

[IX-9] To accept the position he resigned the vice-presidency of the republic. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 6.

[IX-10] Tithes had been suppressed and trial by jury introduced.

[IX-11] The public archives and artillery were to be also removed. The comandante-general was to remain behind with four cannons and 200 muskets.

[IX-12] He had lost his wearing apparel, and in his smallclothes, and with a travelling cloak on, he took charge of the government. Id., 20. He was chosen by the assembly first jefe on the 1st of July, 1833. In June 1834 he was removed from office and expelled. Marure, Efem., 36, 62; Guat., Gaceta, Dec. 22, 1854, 7.

[IX-13] Aquino was a perfect savage, and invoked religion, as did Carrera somewhat later. He once entered San Vicente with the crown of an image of St Joseph on his head. His mode of sentencing prisoners to death was expeditious. The victim was placed before a group of his men, who were told he was their enemy. 'Shoot him,' they would say, and the thing was done. Aquino was in league with the serviles, but as they could not manage him, they persecuted their crowned ally. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 21.

[IX-14] Crowe, Gospel, 135, and Squier, Travels, ii. 420-1, erroneously place it in 1832.

[IX-15] The defeat of San Martin by Gen. Espinosa was at Jiquilisco. Guat., Boletin Ofic., 507-9. San Martin was now forsaken by Galvez, the jefe of Guatemala. In his old age he used to complain of 'las inconsecuencias del Doctor Galvez.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 27.

[IX-16] The latter ruled only from July to Oct., when he was temporarily succeeded, first by the consejero, Joaquin Escolan, and then by the vice-jefe, JosÉ M. Silva, the same month. NicolÁs Espinosa became jefe in Apr. 1835, and was driven away in the following November, being accused of promoting a war of races, the consejero Francisco Gomez being his successor on the 13th of Nov. The next rulers were: Diego Vijil, Apr. 1836; Timoteo Menendez, vice-jefe, Sept. 1836; Antonio J. CaÑas, consejero, May 1839. Marure, Efem., 62; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 193.

[IX-17] Carrera contemplated becoming the ruler of Central America, but had to abandon his plan on Nicaragua and Honduras forming a league against him. His Indians were not so efficient when off from their native ground. Squier's Travels, ii. 441-2.

[IX-18] Sept. 23, 1840. He had ruled since Apr. 8th of the same year. Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875. The revolutionary movement of Sept. 20th for his removal was promoted by Francisco Malespin, Carrera's tool, and a man who wielded a fatal influence in Salvador till Gen. Joaquin E. Guzman rid the country of him. Malespin was then acting for Carrera, who feared that a revolution of the Calvario ward of San Salvador would upset CaÑas, who was without influence, and could no longer be useful to the aristocrats of Guat. Such a revolution would create a liberal government, and might bring back Morazan. CaÑas was put out of the way that his place might be occupied by a servile tool. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 499.

[IX-19] He held the position only to the end of 1840. His successors with the same title were Juan Lindo, Jan. 1841; Pedro Arce, Apr. 1841; Senator EscolÁstico Marin, Feb. 1842. Marure, Efem., 62.

[IX-20] 'En la ulterior contienda de los partidos polÍticos de esta Provincia, pues, no se encuentran mas que pasiones; las calificaciones de realistas, imperialistas, Ó serviles solo servian para autorizar la persecucion.' Ayon, Ap., 25.

[IX-21] April 17, 1823.

[IX-22] This movement was the precursor of the great calamities that were to befall Nicaragua. Marure, Efem., 9.

[IX-23] The troops and the mob in Leon, on the 4th of May, deposed him, and placed his office in charge of the alcalde, Pablo Melendez, who in his turn was overthrown a few days later by another sedition headed by OrdoÑez.

[IX-24] The villas of Managua and Nicaragua refused to recognize the revolutionary government at the capital, and established a junta gubernativa at the first-named town.

[IX-25] It was formed with the chief men of the 'partido de Managua.'

[IX-26] By order of Gen. Manuel JosÉ Arce, who afterward entered Leon. Details of battles and actions during this unhappy period of Nicaraguan history may be found in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 151-6; Id., Efem., 11-12, 75; Ayon, Apuntes, 28-36; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 160-2.

[IX-27] In the previous year Martin ArzÚ had been sent as a commissioner to restore peace in Nicaragua. He was ordered to use gentle means, but to employ force against parties opposing him. To support him, 500 Hondurans were stationed at Choluteca. He arrived after the siege of Leon had begun, and endeavored on the spot to bring about an arrangement between the belligerents; but he was treated disrespectfully by the besiegers, and even arrested and threatened with death by Salas. He afterward declared the junta at El Viejo revolutionary, and that its commands should be disregarded. After that he conducted the defence of Leon. Marure, Bosq., i. 157-9.

[IX-28] In the latter part of 1828 he was shot, under the sentence of a court-martial convened by order of the vice-jefe ArgÜello. Id., Efem., 63-4.

[IX-29] Its support was sworn to on the last day of that month.

[IX-30] The first representative council, or senate, was inaugurated at the same place on the 26th of Oct., 1826. Id., 18.

[IX-31] Cerda would not, however, lay down his power, and continued exercising it at Managua. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 43.

[IX-32] The dissolution was 'Á consecuencia de una sedicion promovida por el Vice-jefe del mismo Estado Sr Juan ArgÜello.' Marure, Efem., 18.

[IX-33] On the 14th of Sept., 1827. This was his third or fourth effort; all fruitless, however. Id., 20.

[IX-34] He foretold at the time that 'muy luego verÍa el congreso arder otra vez la tea de la discordia en aquel Estado.' Arce, Mem., 17.

[IX-35] Their project involved the annexation of Nicaragua to Colombia. Los Anales, 1872, 54.

[IX-36] He now proposed to surrender the government to ArgÜello or some one else. His friends dissuaded him, and he was finally the victim of treachery.

[IX-37] His friends had obtained that the trial should be at Granada, but the mob at Rivas opposed his removal at the moment of departure. Id., 63.

[IX-38] Nov. 29, 1828. It is said that the vice-jefe, ArgÜello, decreed a suspension of the sentence; but purposely delayed the courier, so that the reprieve arrived too late at Rivas. A full biography of Cerda, with scattered historical items, is given in Id., 29-72, passim.

[IX-39] The installation of the assembly was on Nov. 1, 1829. The elections had been decreed by the vice-jefe, ArgÜello, and his act, as well as the elections effected under it, were on the 23d of May, 1830, declared to be legitimate. Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 80. Herrera had been inducted in office on the 12th of May. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 199-203.

[IX-40] The services of the Nicaraguans were recognized by both the federal president and the state assembly. Honors were decreed to the survivors, and pensions to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the dead. Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 214-15.

[IX-41] This last action was attributed by the revolutionists to Herrera's machinations and Morazan's influence; but the truth was, that the people recognized Herrera's services as the pacificator, and his good qualifications as a ruler. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 31-2.

[IX-42] A detailed account of this revolt is given in the Centro Americano, 89-97. It is said that a number of medals were found of tortoise-shell, gold, and other metals, with the image of Fernando VII., and bearing the inscription 'Viva Fernando VII. Rey de EspaÑa y de las Indias, AÑo de 1828,' which gave rise to the supposition that the revolt had been in his interests. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 36-8. Herrera issued a proclamation calling on the people to stand by the government. Marure, Efem., 33-4.

[IX-43] The assembly, installed on the 21st of Aug., 1833, at Leon, approved all of Herrera's acts.

[IX-44] On the southern coast of Nicaragua, 12 leagues distant from Leon.

[IX-45] A dense yellow cloud rose suddenly, accompanied by a strong smell of sulphur and a shower of fine white dust. The alarmed inhabitants closed their doors and windows, but the dust could not be kept out. Breathing became difficult. This lasted nearly three days. On the 23d, at 1 a. m., a loud detonation, followed by heavy shocks of earthquake, rain of sand, and total darkness, rendered the terror of the people complete. Flocks of birds fell dead to the ground, and wild animals sought refuge in buildings. The frightened inhabitants ran to their yards, or hurried to the churches to implore divine mercy. Forty-three hours passed before the earth became quiet, when a strong wind cleared the atmosphere, enabling the people to ascertain the damage. The ashes in the vicinity of the volcano were several feet deep. The river Chiquito had been wholly dried up, and two new islands were formed. A large number of animals had perished, and the living ones were in a state of starvation. Such had been the force of the convulsion that the detonations and the rain of ashes had reached a distance of hundreds of leagues, as far as Oajaca, Jamaica, and BogotÁ in Colombia. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 145-50, in giving an account of the event, adds that the priests called it a punishment from heaven because tithes had been abolished, freedom of conscience proclaimed, and the decrees of 1829 and 1830 upheld. The parish priests in several towns, during the prevailing darkness, preached from their pulpits that this shaking of the earth was a manifestation of God's wrath for the crimes of the liberals. Squier, Trav., ii. 110-11, says that the superintendent of Belize, on hearing the explosions, mustered his troops, thinking that a battle was being fought somewhere near the coast. Stephens, Cent. Am., ii. 38, relates a similar incident of the military commander of Guatemala.

[IX-46] Accounts of the catastrophe, differing more or less in details, according to the various points where it was observed, are given in Marure, Efem., 36-7; Stephens' Cent. Am., ii. 35-8; Squier's Trav., ii. 110-14, 162-3, with a view of the volcano; Byam's Wild Life, 32-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 15-17; Lond. Geog. Soc. Journ., v. 387-92; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 23; Wells' Hond., 230-1; Cor. AtlÁnt., May 9, 1835, 10; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 919-20.

[IX-47] Not in 1836, as Dunlop has it. Cent. Am., 191-2.

[IX-48] His minister-general for a time was J. N. Gonzalez, and on his resigning, Hermenegildo Zepeda, one of the first lawyers in the state, succeeded. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 302.

[IX-49] On the 25th of Jan. Marure, Efem., 39, 64; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 306-10, gives the official documents describing the occurrences.

[IX-50] Father Solis, the president, and others attributed to Morazan and the constitution of 1824 the evils Nicaragua had suffered from, forgetting those preceding Morazan and the constitution.

[IX-51] Ratified by the executive Nov. 17th. Given in full in Nic., Constit., in Cent. Am. Constitutions, 1-39. A brief synopsis in Squier's Travels, ii. 211-13. See also Niles' Reg., 1839, lvi. 49.

[IX-52] During Herrera's term the following held the executive authority for short periods: CÁrlos Ruiz y BolaÑos, Aug. 1831; Benito Morales, Feb. 1834; JosÉ NuÑez, March 1834. I find that the government was also provisionally in charge of Gregorio Juarez, May 1835; F. X. Rubio, Jan. 1838; JosÉ NuÑez, as jefe, March 12, 1838; Evaristo Rocha, May 1838; Joaquin Cosio, June 1838; Patricio Rivas, director, June 1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, Oct. 1839; TomÁs Valladares, Nov. 1839. In 1840 he became director del estado; Pablo Buitrago, director, Apr. 1841. Marure, Efem., 64.

[IX-53] Sept. 6, 1824. Molina, Costa Rica, 95, followed by Wagner, Costa R., 545, gives it as May 6th, which is evidently a mistake. Marure, Efem., 11, has it Sept. 6th, and that Agustin Gutierrez LizaurzÁbal was its first president.

[IX-54] Costa Rica, Ley Fundam. (San Salv., 1825), 24 mo, 26 pp.; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13; Molina, Costa R., 18. This last-named author, on his p. 95, gives the date as Jan. 22d, evidently following Marure, Efem., 13. Squier, Travels, ii. 388, makes it Jan. 2d.

[IX-55] Mariano Montealegre became the vice-jefe. Mora was reËlected in March 1829, and ruled till toward the end of 1832. Marure, Efem., 64; Id., Bosq., 149; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 32.

[IX-56] Personal enmity between Pedro MuÑoz, an influential man in Guanacaste, and Cerda was the main reason. Los Anales, 1872, 54.

[IX-57] The approval was merely provisional. The other four are Cartago, San JosÉ, Heredia, and Alajuela. Molina, Costa R., 5-6.

[IX-58] Nic. y Hond., Doc., 101-12; Ayon, Consid. LÍmites, 20-4; Frisch, Mex., 73.

[IX-59] Marure, Efem., 16, and Bosq., i. 232-3, following El Indicador, 1826, no. 75, and El Semanario, 1826, no. 86, gives the date as Jan. 29th. Molina, Costa R., 96, places it on the 28th.

[IX-60] He confessed to have acted under a commission from the court of Spain, and as a lieut-col in its service. Seventeen of his partisans were sent out of the country.

[IX-61] A detailed account of that mission may be seen in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 112-14; Molina, Costa R., 96-7.

[IX-62] 'Ocupa este lugar el ciudadano Ex-gefe Juan Mora, por sus virtudes, y le ocuparÁn sucesivamente, los que, en el mismo destino, se hagan dignos de Él.' Marure, Efem., 33. Mora was born in San JosÉ in 1784, and had filled several important trusts before his election to the chief magistracy. After his retirement he again held other offices till his exile in 1838. Returning to his country in 1842, he took a prominent part in public affairs. In Nov. 1848 he was declared a benemÉrito de la patria, and given a pension for life. In May 1850 he became president of the supreme court. Honesty and integrity were the prominent traits of his character, united with ability and liberal ideas, but free from exaggerations. Molina, Costa R., 75-6, 98, 119-21.

[IX-63] Costa Rica had never been under the sway of bishops, clergymen, or monks. That fanaticism which has been so baneful to other states of Spanish America never existed here. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 305.

[IX-64] Guat., Boletin Ofic., 1833, no. 34, 376; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 4-5. Gallegos was an honorable man and father of a family, as well as a wealthy property owner. But he was not conversant with state affairs, nor with the intrigues of politicians. His chief aim was economy; he wished to see the public treasury full of money; he cared less to apply that money in the development of the country.

[IX-65] In proof of which were the newspapers El Noticioso Universal, La Tertulia, El Correo de Costa Rica, and the number of sheets that were constantly issued.

[IX-66] By the assembly and council, and published by the executive, Apr. 3, 1834. Id., 198-201; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 110-12, 120-1.

[IX-67] Juan JosÉ Lara became jefe provisorio, and in his turn was succeeded in June of the same year by the vice-jefe Agustin G. LizaurzÁbal, who ruled till March 1835, when, because of ill health, he delivered the government to Manuel Fernandez, who had it till the regularly elected jefe assumed his duties. Marure, Efem., 64; Molina, Costa R., 99; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 134-5, 159-60.

[IX-68] He was born in Cartago in 1800, and studied in the university of Leon, Nicaragua. He had never been out of Cent. Am., and consequently his mind had never had the expanding influence of travel. He was accordingly full of petty prejudices. He could, however, appreciate men of merit, and avail himself of their abilities; but if he mistrusted a man, he proved a relentless foe. He rarely placed any trust in any one. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 208; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 206-7; Molina, Costa R., 68 et seq.; Wagner, Costa Rica, 201-3.

[IX-69] Law of Apr. 11 and Aug. 25, 1835; Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 196-9, 235-9; Salv., Diario Ofic., May 25, 1875.

[IX-70] Government issued a proclamation against the rebels on the 6th of Oct., 1835. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 273-80.

[IX-71] The decisive action occurred on the 28th of Oct. About 50 persons perished. Details on those troubles appear in Molina, Costa R., 99-100; Marure, Efem., 38. The authors of the rebellion were mulcted in sums ranging from $2,000 down to $30. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 208-27, 237-47.

[IX-72] Two thousand men came upon the invaders at the hacienda of Santa Rosa. Quijano escaped to Nicaragua. The government, by a decree of July 2, 1836, declared him and others outlawed, and one of them was executed. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 325-30, 349-58. Guanacaste, later known as Liberia, and Nicoya, for their loyalty, were rewarded, the former being made a city, and the latter a villa. Molina, Costa R., 100; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 230-6.

[IX-73] Carrillo held the executive office till March 1837, when, his term having expired, he surrendered it to Joaquin Mora, a brother of the former jefe, Juan Mora, who ruled only one month, and began his administration by opposing some of Carrillo's measures. Id., 312.

[IX-74] Aguilar had political enemies who accused him of friendship for Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, thereby exposing San JosÉ to new assaults. With this pretext a plan was formed to assault the barracks at San JosÉ on the night of Aug. 26th. Id., 318-20.

[IX-75] Carrillo was recognized as jefe by a special decree of the assembly on the 26th of June, and remained at the head of affairs till 1842, when he was overthrown in his turn. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 241; Marure, Efem., 64; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 322-3. Miguel Carranza, Carrillo's father-in-law, became vice-jefe. Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 359.

[IX-76] He established a reign of despotism, in which his will was law, restricting the press and punishing his political opponents with expatriation and otherwise, though they were pardoned in 1838. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 320-1, v. 96-100, 193-4. His course made him many enemies, whom he treated with the utmost harshness. His change from a liberal ruler to an arbitrary one was quite marked. He was known by the sobriquet of Sapo de Loza. A number of charges against him appear in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 561-79. During his former administration, in 1836, he restored the tithes and the excessive number of holidays of the church.

[IX-77] The assembly had, in April 1838, passed a resolution inviting the federal congress to call a national convention for the exclusive purpose of reforming the federal institutions. Costa R., Col. Leyes, v. 196-8.

[IX-78] Carrillo could not rule with the liberal constitution of 1825. To do away with this obstacle he used as a pretext the decree of the federal congress of May 30, 1838, empowering the states to reconstitute themselves. The assembly of Costa Rica accepted the decree on the 16th of July, 1838, and Carrillo seized the opportunity to get rid of a fundamental law that did not suit him. It was at his suggestion that the assembly, by decree of July 14, 1838, called the constituent convention. Costa R., Col. Leyes, iv. 248-51, 279-84; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 266-7.

[IX-79] A treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded July 1, 1839, with Honduras; another of the same character one month later with Guatemala. Both are given in Convencion, in Cent. Am. Constitutions, 13-14, 23-5.

[IX-80] The coat of arms was a star with rays, placed in the centre of a sky-blue circle, and had at the circumference the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' The flag consisted of three horizontal stripes, the uppermost and lowest white, and the central one sky-blue, with the coat of arms on the latter. The flag of the mercantile marine was not to have the coat of arms, but instead of it, in silver letters on the centre stripe, the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' Costa R., Col. Leyes, vi. 316-20.

[IX-81] President Morazan's decree of April 20, 1842, restored the flag, arms, and coins as before the promulgation of Carrillo's.

[X-1] Articles 8th and 9th of this treaty stipulated that the ports of both states were to be closed to British trade until Great Britain should restore to Central America the island of Roatan, the seizure of which, together with its consequences, is treated of in another part of this volume. Chatfield, who had been favoring the views of Guatemala against Los Altos, declared to the latter that these articles were offensive to his government. The government of the new state, being anxious to avert any interruption of friendly relations, by its minister, Aguilar, assured the consul, on the 18th of Jan., 1840, that the objectionable articles would be rescinded.

[X-2] The state assembly passed a decree to that end April 17, 1841, and appointed the deputies to represent it, the appointees being Francisco Castellon, Gregorio Juarez, Benito Rosales, Ex-jefe JosÉ NuÑez, and Hermenegildo Zepeda. The last named was represented by Sebastian Salinas. Castellon's selection by the assembly was a blow at Buitrago, the two being bitter opponents.

[X-3] In the protest they set forth the machinations brought to bear to defeat them. Nicaragua and Salvador had asked Guatemala and Costa Rica to enter the convention. Ferrera, the executive of Honduras, played a double game. He had representatives in the convention, while he was leagued with the aristocrats of Guatemala, who spurned the idea of reorganization. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 144.

[X-4] Meantime the convention named the supreme delegate and the members of the council. The duties of the executive officer were multifarious, involving foreign and internal affairs. Among the foreign affairs was the negotiating of a concordat with the pope, and of a treaty with Spain for her recognition of Central American independence. He was also to procure the reassembling of the American diet. Squier's Trav., ii. 444-5; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 147-8; Reichardt, Nic., 73-4; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875.

[X-5] Act of the constituent assembly, dated July 20, 1842. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 304-5.

[X-6] The act consisted of 77 articles, and was an amplification of the former act. Art. 4 said that the confederate states recognized the principle of non-intervention by one or more states in the internal affairs of the others. They bound themselves never to resort to arms for the settlement of disputed points, nor to permit the annexation of towns of alien jurisdiction without the express assent of their sovereign. The other states of the late union were granted the privilege of joining the confederacy with equal rights and representation. Art. 14 prescribed that the government was to be exercised through delegates for the general objects of common benefit expressly set forth in the instrument. Art. 15. The executive authority was to be in charge of a supremo delegado, with a consultive council formed with one member from each state. Art. 16. The judicial power was intrusted to a court composed of members chosen by the state legislatures. The delegates who subscribed the act were: J. NuÑez, G. Juarez, Francisco Castellon, Pedro Zeledon, and Sebastian Salinas for Nicaragua; Manuel Barberena, and JosÉ M. Cornejo for Salvador; Manuel E. Vazquez, MÓnico Bueso, and Jacobo Rosa for Honduras. Cent. Am., Pacto de Confed., 1-12; Niles' Reg., lxiv. 2; La Union, June 15, 1850; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 266-82; Pabellon Nac., Oct. 19, 1844, 27; Froebel's Cent. Am., 143.

[X-7] An act was passed by the constituent assembly on the 28th of July, 1841, purporting to have in view a restoration of the union. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 454-5.

[X-8] Costa R., Col. Leyes, viii. 28-36. This treaty was called by the nobles 'tratado de union.' Carcache produced a note of June 17, 1843. from Aycinena reiterating his government's protest against the expediency and practicability of establishing in Central America 'una forma de gobierno unitario,' which in its opinion would entail upon the country still greater misfortunes. Castellon, for the Nicaragua executive, replied on the 5th of Aug., denying that any offence had been committed by entertaining opinions favorable to the late government. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 151-2.

[X-9] Rivera Paz' decree, in Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 46-8.

[X-10] Costa Rica appointed delegates to the diet. Costa R., Col. Leyes, viii. 57-9, 92-8, 188-9. The minister of Guat. had proposed to Costa Rica a convention of commissioners from all the states, appointed in the manner he suggested, namely, all the commissioners were to be of Guatemala, and directed by him to review the compact of Chinandega. The proposition was rejected. The reports of the committees in the assemblies of Guatemala and Costa Rica are given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 283-97, 380, 407-9.

[X-11] This would save them from such blows as the lieut-gen. inflicted on them at Pinula and Villa de Guadalupe, early in 1844.

[X-12] They were to be paid for by the confederate states.

[X-13] These facts appear in the official report to the state government on May 6, 1844.

[X-14] JosÉ Antonio Azmitia became minister of the treasury, and Manuel Ubico under-sec.-gen.

[X-15] He could not deny Arce's invasion of Salvador, but pretended that no prominent man of the govt or of the aristocratic party had any knowledge of his intention to invade, or of the source from which he obtained his supplies. Pavon knew well enough, but prevarication was convenient. The fact is, Juan A. Alvarado, Guatemalan agent in San Salvador, had given his government timely information of the intended invasion. Arce's departure was open. In order to put an innocent appearance on the affair, the govt decreed, May 12, 1844, that Arce should leave the city within 24 hours, and the state within 20 days. In an address to the people on the 2d of June, Rivera Paz says that Salvador emissaries had been detected trying to rouse the people of Los Altos to insurrection, and that the plan was intended to avenge the defeat of 1840. This is hardly true; for Malespin had been then on Carrera's side against Morazan, and his tool in Salvador ever since. The aristocrats had, when it suited their purposes, published letters of liberal leaders falling in their hands; and yet they never brought out those said to have been taken from the emissaries at Los Altos.

[X-16] The two notes are given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 531-41.

[X-17] Col. Vicente Cruz, commanding the advance force of Carrera's army, attributed the defeat to fear, which was not altogether devoid of truth.

[X-18] The commissioners were: JosÉ D. Dieguez, Luis Batres, and JosÉ M. Urruela for Guat.; Bishop Viteri and Narciso Monterey for the sup. del.

[X-19] Art. 2 stipulated that all property removed from Guat. to Salv. by the latter's forces should be restored, or its value made good. This article was a hard one for Malespin, and yet Viteri accepted it. This arrangement was completed in May 1846. Id., v. 18; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 408-15; Crowe's Gospel, 159; La Abeja, Oct. 18, 1844; Defensor Integ. Nac., Nov. 2, 1844; El Constituc., Apr. 23, 1844; Pabellon Nac., Oct. 19, 29, 1844.

[X-20] He insisted on certain amendments, his commissioners having exceeded their instructions, and humiliated Salvador, which was irresponsible for the movement on Jutiapa. And yet Guatemala declared the convention to be obligatory.

[X-21] The object then in view was to unite Malespin and Ferrera for a dash upon Nicaragua. With the Guatemalan commissioners went Viteri, and he had a princely reception.

[X-22] He added that by sacrificing a great portion of her rights Salv. had obtained peace.

[X-23] The commissioners who negotiated it were: Cayetano Bosque for Salvador; Canon Doroteo Alvarenga and Juan Lindo for Honduras. The object of the arrangement was evidently a league against Nicaragua, though it cannot be said to have been against the party called 'coquimbos,' for generals Saget and Espinosa were now serving with Malespin. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 567-8, 581-2.

[X-24] The confederate executive had ordered a force of NicaragÜenses to come into Salvador through the department of Choluteca, Lieut-col Aguado being charged with their transportation.

[X-25] The troops could not come by sea, the port of La Union being then blockaded by a British frigate. Copy of Aguilar's note, dated Aug. 11, 1844, in Id., 569-71.

[X-26] MuÑoz' report sets the enemy's loss at 156 killed, besides many prisoners, and over 200 muskets, etc.

[X-27] The place was defended by upwards of 700 men under Juan Morales.

[X-28] Guzman could not grant such authority, as it was of the exclusive province of the state congress. It was, besides, unnecessary, as neither Salvador nor Honduras was invaded.

[X-29] For his own security, in his absence, he placed his brother, Calixto Malespin, as comandante general, near Vice-president Guzman. This man used to open Guzman's correspondence, and deliver him only such despatches as he thought expedient. See circular of Jimenez, Guzman's minister, to governors of departments, of Feb. 12, 1845, in Id., 717-18.

[X-30] He was the constitutional chief. Ayon, Apuntes, 4; Semanario Nic., Apr. 24, 1873.

[X-31] A pompous title, which rendered him ridiculous in the eyes of many, while it excited jealousy on the part of others. Squier's Trav., ii. 449. Fonseca is represented as a drunkard, ignorant, and the most brutal tyrant Nicaragua ever had. Life and property were subject to his nod. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 224-5; Wells' Hond., 494.

[X-32] It should be known that Chamorro had not been a Morazanista, or even a liberal. He was the chief of the conservative party in Nic. On March 29, 1845, his term having expired, and there being no legal successor, he decreed that the office of supremo delegado ceased to exist, and communicated the fact to the governments of the several states. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 122.

[X-33] Oct. 31, 1844. The object of the war, he said, was to avenge the insult inflicted by Nic. on Hond., and it was to be waged till a lasting peace could be secured.

[X-34] Here the invaders were joined by Gen. Manuel Quijano and 64 dragoons who had deserted from Leon.

[X-35] The commissioners were Hermenegildo Zepeda and GerÓnimo Carcache. Malespin himself acted for Salv. and Hond. Art. 1 required Nic. to pay Salv. and Hond. all the expenses of the present war, and to Salv. those incurred in the war of April last against Guat., because Nic. had failed to furnish her contingent of troops. This last payment was waived by Salv. in art. 6. Art. 2 calls for the surrender by Nic. of all arms within her territory belonging to the allies. Art. 3 made it the duty of Nic. to deliver to the allied forces the 'facciosos' Joaquin Rivera, MÁximo Orellana, Miguel Álvarez, Trinidad CabaÑas, Gerardo Barrios, Diego and Ramon Vijil, if found in the state, and if they were out of it, not to allow them to reside therein without the consent of the allied governments. Art. 7 throws upon Nic. the expense of supporting the allied troops from the date of the ratification of the treaty till they should have reached their quarters in their respective states. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 592-4.

[X-36] Guardiola became intoxicated and abused the deserters; whereupon half of them abandoned the allied camp, and he was placed under arrest.

[X-37] Among the slain was Cruz Guardiola, a brother of the general.

[X-38] It will be well to record here that MuÑoz, to whom Leon owed her present tribulation, was a Nicaraguan by birth.

[X-39] The negotiators for Nic. were Canon Desiderio CortÉs and Anselmo Alarcon; for Salv. and Hond., Gen. NicolÁs Espinosa and J. T. MuÑoz. Under this capitulation the terms agreed to in the former one at Zatoca were to be enforced as regarded payment of war expenses and surrender of arms. Nic. bound herself to expel from the state Casto Fonseca, CabaÑas, Rivera, Orellana, Barrios, Álvarez, Diego, Ramon and JosÉ Antonio Vijil, Domingo Asturias, JosÉ Antonio Milla, and JosÉ Antonio Ruiz; and furthermore, to deliver to Malespin some Salvadorans who revolted against him at San Miguel on the 5th of Sept., 1844.

[X-40] Granada took Malespin's side, and was followed by Rivas and other places. It seemed as if all the actas had been written by the same hand. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 600, 635-6.

[X-41] The most humiliating part of this arrangement was the 3d clause, wherein the eastern and southern departments recognize Malespin as 'protector de los NicaragÜenses,' and general-in-chief of the united armies, including one organized by those departments, till the end of the war. Id., iv. 600-2; Nic., Registro Ofic., 12, 14, 55-6, 65, 69, 110-15; Sandoval, Rev. PolÍt., 9, 15-18.

[X-42] Several officers were shot, among them a number taken by Saget, on the vessel Carolina. Malespin issued stringent orders against rendering aid to the besieged. An official report from Nagarote of Jan. 23d, to the comandante at Managua, speaks of a defeat of troops of the govt at Leon, with the loss of 200 killed, 300 wounded, and many prisoners, together with 3 pieces of cannon and other arms, etc. Nic., Registro Ofic., 4.

[X-43] It is related that Pedro Zeledon, a Costa Rican residing in Chichigalpa, Nic., wrote MuÑoz, depicting the horrors of the war and the need of peace. Malespin made MuÑoz invite Zeledon to a conference, and when he had him in his power, demanded a ransom of $1,000, but did not get anything, and Zeledon obtained his liberty.

[X-44] The only house exempted from plunder was Manning's. Many houses were razed to the ground, or burned purposely.

[X-45] On the first day the acting director, Emiliano Madrid, Crescencio Navas, cols Francisco Lacayo and Balmaceda, Capt. Valle, JosÉ M. Oseguera, and Father Crespin were shot. Crespin's offence was to have begged the infamous Manuel Quijano, at the door of the hospital for the wounded, to spare them. Canon CortÉs was put to death afterward. Casto Fonseca, captured on the coast, was tried by court-martial and shot. An eye-witness declared that 24 persons were executed by Malespin in Leon. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv., table no. 5, 636; Sandoval, Revista PolÍt., 7-15; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 227, 230-3; Nic., Registro Ofic., 4-6, 14; Crowe's Gospel, 159-61; Niles' Reg., lxviii. 193. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 77, speaks of Malespin's acts of horrible cruelty, adding that according to the newspapers of Guat. Malespin had caused to be assassinated over 1,000 persons.

[X-46] Eighty-five prisoners were released from the jail, many of whom had been confined there for alleged political offenses.

[X-47] He was a son-in-law of Vice-president Guzman. They differed in politics, but Barrios fully believed that Guzman was the person to overthrow Malespin, and must be aided with some bold stroke.

[X-48] He called a large number of his friends to his house and armed them with pistols—he had not a single musket at his command. He then called the comandante general, and the mayor de plaza, Antonino ArÉvalo, and made prisoners of them without resistance. The two escaped afterward, but Malespin was recaptured, with a wound.

[X-49] Acta of the capital on Feb. 2, 1845. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 719-24; Monit. Constit. Indep., May 2, 1845; La Minerva, May 22, 1845.

[X-50] Costa R. had heard of it by a vessel from Acajutla, and sent her recognition before the circular reached her. The govt of Nic., created by Malespin, recognized Guzman. The nobles of Guat. had to do the same; and believing themselves endowed with extraordinary good sense, added their advice with all the gravity of pedagogues. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 678.

[X-51] On the ground of unconstitutionality, he being in command of the state forces at the time the election took place. Circular Feb. 24, 1845, in Id., 725; El Salvador Regenerado, no. 2.

[X-52] Guzman was a Costa Rican by birth, but had lived many years in San Miguel, Salv. He entertained liberal ideas from his earliest political life. His military service, under Morazan, began soon after the battle of Gualcho, and he was present as a captain in the actions of San Miguel and Las Charcas. He accompanied that leader to Guat. In the invasion of Cent. Am. from Mex. by Arce in 1832, Guzman did gallant service at Jocoro, and entered San Salvador with Morazan. Again during San Martin's rebellion he served under his chief as a lieut-col. The chambers of Salvador, on the 19th of May, 1845, declared Guzman a 'benemÉrito de la patria,' and awarded him a gold medal, at the same time promoting him to general of division. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 693-4; Salv., Diario Ofic., May 21, 1875. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 116, says of him: He was 'more remarkable for cunning than honor or courage. His manners are gentlemanly; he has no mixture of colored blood, and is rather good-looking, though he appears to possess but little talent or education.' I am inclined to think that Dunlop misrepresented Guzman's character, for Guzman proved himself a good and pure ruler, and his name is revered in the state and throughout Cent. Am. by all lovers of freedom and enlightenment.

[X-53] On the 23d of Feb., 1845, grounded on the execution of priests at Leon. The decree forbids the faithful of the diocese to have any intercourse, verbal or written, with Malespin, or to uphold or defend him in any manner. Full text in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 679-81; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 78.

[X-54] They were Cayetano A. Molina and Juan Antonio Alvarado. They asked not merely for Carrera's neutrality, but for his active aid, and were referred to the ministers, by whom they were dealt with as children. The ministers pretended that their request could not be acceded to without an express sanction of the legislature, which was not then in session for lack of a quorum. The plea was a ridiculous one, when we consider that Carrera had never before consulted the wishes of the assembly to act his own will.

[X-55] Malespin had been acting there as president, under Hond. support; but on Guzman's approach his troops disbanded, and he fled.

[X-56] In March 1845 the president of Hond. took Malespin and his companions under the protection of his govt. Nic., Registro Ofic., 53-4.

[X-57] The commissioners of Hond. were Sebastian Salinas and Leonardo Romero; those of Salv., JosÉ FÉlix Quiroz and NicolÁs Angulo. The treaty was ratified by Salv., but rejected by the other contracting party. Text of the treaty and DueÑas' additional clause, in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 726-32.

[X-58] Concluded by Cayetano A. Molina and Juan A. Alvarado for Salv., and Alejandro Marure and JosÉ M. de Urruela for Guat., April 4, 1845; approved by the constituent congress of Guat. on the 23d of the same month, and published by Acting President Duran the next day. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 415-19; Guat., Gaceta, July 8, 1853; Monit. Constit. Ind., May 21, 1845; La Minerva, May 22, 1845.

[X-59] DueÑas was then considered a liberal, though he was a Dominican friar when the convents were closed in 1839, for which reason the government of Guat. would not trust him. It was deceiving him. He was, however, the one most likely to succeed in keeping Carrera from aiding Hond. in the present emergency. Hond. had sent Felipe JÁuregui and Pablo Orellana to Guat. The former was Ferrera's mentor, and in the councils of Pavon, Aycinena, and Batres. At first he was alarmed at the liberalism of the constituent congress, which had voted assistance to Salv. But he received assurances that no aid would be sent except to quell revolts in the interior; and, moreover, that the foes of Hond. would be stricken from the Salvador administration. JÁuregui now understood the game, and wrote his government that the vote of aid by congress practically amounted to nothing. A note containing these assurances was published in Comayagua. Guat. concluded a treaty of friendship and alliance with Hond. on the 19th of July, 1845. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 419-23.

[X-60] Dr Aguilar and Father Monterey. Nic., Registro Ofic., 61-2, 123-34. Gen. MuÑoz, who so efficiently aided Malespin at Leon, was now the com. gen. and most prominent man in Nic.

[X-61] Ferrera claimed another victory on the 7th at Santa Rosa, but it was unfounded. Id., 83, 88; Monitor Constit. Ind., May 21, 1845; Crowe's Gospel, 166-7.

[X-62] He demanded on the 11th of July, as compensation for alleged damages to Hond. by the invasion of CabaÑas and Cordero, that Salv. should cede to Hond. all the arms and other war material deposited in the latter state by Malespin, and pay, besides, $100,000 in specie, to be collected by Hond. in instalments at the port of La Union, which, until the payments should be completed, was to be held by Hond.; or, in lieu of that sum, cede to the latter the department of San Miguel, or that portion of the department of Cuscatlan lying outside of the territory enclosed by the Lempa on the south and south-west. He also required the exile from Cent. Am. of a number of persons. This note was published in Guat., Gaceta Ofic., no. 15, Aug. 28, 1845. In July a project was entertained of a confederation of Hond. with Nic., Guat., and Salv. Nic., Registro Ofic., 93-5, 102-8, 118-21, 136-8.

[X-63] One house containing British property was spared. The houses of two French merchants, whose nation's flag was flying over them, were plundered. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 239.

[X-64] In his report he tried to cover up this serious disaster. But the fact was, that he escaped with only about 300 men, leaving on the field upward of 300 muskets, and a large number of slain, wounded, and prisoners. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 700-1.

[X-65] Hond. troops entered Salv. after that and were defeated. Guardiola with 350 men attacked Carballo, who had only 39, and murdered them. It is said that this act was commended by Ferrera in his report to the chambers of Hond.

[X-66] Guzman then returned to Hond. a number of prisoners who had been represented by his enemies as murdered.

[X-67] So long as they remained in Hond. the latter was to compel them to live at a great distance from the Salv. frontier. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 736-8; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 239-43; Nic., Registro Ofic., 132, 172, 221-2; El Tiempo, March 12, 1846.

[X-68] Each of the contracting parties was to appoint two commissioners to meet at Sonsonate on the 30th of Aug., and was to urge upon the other three states a consideration of the lamentable state the republic was in, suggesting how best to do away with such a condition of affairs; and proposing therefor the convocation and assembling of a constituent power, or such other measure as it might deem conducive to the desired end. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 30-1.

[X-69] Duran well understood the policy of his government. Padilla did not, and volunteered to represent in San Salvador the ardent wishes of Guat. for the restoration of the union. He did so in a patriotic speech that gave him a good name in Salv. and a bad one in Guat., where the Gaceta rebuked him.

[X-70] 'Un delirio de imaginaciones enfermas,' it was pronounced to be. Delegates from Costa R., Salv., and Guat. were at Sonsonate on the 17th of Feb., 1846, and fixed the 15th to the 20th of April for conferences, but they did not take place. On the 15th of June Costa R., Hond., and Salv. only were represented. Nic. and Costa R. signified their willingness to meet the other states at any place they might select, Hond. having suggested Nacaome, as Sonsonate was no longer deemed safe. The whole plan failed at last because of the action of Guat. Much interesting information on the subject and official correspondence appear in Guat., Gac. Ofic., no. 26; Costa R., Col. Leyes, ix. 51-3, 58, 203-4, 212-14, 345-6; x. 115-17, 123-4; Nic., Reg. Ofic., 236-350, passim; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 316-18, 334-5; Froebel's Cent. Am., 143; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 253-4; Niles' Reg., lxix. 34.

[X-71] Signed by Rafael Carrera, and countersigned by JosÉ Antonio Azmitia, minister of relations. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 73-6; Costa R., Informe Relaciones, etc., 1848, 4; El Universal, June 8, 1849; Niles' Reg., lxxii. 208; The Californian, S. F., Nov. 24, 1847, ii. 3.

[X-72] The document bore Carrera's name, but it was no production of his own mind. The authorship was attributed to Alejandro Marure; that is to say, he drew it up from the materials that had been collecting for years. La Revista, the organ of the Sociedad EconÓmica, declared it the offspring of long meditation, and indeed it was, for the aristocrats of Guat. had been planning it since 1828. The full text is given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 196-207.

[X-73] Manuel Pineda de Mont, compiler of Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 453, claims, however, that Guat. was the last of the five states to set aside the federal govt, the last to secede, the last to continue bearing the general burdens of the system, especially the pecuniary ones to sustain even the semblance of authority; and that she only adopted the resolution of March 21, 1847, after exhausting every effort, and losing all hope of seeing her wishes realized. The reader will judge between his statements and the facts as they have been fairly given by me.

[X-74] Joaquin Bernardo Calvo and Juan Antonio Alvarado. The ruler of Costa Rica, Dr Castro, was, however, of the opinion that the five Central American states would be better off as separate nations. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 266-7; Nacaome, Dictamen, in Cent. Am. Pamph., no. 5; Froebel's Cent. Am., 143.

[X-75] Among them was the deputy Nazario Toledo, an intimate friend of the president. Felipe Molina was another, and his opinions are clearly defined in his Bosq. Costa R., 108-9.

[X-76] The decree bears the signatures of Juan Rafael Reyes, vice-president, and Nazario Toledo and Santiago Fernandez, deputies and secretaries of congress. Costa R., Col. Leyes, x. 336-8; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 526-7.

[X-77] The arrangement looked to a consolidation for the purpose of conducting foreign relations, and to an early union on the plan of a federation. Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., 46; Costa R., Gac. Gob., March 2, Apr. 20, 1850; Hond., Gac. Ofic., Aug. 31, 1850; El Siglo, Apr. 22, 1851; Nic., Corr. Ist., Dec. 16, 1849, March 21, Oct. 3, 1850; La Union, Jan. 1, 15, 1850; Guat., Gac., Nov. 30, 1849; Salv., Gac., Dec. 7, 1849.

[X-78] Consul-gen. Chatfield was officially advised of the new organization on the 21st Jan., 1851, and ignored Sec. Buitrago's note. On being reminded of it, May 22d, he returned an insulting reply July 13th, refusing his recognition, when the government decreed, on the 24th of July, to cancel his exequatur as consul-gen. in the states belonging to the confederation, and to inform his govt of the cause. Cent. Am. Docs., 1-6. The British officials also resorted to other means to defeat what they called Am. policy. Squier's Cent. Am., ii. 135; El Universal, Feb. 19, March 26, 1850; Salv., Gac., Dec. 21, 1849; Dem. Rev., Nov. 1850, 452.

[X-79] Guat. and Costa R. had refused to join. Salv. Gac., March 8, 22, 1850, Oct. 12, 1854; Nic., Corr. Ist., Jan. 16, 30, 1851.

[X-80] The act of installation was accompanied with religious and civic ceremonies, the govt of Hond., at whose head was Trinidad CabaÑas, heartily joining them. Congratulatory messages came from all friends of the union. El Siglo, S. Salv., Oct. 29, 30, Nov. 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19, 1852; Hond., Gac. Ofic., Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 1852; Perez, Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic., 17; El Porvenir, nos. 6, 7.

[X-81] The assembly also elected a vice-jefe and four substitute councillors to fill the executive chair, in the event of the jefe or members of the executive council dying or becoming disabled.

[X-82] It set forth the duties of the jefe supremo and councillors, the independence between the federal and state authorities, the rights of citizens, responsibilities of public officials, and organization of the federal judiciary. Hond., Gac. Ofic., Nov. 30, 1852.

[X-83] Salv. on the 21st of March, and Nic. on the 30th of April. The congress, acting too precipitately, overstepped the bounds of its powers. Perez, Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic., 17-18.

[X-84] More details on the confederation scheme are contained in Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 110-16; El Nacional, Nov. 27, Dec. 25, 1858; Nic., Bol. Ofic., July 30, 1869; Id., Gac., March 2, 9, 1872; Id., Seman. Nicar., Nov. 21, Dec. 12, 1872, Feb. 6, Oct. 16, 1873; Los Anales, Dec. 1, 1872; Mex., Diario Ofic., Nov. 2, 1871; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 42d Cong. 2d Sess., i., pt 1, 680-3; Costa R., Inf. Rel., 1876, 12-14; Salv., Gac. Ofic., June 10, July 6, Aug. 19, Oct. 26, 27, 1876; Id., Diario Ofic., March 17, Oct. 5, 13, 1875, Jan. 27, 30, Feb. 2-6, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, March 2, 1876; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 60-2; Cent. Am., Contest. al Voto, 1-23; Chamorro, Cuestion Nacional, 1-7; Harper's Monthly Mag., xvii. 691.

Further authorities for the preceding chapters are: MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., vols i.-iv., passim; Id., Discurso, 1-12; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 1-72, 96-100, 164-79, 185-6, 197-202, 207, 217-73, 382-95, 453-5, 461-75, 592-600, 858-9, 877-8; ii. 83-260, 632-7; iii. 286, 338-48; Id., Bolet. Ofic., 1831, no. 2; 1832, nos. 17, 20; 1833, no. 34; 1834, nos. 34, 56, July 15, Oct. 15; 1836, no. 84; 1837, no. 10; 1838, no. 53; Fernando VII., Documentos, 264-76, 281-5, 292-311, 337-49; Id., Decretos, 4-10, 15-26, 33-73, 105-10, 120-34, 149-82, 194-201, 220-3, 243-81; Ayon, Consid. LÍmites, 20-4. Id., Apuntes, passim; Astaburuaga, C. Amer., 12-32, 79-80; Arce, Mem., passim; Reichardt, Nic., 76-9; Id., Cent. Am., 37-44, 114-17, 133-4, 139-45, 208-11; Pim's Gate of the Pac., 38, 56, 58-61; Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 162-3, 445-8, 477-9, 489-91, 503-5; ii. 554-61, 635, 657-9, 677-9, 735, 747-52; Gac. de MÉx., 1823, no. 3, 11-12, 1826, July 4, Sept. 16, Oct. 31, Dec. 14; 1826, Jan. 25, March 1, 31, April 26; Ocios EspaÑ. Emig., v. 307-11, 405-13, 487-505; vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13, 383-4; vii. 3-7; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 19-23, 56-64, 72-92, 214-16; ii. 22-56, 163-4; Morazan y Carrera, Apuntes, MS., 1-18; Molina, Coup d'oeil Costa R., 4-5, 9-12; Id., Costa R. y N. Granada, 9-10, 16-29; Id., Bosq. Costa R., passim; Integ. Cent. Am., Dec. 11, 1849; El Rol, Oct. 13, 1854; ZebadÚa, Manif., 1-40; Juarros, Guat., ii. 103-4; Id., Stat. and Com. Hist. Guat., 74; Squier's Guat., 581-2; Id., States C. A., 360-1, 414-16, 466, 482, 493, 575-88, 627-8, 641-3, 663; Id., Travels C. Am., ii., passim; Id., Comp. Hist. C. A., 18-191; Wells' Honduras, 116, 120, 230-1, 472-83; Jordan's Dangers to Foreigners, 50-2; Cuevas, Porv. MÉx., 252-7; Costa R., Mem. Relac., 1884, 2-34, and docs. 1 and 2; Annals Brit. Legis., i. 60; ii. 192, 365; Hernandez y DÁvalos, Col. Doc., ii. 81-2, 130-1; Herrera, Discurso, 1-12; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. MÉj., 386, 407-14; Sur America, Sobre las Perturbaciones de Guat., 1-52; Lafond, Voy. autour du Monde, i. 367, 373-8; LaferriÈre, De Paris À Guat., 58-64, 256-8; Puydt et Binckum, Colonisation, 116-24; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 305; Urrueta, Inglaterra, 7-12; Zamacois, Hist. MÉj., ix. 9-10; Aznero Plata, Informe, 1-19; Espir. PÚbl., Dec. 13, 20, 1828; Jan. 18, Feb. 14, 1829; WappÄus, Mex. und C. Amer., 258-64, 271-4, 360-3; Trollope's W. Ind., 335; Dunn's Guatemala, 13-29, 150-1, 167-88, 205; Atleta, 149-50, 199-200, 477; Guat., Mem. contenant au AperÇu, 4, 126, 146-58; Id., Memoria, 1837, 12-22; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 1138-9; El Progreso, April 11, 18, 25, 1850; Tribune Almanac, 1851, 36; Holinski, La Californie, 305-31; Huston's Journey in Hond., 11; Niles' Register, xxii. 65; xxiii. 406; xxvii. 355; xxviii. 37, 114-15, 304; xxix. 39, 192, 382; xxx. 439-40; xxxi. 160, 172-6; xxxii. 80, 201, 232, 282, 375; xxxiii. 38; xxxiv. 8, 36, 123; xxxv. 41, 155, 349; xxxvi. 321; xxxviii. 369, 395; xliii. 268; xlv. 210; liv. 289; lvi. 49, 210, 243, 385; lvii. 34, 280; lix. 191; Emigrado Observ., 1828, 5-24, 122, in Ocios de EspaÑa; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 14-16; Byam's Wild Life, 32-7; Nouv. Annales Voy., xcii. 59-60, 75-7; c. 51-60, 64-6; Young's Mosq. Shore, 15-21, 26-33, 42-3, 53-89, 106-14, 122-38, 156, 166; Overland Monthly, xiv. 159-67; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80, 132,168, 178; Repertorio Americano, i. 273-89; Eastern Coast C. Am., 8-25; Strangeways' Mosq., 4-5, 59-68, 119-33, 144-8, 237-338; Dunlop's Cent. Am., passim; Henderson's Account of Br. Hond., 28-105, 165-211; D'Orbigny, Voy. deux AmerÍques, 398-406; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, 314; Nuevo Viajero Univ., iii. 609-10; LarenaudiÈre, Mex. et Guat., 295-308; Poinsett's Notes on Mex., app. 64; Anderson's Commerce, iv. 449; Dunbar's Mex. Papers, 234-5; Regil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 239, 315; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iv. 221-35; Boletin Ofic. (MÉx.), no. 14, 2; Diputados, Lista de; Doc. Hist. Cal., iv. 807-8; Suarez, Informe, 182; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 919-20, 971; Findlay's Directory, i. 223, 240; Peralta, RepÚb. de Costa Rica, 4-8; Polynesian, iv. 166; North Am. Rev., xiv. 420-46; xxvi. 136-8, 143-5; Osborne's Guide to W. Ind., 234, 261-2; Wagner, Costa Rica, 201-3, 231, 543-51, 568; Crowe's Gospel in C. Am., 115-51, 200-22; Los Anales, Oct. 15, 1872, p. 471; Nov. 1, 1872, p. 53; Nov. 15, 1872, p. 56; Dec. 1, 1872, pp. 62-3; Dec. 15, 1872, pp. 71-2; Paredes, Coast of Mosquitos, 1-62; Nic., Semanario Nic., May 30, July 4, 18, Dec. 26, 1872; Jan. 2, March 6, April 17, 24, 1873; Hassel, Mex. and Guat., 316-19; Boddam's Across Cent. Am., 66; Bolet. Extraord. Guat., Oct. 16, 1832; July 30, 1833; Farol, 102-5; Von Tempsky's Mitla, 337-43; Fajardo, Informe al Min. Relac., 2-3, 14-15; Haefkens, Reize naar Guat., ii. 76-97; Id., Central Amerika, 1-468; Stephens' Travels C. Am., i. 11-22, 195-200, 211, 225-50, 304-7, 359; ii. 37-8, 51-90, 107-17, 205-9; Thompson's Guat., 2, 136, 140, 160, 163, 167, 185-6, 252-8, 415, 422-3, 509-10; LastarrÍa, La AmÉrica, 250-2; Ortigosa, Sermon, p. 24; Diaz, Miscel., no. 1, p. 1; Costa Rica, Ley Fundamental Reformada (Alajuela, 1835), 1-48; Id., Ley Fundamental de Costa R. (San Salvador, 1825), 1-26; Amer. Review, Nov. 1850, 446-55; Stout's Nic., 147-9, 168-75, 258-9, 358-62; Bolet. Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da Ép., iii. 100-6; iv. 712-15; MÉx., Actas Congr. Const., iv. 2; Id., Col. Dec. sob. Congr., p. 219; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Amer., ii. 360-72; Martin's Hist. W. Ind., i. 163-70; Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., v. 387-92; vi. 128, 135; viii. 317-27; xi. 82-8; Lynch, Relacion Puntual, 1757, MS., 4-19; Otras Reflex. sobre Reforma en Cent. Am., 1-21; Pan., Docs. Ofic., in Pan., Col. Doc., MSS., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Pinart Coll.; S. Amer. and Guat., i. 221-3; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 613; Malte-Brun, PrÉcis GÉog. Univ., vi. 468; Macgregor's Prog. America, i. 744-7; Gordon's Digest Laws U. S., 328-35; Lunario de Centro-AmÉr.; El Siglo, Jan. 10, May 16, 1851; June 5, 1852; Guat. Com. and Agric. Co., 133-7; Macpherson's Annals of Com., iii. 548; iv. 159, 179; El Observador de la RepÚb. Mex., July 4, 1827; Guat., Los Nobles, 1-11; Blasquez, Opinion sobre los Chamelcos, in Doc. Originales Chiapas, 4-5; Diario MÉx., xi. 279-80; xii. 477-80; Amer. Annual Reg., 1825-6, 40-9; Id., 1826-7, 171-82; West Indies, Description, 49-50; Torrente, Revol. Hisp.-Am., i. 115; Revue AmÉricaine, i. 398-408; Oposicion (La.), June 15, 1835; Democ. Review, v. 609-10; xxx. 547; Pabellon Nac., Nov. 21, 1844; Nic., Reg. Ofic., 9-13, 59-60; Los Altos, Manif. Documentado, 1-28; AmÉr. Cent., Reclam. de Interv., 7-10; Lesur, Annuaire Hist. Univ., 1827, 577-8; Cor. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 11, 27, Dec. 14, 18, 1826; 1827, passim; Feb. 13, March 31, June 14, July 18, Sept. 1, 9, 14, 18, 21-2, Oct. 28; AmÉrique Cent., Cie Belge, pt ii. 30-2, 115-29, 160-1; Guat., Decretos, i. nos. 1, 4, 20, 25, 31, 32, 39, 41, 134; Morelet, Voy. dans l'AmÉr. Cent., ii. 291; Montgomery's Narrative Jour. to Guat., 33-54, 142-9; Modern Traveller, Mex. and Guat., ii. 194-5, 317; Nic. y Hond., Docs., 1-11, 35; Sandoval, Revista PolÍt., 3-7; San Juan, Ocupacion, 28-43; Alaman, Hist. MÉj., 50, 291-2; v. 57, 478, 614, ap. pp. 46-65, 104; Id., Mem. Presentada Á las CÁmaras, 9; Bidwell's PanamÁ, 347; Hond., Gac. Ofic., Feb. 20, June 30, 1853; C. Rica, Gac. Gob., Jan. 26, 1850; Gac. Nic., April 1, June 17, 1865; July 20, 1867; Santangelo, Congr. PanamÁ, 73-5; Saravia, Bosq. PolÍt. Estad., 17-18; El Semanal NicaragÜense, i. 44; Baily's Cent. Am., 81-2; Mex. Finan., April 18, 1885, pp. 40-2; Mex. y Guat., Cuest. LÍmites, 52-3; Nic., Nueva Discusion, 6; Gac. Salv., Oct. 12, 1854; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb.-May 1875, passim; March 2, 28, Sept. 9, 1876; Sept. 20, 1878; June 20, Sept. 5, 1879; MÉx., Mem. Guerra, 1833, p. 8; Id., Mem. Relac., 1823, pp. 11-12; 1827, p. 11; 1829, p. 2; 1832, pp. 2-3; 1833, pp. 1-2, 1835, pp. 3-4; 1838, p. 9; 1839, pp. 2-3; 1839, MS., pp. 12-13; 1840, p. 2; 1841, in Diario Gob. Mex., Jan. 24, 1841, p. 1; MÉx., Mem., ii., docs. 1, 5, 8; Id., Mem. Min. Relac., i., docs. 2, 4, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13; Nic., Memoria, in Cent. Am. Pamphl., iii., no. 1, 4-28; Payne's Hist. Europ. Colonies, 324-32; Quart. Review, xxviii. 157-61; Gac. de Guat., Oct. 7, 1853; May 5, Dec. 22, 1854; Costa Rica, Bolet. Ofic., Jan. 13, 24, 27, Feb. 3, 7, 14, 17, 28, March 14, 17, 1855; Mill's Mex., 205-19; Alm., Ruiz Calend. Salv., 1873, 66-71; Id., Guat. Guia, 1853, 13-14; Id., Hond., 1829, 5, 18-37, 56-64, 90-5, 124-7, 133-48; Cabildo, Informe que el Cabildo, 1-75; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 104-11; Chatfield's Letter to Lord Palmerston, Dec. 13, 1847; Id., Letter to Guat. Govt, Dec. 10, 1847, in Mosq., Correspond. respecting Mosq. Terr., 170-2; La Nacion, Sept. 8, 1856; Mosq.-KÜste und Texas, 29-30; Conkling's Guide, 335-6; National Calendar, 18; Conder's Mex. and Guat., 195-7; Centro-AmÉr., La Situacion, 1-17; CandÉ, Golfe de Hond., 5-9; Centro-AmÉr., Informe sobre la Constit., p. 73, and p. 30; Id., Convencion, 1-32; Centro-Americano, passim; CÓrtes, Actas PÚbl., ii., April 23, 1814, p. 320; Castellon, Docs. Relat., 36, 104; El Nacional, June 19, 26, July 5, 31, Aug. 14, Sept. 25, Dec. 11, 1858; Jan. 22, 1859; Sept. 8, 1860; Mosqueto Indian, in Churchill's Coll., vi. 300-11; Bericht Mosquitolandes, 5-7, 12, 23, 28, 31-43, 220-7; Cor. AtlÁntico, May 9, 1835; Benton's Thirty Years' View, 65-9; Id., Debates in Cong., vii. 383-4; viii. 737, 746; ix. 769; x. 746; xi. 767; Mosaico Mex., ii. 232, 342, 344, 462; Nacionalidad EspaÑola; Mosquito Docs., nos. 77-229; Nic., Bolet. Ofic., Sept. 6, 1862; Id., Constit., 1838, 1-39; Id., Docs. Dip. Hist., 18-22; Id., Cor. Ist., July 1, 1849; Oct. 3, 1850; Id., De Órden del Director; MuÑoz, Defensa Llaves San Pedro; Obispo de Chil., 153-64, 451-54; CÓrtes, Diario, 1811, viii. 33; 1813, xix. 404; 1821, ext. i., Sept. 22, p. 7; ext. iv., Nov. 18, pp. 12-13; 1835-6, ii. 227; La Union, Dec. 1, 1849; Jan. 1, 1850; La Union de Nic., Jan. 5, 1861; El Universal, April 18, 1850; April 16, 1853; Voy., New Univ. Col., ii. 374-8; Verdaderas Razones, 1-13; Viagera Univ., xxvii. 174-7, 189-91; Vera Paz, Colonisation de, 4; El Veracruzano Libre, June 13, 1828; Valois, Mexique, 154-9, 209-27, 316-19; Cent. Am. Papers, i.-v., passim; Papeles Varios, xix. pt 18; cxxi. pt i.; cxxiv. pt 9; cxlix. pt 7; clx. pt 19; clxvii. pt 5; ccxxvi. pt 10; United Service Jour., 1833, pt ii. 456; U. S. Govt Docs., Commercial Rel., 1866, 567-8; 1868, 302, 728-9; Id., Cong. Globe, 1838-9, 91; Id., Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. 1303-5; 1831-2, i. 767-74; Id., Amer. State Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Id., 19th cong., 2d sess., U. S. Acts, pp. 8-31; Sen. Doc. 1, vol. i., pp. 149-70; Id., 26th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., 2, p. 6; Id., 30th cong. 2d sess., H. Com. Rept, 145, pp. 383-5; Filisola, Mem. Guerra Tex., ii. 88-9; Id., Á la Junta Soberana de Guat., 1-8; Gazeta de Guat., vi. 21, 177-84, 443; ix. 757; xi. 4-7, 91-2, 120-4; xiii. 353, 369-76; xiv. 1-16, 82, 265; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 326-7; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., 4; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 160-1, 176; Id., Cuadro Hist., MS., vii. 108-19; viii. 177-9; Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 22, 29, 1871; July 20, 1873; Perez, Mem. Camp. Nacional, 82, 154; Id., Biog. Sacasa, 3-5; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 55-62, 73-8; Kewen's Nic. and Walker, MS., 27-36, 39-60, 64-85; Costa Rica, Col. Leyes, iii. 43-5, 101-18, 129-31, 144-67, 169-88, 280-2, 297-8, 304-6; iv.-v., passim; vi. 41-3, 276-86, 304-5, 319-20; Belly, Nic., i. 71-5, 137, 350-2; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 42-5, 66-233, 395-417, 639-795; Pineda de Mont, in Guat., Recop. Leyes, iii. 347-8; Cent. Am., Mem. Hist. Revol., passim; Mem. Hist. Centro-Am., 1-72; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. AmÉr., passim; Id., Efem. Hechos Notables, passim.

[XI-1] Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be tyrannical, but on the contrary anxious for the good of his country, adding that he was 'severo y sencillo en su conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio de las virtudes mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses that on the present occasion this great man committed a grave error. Bosq. Costa R., 103; Costa R., Dec. de garan. y bases, 24 mo.; Id., Col. Ley., viii. 15-36, 41-2; Salv., Diario Ofic., May 25, 1875.

[XI-2] The former was constituted with as many members as there were departments, namely, four. The latter was composed of a president, two relatores fiscales, and four justices.

[XI-3] He insulted them, however, by providing that they should be under the surveillance of the authorities. Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 42.

[XI-4] He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was faithful to him in life, and to his memory after death.

[XI-5] According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barrundia makes the force only 300. He had at first landed at La Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers of all ranks, and marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and Sonsonate, where he ascertained the state of public affairs in Salvador and Guatemala, after holding some correspondence with the chiefs of the former state and Nicaragua. The latter answered very offensively. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation sent him by the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca, where he finally organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels Cruzador, Asuncion Granadina, Josefa, Isabel II., and Cosmopolita.

[XI-6] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 55-6; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875.

[XI-7] Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 248-50.

[XI-8] Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano Montealegre, and Rafael Barroeta.

[XI-9] It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole exception.

[XI-10] Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge of safety to his family and property. The convention was signed by Morazan, VillaseÑor, generals Saget, Saravia, and Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers of all ranks, including 5 Texiguas.

[XI-11] Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla was also guaranteed security. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 615-19; Niles' Reg., lxii., 275. Both Carrillo and Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and his murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa R. to Aguilar, Aug. 25, 1846. Costa R., Col. Ley., ix. 289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were brought home by Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. Id., x. 365-8; El Salvador Regenerado, June 4, 1842.

[XI-12] Dated April 14, 1842. Id., vii. 250-1.

[XI-13] A general order was given to prevent any interference with the elections on the part of the troops. Copies of Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of his predecessor, and to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal principles, are furnished in Id., 236-342, passim; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 621-31.

[XI-14] Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the continuation of his government till a new constitution should be framed. The same day it reaffirmed Morazan's extraordinary powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassemble April 1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were the following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan and VillaseÑor, the latter being awarded a gold medal with an honorable inscription. Morazan was given the title of Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to publish the decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The army that brought about the change was honored with the name of Division Libertadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also made a formal declaration on the 20th of July, in favor of a federal republic. Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 342-51, 379-82, 403.

[XI-15] It was strictly in accordance with the military code. His brother Felipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a disappointment in love, and his removal from the comandancia of the department, preyed upon his mind, 'le sobrevino una fiebre, perdiÓ la razon, y se hizo criminal.' But he subsequently declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying on a bed of sickness was arrested. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 104.

[XI-16] Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after the 15th of Sept. Greatly agitated, and shedding tears for Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray, told him not to bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of Manuel Ángel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he fell senseless to the ground.

[XI-17] He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while still young. In his early years he had been in the naval service, and acquired some skill as an artilleryman. He married into a respectable family of San JosÉ, and had numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made himself wealthy, and this together with his connection with the Carrillo family enabled him to attain the position of comandante general, and to link his name with some important events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always been welcomed. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 647-8.

[XI-18] There were two barracks in San JosÉ; one his guard occupied; in the other were 150 men from Cartago who had no ammunition. El Siglo, Aug. 16, 1852.

[XI-19] Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing the street to reach the house of the Escalantes, amidst the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy and conveyed to the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of Morazan's mortal foes.

[XI-20] He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining security for Saravia, who was much esteemed by all. But the case was different with others, especially VillaseÑor, against whom much animosity was felt.

[XI-21] Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable notoriety. He afterward went to Guatemala to complete his studies, and was well treated and much aided by Juan JosÉ Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he became their most humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he was appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On many occasions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous, and contemptible.

[XI-22] Over 100 killed and 200 wounded.

[XI-23] He had wanted to go to TÁrcoles, expecting to find Saget there, but was dissuaded by VillaseÑor and others.

[XI-24] The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing who acted as a commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing that Morazan's popularity in Cartago might bring on a counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked Morazan to instruct CabaÑas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget to deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan his life was in no peril. His next step was to meet CabaÑas at Chomogo, telling him Morazan was leaving the state by the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising him to disband his men. CabaÑas was deceived, and went alone to Matina, where he was taken prisoner.

[XI-25] Marure, Efem., 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, the governor of Nicaragua, who attached that province to Iturbide's empire, and a grandson of General Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala, who had been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in Oajaca. Young Saravia's mother, Concepcion NÁjera y Batres, was of the leaders of Guatemalan society, for which reason the aristocratic party expected much from him. But after completing his education, with evidences of extraordinary talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas. Before being admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in the office of the secretary of the senate, and later as a chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs. He afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times noted for ability and eloquence, as well as for his writings in El Semanario, which attracted the attention of Morazan, who made him auditor de guerra of the federal army. From that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part in several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of general. He was also this leader's aide-de-camp, private secretary, and minister-general, both in Salvador and Costa Rica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a distinguished air.

[XI-26] Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los Santos Madriz, and JosÉ M. Castro.

[XI-27] The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They even worked upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it is said that his daughter Petronila imagined that she saw her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in a convulsion.

[XI-28] Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to address a circular to the governments of the states, but it was not permitted him.

[XI-29] He declared that he had expended the whole of his own and his wife's estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez, in endowing Costa Rica with a government of laws. This was his sole offence, for which he had been condemned to lose his life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge, for he had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared. The forces he had organized were originally intended to defend Guanacaste against an expected attack from Nicaragua. Subsequently a number of volunteers were detached for the pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate his example, and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed any enmity or rancor toward his murderers, forgiving them and wishing them every possible happiness. In that instrument, says Barrundia, 'se ve diÁfana el alma, noble, tranquila, y generosa del hÉroe que descendia Á la tumba.'

[XI-30] The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree of Pres. Castro, Nov. 6, 1848, they were exhumed on the 27th, and after paying honors on the 4th of Dec., were surrendered, according to Morazan's wishes, to Salvador, by whose authorities they were received with high military and civic honors. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 368-9. Carrera afterward treated them with indignity. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6; Testam., in Cent. Am. Pap., No. 2. Further particulars on Morazan's rule in Costa Rica, and on his death and interment, may be found in Nic., Correo Ist., May 1, 1849; Niles' Reg., lxiii., 19, 176; Nic., Registro Ofic., No. 2, 7; Squier's Trav., ii. 444-9; WappÄus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 361; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 142; El Progreso, Oct. 3, 1850; Crowe's Gospel, 152-3; Wagner, Costa R., 203-5; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 217-22; Belly, Nic., i. 73-4; Wells' Hond., 484-93; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; Robert Glascow Dunlop, Travels in Central America, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is a work purporting to be a journal of nearly three years' residence in Central America, and giving a sketch of the history of the republic, together with an account of the physical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of society. Much of the information therein is correct; but on historical and social topics the author, who was a Scotchman, displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped by British prejudices.

[XI-31] In the latter—his native state—his last will was published in the official journal in the column of varieties with offensive remarks. These notes, and indeed the whole conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. El Redactor, Ofic. de Hond., Sept. 15, 1843.

[XI-32] The priest Juan JosÉ Aycinena, who was the minister of state, hated Morazan with a deadly hatred from the day that his brother was defeated at San Antonio. This animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon Morazan contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered him. Morazan said in his last will that his death was an assassination, as he had not been allowed any form of trial. But the worthy padre and his accomplice in iniquity, Carrera, attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz, chief of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz Blanco in its perpetration.

[XI-33] Honors were paid to his memory in the city of Guatemala in 1876; a statue was erected to him by Honduras in 1883. La Regeneracion, July 10, 1876; Costa R., Mem. Relaciones, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2.

[XI-34] Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the official press; tyrant, bandit, monster, were among the mildest. The aim was to make him appear in the eyes of the ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization; and the masses believed that he was the author of all the evils under the sun. Gac. de Guat., Oct. 28, 1842.

[XI-35] The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon, for Guatemala; Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and Joaquin Duran, for the other two states. Inasmuch as Arriaga and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's humble satellites, the treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon, Pavon. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 129-33; Guat., Recop. Leg., i. 395-408.

[XI-36] It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said that Costa Rica should appoint as her commissioner a resident of Guatemala. But JosÉ M. Castro, the young Costa Rican minister, thought differently.

[XI-37] They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following days. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 105.

[XI-38] So says Marure, now a confirmed 'conservador,' adding, 'y celebrados con entusiasmo en toda la repÚblica.' Efem., 56.

[XI-39] The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on hearing of the trouble at San JosÉ, went on board their ships at Puntarenas, thence menacing the government. Subsequently arrangements were made for the surrender of the arms and disbandment of the men, but owing to misunderstanding were not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad in Salv. on the Coquimbo. Costa R. afterward claimed the armament and ship, but Salv. invariably refused to return them, on the plea that they belonged to Morazan's family, 'como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.' Much indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat less in Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter, notwithstanding the treaties of 1840 and 1842, and the protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, CabaÑas, Barrios, and their companions, to reside in the state under the protection of its laws. The first two named governments saw that for all they had manoeuvred to make of the executive of Salvador a mere submissive agent of the aristocracy, he had now emancipated himself from its control. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 4-5, 115-33; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 105-6.

[XI-40] Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 404-16.

[XI-41] Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained, which later was formed, of declaring the state to be a sovereign and independent republic. Art. 5 resolved the question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon the principles sustained by Costa Rica. Arts. 4 and 10 established a fourth power under the name of Conservador, composed of no less than three councillors chosen by the people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish two chambers. Art. 11 says that the executive office is to be exercised by a tribune, out of four to be chosen by the electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, though it merely allows religious toleration. The Gaceta de Guat. exclaimed, 'Ya volvemos Á las andadas.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106.

[XI-42] All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept. 13, 19, 1843, appear in Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 45-50, 63-7.

[XI-43] By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the executive.

[XI-44] The govt was supported by the people and troops. Quiroz was promoted to gen. of brigade. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106; El Mentor Costaricense gave an extensive account of the affair.

[XI-45] Pinto was an uncle-in-law of Castro, secretary-general, who under the circumstances surrounding the govt could not restore him to his office.

[XI-46] To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies were three clergymen, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia also sent the priest Flores. If the senators must be still more grave and circumspect, where could they be procured? MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 173.

[XI-47] His successor was Juan Mora.

[XI-48] Costa R., Col. L., viii. 352-3, 384-5.

[XI-49] He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners, cultured without affectation, well informed on general subjects, and a highly respected citizen. Though not a member of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion existing in the old Spanish laws.

[XI-50] The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose of getting rid of the executive office was accomplished. Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 392-3; ix. 23-4.

[XI-51] A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave him much social importance. During his short administration he improved the public roads. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107. He also gave impulse to education, though under the old ecclesiastical system. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 175.

[XI-52] Correspond. on the subject in Id., 184-6.

[XI-53] Fault was found with the clause requiring the election by the people of all public functionaries, including the ministers of state and judges. It was said the people should not be molested with so many elections.

[XI-54] The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the abolition of the constitution, and the framing of another better suited to the needs of the country, the immediate election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with children, and possess property to the value of no less than $10,000; one who had never been criminally punished, except by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts contracted in the state; he must have served in other public offices without taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate government for the state. A new legislative chamber was to be immediately convoked, and the manner of election fixed by the chief; meantime, the present assembly was to continue its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with funds of the treasury. Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 1, 2; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 252-3.

[XI-55] His removal from the executive seat resulted from the intrigues of a few who knew that he could not be made a convenient tool.

[XI-56] It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive in a president, and created a vice-president. The legislative authority was vested in a congress of a single chamber, presided over by the vice-president. The Roman catholic religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as that of the state and under its protection. Costa R., Constit., 1847, 1-24; Id., Constit. PolÍt., 1847, 1-118; Id., Col. Ley., x. 1-56; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 46-9.

[XI-57] Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive on the 30th. A law regulating the election of the supreme authorities was passed Dec. 20th. Costa R., Constit. PolÍt. (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 347-408, 422-52; El Universal, June 8, 1849.

[XI-58] El Arco Iris, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased at being lowered to the second place, even though he had ex-officio the presidency of congress. He resigned on the 1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora became his successor. Costa R., Informe Relaciones, ap.; Id., Col. Ley., x. 86-7, 160-1, 187-8.

[XI-59] Castro had enemies in San JosÉ. He was accused of bringing about Gallegos' dismissal. This assertion was repeated from mouth to mouth, and came to be believed by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of damaging his administration. Unfortunately, congress began to show aristocratic tendencies, restoring the abolished compellations without opposition on Castro's part. The title of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the supreme court.

[XI-60] Castro and Mora differed on many points. The president's circle considered Mora a dangerous competitor. Congress treated Mora with marked indifference, though he had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He resigned the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second attempt Manuel JosÉ Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen. Carazo was an able and well-informed man. He resigned the office on the 24th of Aug., but was reËlected Sept. 22d. Id., 190, 306-7, 310-12, 327-9.

[XI-61] Costa R., Inf. Relaciones, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov. of the same year all political offenders were pardoned, and a war tax which had been levied on Alajuela was ordered refunded. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 269-90, 374-6, 410; Id., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 3-5; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107-8.

[XI-62] Congress took into consideration a number of petitions from influential sources highly commendatory of Castro's acts. Castro on the 16th of Nov. had been made a general of division. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 525-6, 530-8, 543-51.

[XI-63] The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the centre one occupied one third the width of the flag, and the others one sixth each. The centre stripe was red, the one above and the one underneath it were white, and the other two blue. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 354-6.

[XI-64] France sent in April 1847 the corvette Le GÉnie to make demands on behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa Rica settled by paying $10,000.

[XI-65] Full particulars on the foreign relations are given in Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; Id., Coup d'oeil Costa R., 3; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 339-47; xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6, 171-88; xix. 107-9; xx. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97; Id., de 1869, 216-22; Id., de 1879, 61-3; Id., Gac. de Gob., Jan. 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; Id., Bol. Ofic., Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854; Id., Informes y Mem., Relaciones, 1850-80; Salv., Diario, Nov. 5, 1875; Cong. Globe, 1860-1; Smithsonian Rept, 1863, 54; Colombia, Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1874; U. S. Govt Doc., 36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.; Id., 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 430-45; Id., 40th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; Id., 42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc., 1 For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52); Id., 42d cong. 3d sess., For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61); Pan. Gac., Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in various languages.

[XI-66] Nic. argued that the constitution of Costa R. of 1825 declared her boundary to be at El Salto, not at La Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the instrument alluded to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; but after this decree the fundamental laws of Costa R. did take it in.

[XI-67] Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which led to the making of a voluminous protocol, without any definitive result. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 229-31; iv. 382-3; Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 3-4.

[XI-68] The treaty was made at San JosÉ, Costa R., on the 15th of Apr., 1858, and signed by JosÉ M. CaÑas and MÁximo Jerez, plenipotentiaries respectively of Costa R. and Nic., and by Pedro RÓmulo Negrete, mediator on the part of Salv. The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations also appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made in due form, and exchanged by the two govts on the 26th of April, the same year. The treaty was approved by the Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published by President TomÁs Martinez and his secretary of state, June 4th. Under its 2d article the dividing line was to be as follows: Starting from the Atlantic Ocean, the line to begin at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth of the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that stream to a point in waters below the Castillo Viejo, at three English miles from the outer fortifications. Thence a curve was to commence, whose centre should be those works, and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles, and terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of the river in waters above the fort. Thence the line should continue in the direction of SapoÁ River, which empties into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two miles distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its curves to its source in the lake, and from the right margin of the same lake to the said SapoÁ River, where this line, parallel to said margins, ends. From the point where it may coincide with the SapoÁ River, which must of course be two miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn to the central point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific Ocean, where the delimitation of the two contracting powers will terminate. The 6th art. gives Nic. the exclusive control over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic Ocean; Costa R. retaining the right of navigation in said waters for trading purposes from the mouth of the river to a distance of three English miles from the Castillo Viejo. Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 137-41; Costa R., Col. Ley., xv. 75-6, 182-8; Id., Informe Gob., 1858, 12-13; Id., Inf. Rel., 1860, 6; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., June 7, 1877, 513-14; El Nacional, June 26, 1858, 10; Peralta, Rio S. Juan, 24-5; Belly, Le Nic., i. 359-62.

[XI-69] The treaty, after being completed and published in the official journal of Nic., was communicated by both govts to the foreign diplomatic corps accredited near them, as well as to their own representatives abroad. All friendly nations came to look on it as an accomplished fact.

[XI-70] Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been concluded by his govt, and duly ratified by the legislative authority of the two republics. He alleged that the fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state, embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that the treaty in question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution, which prescribed that an amendment of it by one legislature must be submitted to the next for ratification; and this not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R. replied that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been, not by an ordinary legislature, but by a constituent assembly fully empowered to amend the constitution or frame a new one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, and therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover, that even if that assembly had not possessed constituent authority, but had been a merely ordinary congress, the fact still remained that a number of Nicaraguan legislatures had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some attempts have been made in administration circles of Costa R., much against public opinion, to annul the treaty, in order to have for a boundary line the whole right bank of the San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to San CÁrlos, and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor. Were this supported, and the treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic. would assume a serious aspect. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 231-4; Ayon, Cuestion de LÍmites, 1-26; Id., Consid. sobre LÍmites, 1-26.

[XI-71] Details may be found in Nic., Mem. Relaciones, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 3, 1868, May 4, 11, 1872, June 7, 1873; Id., Seman. Nic., June 6, 1872; Id., Correspond., 1872, 1-24; Id., Continuacion de la Correspond., 1872, 1-16; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 739, 743; 44th cong. 1st sess., pt 1, 157, 168; Costa R., Informe Rel., 1873, 1-6; Id., Pap. Sueltos, Doc. no. 15; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., May 22, 1876; Peralta, Rio S. Juan.

[XI-72] Antonio Zambrana for Costa R., and Francisco Álvarez for Nic. Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 1883; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Govt Doc., 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., pt 1, 59-61.

[XI-73] An extract of that treaty is given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., i. 289-90.

[XI-74] The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino, governor, captain-general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed the boundaries of the province from the 'embocadura del Desaguadero Ó rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la frontera de Veraguas en el Mar AtlÁntico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya hasta los valles de ChiriquÍ en el PacÍfico.' Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 14; Id., Costa R. y Nueva Granada, 9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service of Costa R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his assertions might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony of Juarros, the historian of Guatemala, who wrote with the official docs before him, is not open to the same objection. He says, speaking of Costa R., 'sus tÉrminos por el mar del norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo de Veraguas; y por el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, raya divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, hasta el rio de Boruca, tÉrmino del reino de Tierra Firme.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 230.

[XI-75] The territorial division recognized by him was that made in 1810, at which time no New Granadan authority had a footing in Cent. Am. territory. A representation of the ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. cÓrtes in 1813 says: 'Costa Rica tiene por lÍmites de su territorio el rio de ChiriquÍ que la separa de la provincia de PanamÁ.' CÓrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 404.

[XI-76] Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 100-1.

[XI-77] Copy of correspond. between the gov. of Veraguas and that of Costa R. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., ii. 272-3; Mosq. Correspond., 22-5; Pan., Docs. Ofic., in Pan. Col. Docs., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Id., Star and Herald, Oct. 15, 16, 1880.

[XI-78] During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San JosÉ between P. A. Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for Costa Rica, which does not follow the line on Molina's map. Modifications were made to it at BogotÁ, and ratifications were never exchanged. Later on JosÉ M. Castro went to BogotÁ and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate Molina's line. This treaty was not ratified by either govt. The next attempt was made by B. Correoso, on behalf of Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, disregarding arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E., W., and N. W. of that line were Colombian settlements, which, under the constitution of his country could not be ceded. A treaty was entered into, however, which did not obtain the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was considered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia with having made a damaging arrangement. Pan., Gaceta Istmo, Oct. 20, 1841; Id., CrÓn. Ofic., Feb. 6, 1853; Id., Boletin Ofic., Dec. 25, 1870; Pan., Gaceta, June 15, 1871, June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21, 1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 22, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21, 1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 1880; Pan., Mem. Sec. Gob., 1879, 13-14, 35-42; Colombia, Diario Ofic., Feb. 26, 1876; Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1851, 5; Id., Col. Ley., xiv. 54-5, 160-1; Id., Informe Gobn., 1880, 2-4; U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th cong. 2d sess.

[XI-79] Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned by the gran consejo nacional, of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 16, 1881.

[XI-80] Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct. 26th. Costa R., Col. Ley., xi. 216.

[XI-81] At the same time he was declared a benemÉrito, and the founder of the rep. of Costa R. Id., 157-8, 224-5; El Costaricense, Nov. 17, 1849. The opposition, however, made severe comments on his policy as reviewed by himself. Anot. Á la renuncia, in Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., no. 20.

[XI-82] Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers, quite conversant with her affairs; a wealthy merchant, who had travelled abroad, and by his frankness and liberality won a well-deserved popularity. El Costaricense, Nov. 18, Dec. 1, 1849; Costa R., Col Ley., xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco M. Oreamuno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. Id., 241-2; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 2, 1850.

[XI-83] Nic., Cor. Ist., May 2, 1850. In an address Mora depicts the situation, and the attempts of Quiroz and others to disturb the peace in San JosÉ and Heredia, together with his measures to balk them. El presid. de la rep. Á la Nacion, June 8, 1850.

[XI-84] The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort en las Pavas, and countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, minister of govt. He based his action on the fact that congress having declined to accept his resignation, he was made responsible before God and the people of evils that might result from the existing order of things. Costa R., Gaceta, no. 165; El Siglo, March 10, 1852; Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 96-7.

[XI-85] JosÉ M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo. El Siglo (S. Salv.), March 4, 1852.

[XI-86] June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to $5,000 a year. Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 236-7, 247-8; Id., Gaceta, July 23, 1853; Hond., Gaceta Ofic., June 20, 1853; Wagner, Costa R., 171-2, 506-8, 296-7.

[XI-87] Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber on the 5th of June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and passed a vote of thanks and congratulation to the president, 'por el acierto y prudencia con que la ha regido.' Costa R., Mem. Rel., 15.

[XII-1] The following persons held the office ad int. before him: namely, Patricio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin CosÍo, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in charge, Oct. 1839; TomÁs Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, Sept. 1840. Marure, Efem., 64; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 136; Wells' Hond., 494.

[XII-2] There was much dissimilarity of views on political matters between the two men, though Castellon had contributed to Buitrago's election. Many bitter publications appeared subsequently from the pens of the two adversaries. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 48, 146.

[XII-3] They were not even allowed to enter the state, because of the treaty of Oct. 1842, signed by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran.

[XII-4] The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he was 'un hombre de Órden que solo aspiraba Á la justicia y al decoro.' Buitrago's position was becoming a difficult one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends in Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored a convention of states. On the other hand, he was anxious not to forfeit the good opinion of the nobles and nuns. Upon the news of Morazan's execution reaching Leon, he had it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected, though not strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his companions, ycleped Coquimbos, in Salvador.

[XII-5] One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon his ministro general.

[XII-6] The new official journal, Eco de la Ley, in its first number declared that an Octavian peace reigned. And indeed, had Nicaragua been away from obnoxious influences, peace might have been maintained under republican institutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states where for a time brutal force held sway.

[XII-7] The claimants were Bridge, Glenton, and Manning. Full details on the claims of the last two are in Nic., Registro Ofic., 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 55-6.

[XII-8] They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of March, 1844. Both have since figured prominently in political circles.

[XII-9] Selva had held the office by virtue of his position as senior senator to that date, when his senatorial term expired.

[XII-10] 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest receiving only 190. The other candidates were Juan JosÉ Ruiz, JosÉ Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laureano Pineda, JosÉ Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Machado. Nic., Registro Ofic., 47-8; Sandoval, Revistas PolÍt., 19; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 250.

[XII-11] To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000, respectively, and to regulate the financial system. Trial by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued with many exceptions against the defenders of Leon. Nic., Registro Ofic., 69-70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that of war, intrusted to Lino CÉsar, and that of treasury, placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. JosÉ Montenegro was ministro general and of foreign relations. The administrative course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late confederacy, was approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro had vacated his office.

[XII-12] Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were confined respectively in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San Fernando, and Nandayme, and subjected to prosecution by the courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of CabaÑas, were given by Corral the advice—which was tantamount to an order—to quit Managua and not return. Nic., Registro Ofic., 90, 96-8, 101, 104.

[XII-13] The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the government's agents for Malespin and Guardiola.

[XII-14] The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845, and was ratified by the Salvadoran chambers June 3d.

[XII-15] The municipal authorities and citizens of the place, by an acta on the 29th of July, authorized Valle to take such action as he deemed best to upset the existing government and restore constitutional order. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 139-40; Nic., Registro Ofic., 138-9.

[XII-16] Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with Valle, but she proved the contrary.

[XII-17] Director Sandoval called them assassins and robbers.

[XII-18] The western department and Managua were mulcted in $12,000 as punishment.

[XII-19] His official reports of July 8th and 17th are textually given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 162-4; Nic., Registro Ofic., 128-9, 133-4.

[XII-20] It is inexplicable how these two men could serve in the same cabinet, unless under some one of very superior mind and character, which Sandoval certainly did not possess. Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central American union, and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite—a conservative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan.

[XII-21] Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the civil courts; otherwise, if captured, would be tried under military laws.

[XII-22] Every one refusing to return was heavily fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Castillo's instructions to the sub-prefect, in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 293.

[XII-23] Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. Nic., Registro Ofic., 126, 128, 138, 143.

[XII-24] Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of war of Nic., Id., 157-8; El Tiempo, March 12, 1846.

[XII-25] 'En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y desea mucho la felicidad del Estado, y no podrÍa privarlo de su mas fuerte apoyo.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 284-5; Nic., Registro Ofic., 290.

[XII-26] He followed the example of Carrera in Guat.

[XII-27] Sandoval surrendered his office June 25th to the legislature in order that it might freely adjudicate upon his official acts. Once approved, he resumed the executive duties Sept. 2d.

[XII-28] Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number of limitations; namely, against persons entering the state with arms to disturb the peace; and against the guilty of murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9, 1847, a supplementary decree of amnesty. Sandoval, Revista PolÍt., 57-9. Nic., Registro Ofic., 390, 401, 407-8; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 298-9.

[XII-29] Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with great honor.

[XII-30] July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony outside of the benefited department.

[XII-31] El Razonador, Dec. 29, 1847.

[XII-32] See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 599-607, this series. In Nov. 1803, the whole north coast, including the island of San AndrÉs, and the Mosquito Coast extending from Cape Gracias Á Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the viceroy of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was annulled, and the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua, to which it had been annexed by royal order of March 31, 1803.

[XII-33] He based his pretension on the following incident: The Caribs on the Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking themselves to Mosq. territory, where they were captured by Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mosquitians, as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man crowned by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to wage a border warfare if his subjects were not forthwith returned. The president of Guatemala, for prudential reasons, had the prisoners sent back. Am. Cent., Reclam. de Interven., 8.

[XII-34] Altogether about 76,000 square miles. Strangeways' Mosq., 4-5. Lord Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit. represent. in Nueva Granada and Cent. Am., spoke of a coast line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to Mosq. Squier, Cent. Am., 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in length, and undefined breadth, have been claimed.

[XII-35] Capt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs expected higher marks of regard, but had to be contented with what they got. Henderson's Brit. Hond., 168, 204.

[XII-36] That was done, it is presumed, after the death of Stephen, George's successor, who was ruling in 1807. The govt, at the time of their going to Belize, was in charge of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs, who divided the country into three separate departments. The first, extending from Roman River, near Cape Honduras, to Patook, was intrusted to Gen. Robinson. The second, from Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and Duckwarra, including all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother of the late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from Brancmans to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under Don CÁrlos, called the governor. The three head chiefs had sub-governors. But the small colonies of Zambos, at Pearl Cay lagoon and Blewfields, could choose their own governors. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 146-7; Stout's Nic., 168-71.

[XII-37] A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a sword, and sceptre of moderate value had been provided for the farce. The emblems of royalty were confided to the custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution, kept them carefully concealed.' Squier's Cent. Am., 640-1.

[XII-38] Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good advice to guide him in his government. Arthur's Letter, in Mosq. Doc., 122-3; Disputes with Am., in Brit. Quart. Rev., xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon his swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had been to Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit. govt, his subjects refusing him recognition as their sovereign till he had done so. Bonnycastle's Sp. Am., i. 171-2.

[XII-39] He became a confirmed drunkard. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 148-9.

[XII-40] Some parties accused of the crime are said to have suffered death.

[XII-41] George Henderson's British Honduras, London, 1811, 8°, 236 p., is a diary of the author's trip to and from the Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an interesting account of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with a map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and customs of the Mosquito Indians. Thomas Strangeways' Sketch of the Mosquito Shore, Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The author, who calls himself a K. G. C., captain of the first native Poyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique, Sir Gregor MacGregor, a historical preface, and a map of Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The book also contains a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special use of settlers. Peter F. Stout's Nicaragua, Past, Present, and Future, Phila., 1859, 12°, 372 p. With the exception of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on interoceanic communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is confined to the resources, history, and general features of Nicaragua, the chief object being to furnish a general description of the country rather than its history. The author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions between his country and Great Britain might be deemed by a subject of the latter not wholly impartial. Orlando W. Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excursions on the east coast, and in the interior of Central America, Edinburgh, 1827, 16°, 302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am. showing the route from the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and Leon, with an index and a preface by Edward Irving, is a little book descriptive of the author's journey up the San Juan River to Leon through Lake Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many years engaged among the Indians of Hond., Nic., and Costa R. His opportunities for observation seem to have been good, and his manner of setting forth the information thus obtained is clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her govt and people he gives much that is really interesting and useful. R. H. Bonnycastle's Spanish America, or a descriptive, historical, and geographical account of the dominions of Spain, London, 1878, 8o, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359, map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style, divided into two parts. The first treats of the Spanish dominions in North America; the second of those in South America. Everything is treated in a cursory manner, and the part relating to Cent. Am. and the isthmus of PanamÁ is meagre and trifling.

[XII-42] More details in Squier's Cent. Am., 641-3; Mosquitoland, 31-3, 38-40, 47-50, 225-9; Nic. Nueva Discusion, 6; Crowe's Gospel, 208-10; S. Juan, Ocup., 33-5, 45-9; Niles' Reg., lxiv. 130; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 94; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 134, 140-1, 208-11.

[XII-43] At the court of Gracias Á Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The grantee called himself 'his Highness the cacique of Poyais,' and claimed absolute dominion over the Poyer district on the extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tinto.

[XII-44] The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of infantry and cavalry, a theatre and theatrical company, a band, and paper currency. Crowe's Gospel, 207-8; Mosq.-KÜste und Texas, 28; Mosquitoland, 34-8; Quart. Rev., xxviii. 160-1; Eco, Hisp.-Am., July 31, 1860.

[XII-45] This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and was brought to ruin by a succession of calamities, including shipwrecks. Mosq.-KÜste und Texas, 29-33; Young's Mosq. Shore, 53-9, 65-71.

[XII-46] It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood, caoutchouc, and other valuable trees, and is capable of producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most of the tropical staples.

[XII-47] Slavery was abolished in 1841. Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 10, 1866.

[XII-48] There was neither church nor pastor in the place. S. Juan, Ocup., 13-15; Squier's Cent. Am., 661-2.

[XII-49] Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of his visit to the coast had been to convey a message of H. B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the Mosquito nation, and to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to be enlightened by Quijano. He made further demands for a recognition of his demand, but the Nicaraguan official invariably returned a refusal. Mosquitoland, 29, 223-5; Niles' Reg., lxi. 98; lxii. 64, 275; lxiii. 19, 194; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 75, vol. x., 31st cong. 1st sess.; Young's Mosq. Shore, 33-4.

[XII-50] An English writer says: 'This farce hardly seemed consistent with the dignity of a British officer, gov. of a settlement.' Dunlop's Trav., 215-16. Crowe, also an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act. Gospel, 212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt. Squier's Travels, ii. 449; Nouv. Annales Voy., xciv. 251-2.

[XII-51] He was left on a desert island on the coast. Marure, Efem., 54; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 612. Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts known to the govt of Nic., alleging that he had been specially requested by many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was undoubtedly a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right to interfere with him.

[XII-52] Consul Chatfield claimed that Quijano was removed from Mosq. and not Nic. territory; that he had himself notified the govt of Cent. Am. of the existence of the Mosq. nation, and that Great Britain would not look with indifference upon any usurpation of the territory of a monarch with whom she had close relations; that Spain had recognized the Mosq. nation when Prince Stephen visited San Salvador and Guatemala. His letter was dated Oct. 24, 1842. Further correspondence followed between Nic. and Chatfield without the former giving way to his pretensions. The whole correspond. may be seen in Mosq. Doc., 5-23; Nic., Cor. Ist., Sept. 26, 1850; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 98-111.

[XII-53] In a treaty with Thomas Lowry Robinson, signed in Comayagua Dec. 16, 1843. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 112-14. The aristocrats of Guat. wanted a protectorate of Great Britain over Cent. Am., and it was believed in Nic. for a while that Costa R. had given way to the influence of Pavon, Chatfield, and J. J. Flores of Ecuador, and had accepted the scheme. Chatfield having concluded, on the 26th of Nov., 1849, a treaty with Costa R., attempted on the strength of it, on the 1st of Dec., to dictate to Nic. He said that differences between Nic. and Costa R. must be amicably arranged in the understanding, that other means would not be looked on with indifference by Great Britain.

[XII-54] That was pursuant to orders from Lord Palmerston, in which for the first time a protectorate over the Mosquito shore was asserted by Great Britain. Chatfield and Walker had claimed rights over the entire eastern coast, from Cape Honduras to ChiriquÍ Lagoon, an extent of 700 miles, but Palmerston set the limits 'from Cape Honduras down to the mouth of the river San Juan.' Meantime the Nicaraguan authorities had obtained, Oct. 28, 1847, from the Princess Inez, believing her the heir of Robert Charles Frederick, a full recognition of the authority of Nic. over the shore of Mosq., and her command to all interloping foreigners to leave the country. The British officials of course paid no heed to this arrangement. Squier's Cent. Am., 644-6; Salv., Gaceta, March 15, 1850.

[XII-55] Squier's Travels, i. 78-80; Morelet, Voy., ii. 304; Edinb. Rev., no. 211, 144; Niles' Reg., lxxiii. 273; Tucker's Monroe Doctrine, 46-7, 52-4.

[XII-56] But the Nicaraguans never relinquished their claim of sovereignty over the port, nor even by implication recognized the king of Mosquito. Nic., Manif. sobre Trat., 1-13; Castellon, Doc. Rel., 27-8; Nic., Doc. Dipl., 32-9; Guerrero, Manif., 1-7; Stout's Nic., 278; El Siglo, Nov. 22, 1852; Nic., Gaceta Gob. Supr., Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 25, Dec. 2, 1848; Niles' Reg., lxxiv. 100; Squier's Cent. Am., 647; Id., Trav., i. 101-2.

[XII-57] The other articles refer to the construction of an interoceanic communication, either in the form of a canal or of railroads, securing the neutrality of interoceanic ways. Annals Brit. Legis., 97-110, 239-41; Nic., Nueva Discov., 1-44; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 87-91; Costa R., Gaceta, March 4, 1854; Abbott's Mex. and U. S., 340-2; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 111; Polynesian, vi. 165-6; vii. 46; Nic. y Hond., Doc., 122-5; Am. Quart. Reg., iii. 310-13; Brit. Quart. Rev., xcix. 237-70; El Nacional, July 31, 1858; Nic., Seman Nic., Feb. 14, 1874; Hunt's Merchants' Mag., xxiii. 109-11; Wells' Walker's Exped., 125-33; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 73-5.

[XII-58] The local chief was prevailed on to accept this arrangement with a pension of $5,000 a year, during ten years, that is to say, till 1870, payable by the suzerain, but the last chief died in 1864 or 1865, and Nic. has never recognized his successor. Nic., Gaceta, Dec. 23, 1865; Encyclop. Brit., xvii. 493; Nic., La Union, June 15, 1861; Hond. Gaceta, Feb. 20, 1861; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 118-27, 132; Belly, Nic., i. 297-301; Nic., Conv. Mosq., 1-8; Pim's Gate of the Pac., 409-12. Further details on the Mosq. question, giving diplomatic correspondence and parliamentary discussions, in Hansard's Parl. Deb., cxlv. 1003-7; Annals Brit. Legis., x. 129-41; also in U. S. Govt Doc., Ex., Sen. and House, which are too numerous to quote here; and likewise in U. S. Cong. Globe, 1855-6, 1857-8, 1859-60; Diario de Avisos, Apr. 24, 1857; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Jan. 23, March 4, 1857.

[XII-59] Rocha, CÓd. Nic., ii. 21-2; Pan. Star and Herald, Mar. 26, 1884; Nic., Mem. Rel., 1867, 3-12.

[XII-60] Autograph letters were exchanged in 1848, between Pres. Herrera of Mex. and Director Guerrero. Nic., Gaceta Gob. Supr., Sept. 16, 1848.

[XII-61] Ratified by Nic. March 21, 1851; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 99, 103; Nic., Trat. de Paz, etc., 1-13.

[XII-62] By Cardinal Antonelli, for the pope, and Fernando de Lorenzana for Nic. The treaty was published in the latter country as a law Aug. 28, 1862. Nic., Gaceta Gob. Supr., Oct. 7, 1848; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 79, 132-7.

[XII-63] Full particulars will be found in Id., 137-43; Nic. Trat. etc. entre Nic. y Hond., 1-8; Id., Gaceta, 1853-74, passim; Id., Col. Doc. y Acuerdos, 1850-1872, passim; Id., Trat. con Costa R., 1-7; Costa R., Inf. Rel., 1876, 5-11; 1878, 1; 1880, 3-4; Salv., Gaceta, Aug. 12, 1853, Oct. 26, 1876, March 21 to April 20, 1879, passim; Nic., Mens. del Presid., 1879, i.-v. 1-25; and numerous other authorities.

[XII-64] They first endeavored to regard the alleged Mosquito authority, but finally treated it as a mere fiction. Squier's Cent. Am., 652.

[XII-65] Municipal ordinances for the place which had now taken the name of Greytown. Reichardt, Cent. Am., 241-6, 251; Munic. Ordinances, in Cent. Am. Affairs, no. 4, 1-10.

[XII-66] He is said to have been acting under improper influences. Squier's Cent. Am., 653.

[XII-67] The town authorities had refused to pay an indemnity. This was the first direct aggression by the U. S. in Cent. America. Nic., Doc. Diplom., 7-12; Costa R., Gaceta, June 17, 22, 29, 1854; Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854; Tribune Alm., 1857, 31; U. S. Govt Doc., 33d cong. sess. 1, Sen. Doc. 8, vol. iv.; Doc. 85, vol. xii.; 126, xvi. 31 pp.; Id., H. Ex. Doc. 1, vol. i., pt ii., 385-6.

[XII-68] LÉvy, Nic., 335. Pablo LÉvy, Notas GeogrÁficas y EconÓmicas sobre la RepÚblica de Nicaragua, Paris, 1873, Roy. 8°, 627 pp. and map, is a treatise on Nicaragua and its inhabitants. Beginning with an historical rÉsumÉ of ancient and modern Nicaragua, it gives a review of the topography, climate, natural productions, government, people, and their institutions. The writer's information on the country's physical peculiarities may be set down as useful, though some deficiency is noted; but that on the political and administrative branches is unreliable, showing him to have had but little knowledge of Central American politics. He evidently had not the documents upon which to form a correct judgment. The question of a canal across the isthmus of Nicaragua is also reviewed, and a rÉsumÉ of its history given. The last general treaty with the U. S. was negotiated in 1867. There was also a convention for the extradition of criminals in 1871. Nic. has made arrangements to pay Am. claims against her, and on her part asked compensation for the damages caused by the bombardment of San Juan, which the Am. govt refused. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 18-19; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 93; Nic., Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y los EE. UU., 1-16; San Juan del Norte, Las Cenizas, 1874, 1-12; LÉvy, Nic., 235-9; Salv., Diario Ofic., Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1878; Berruel, FrÈres et Cie, Petition, 1-20; and a multitude of U. S. govt docs., and other papers.

[XII-69] Treaty with Belgium, May 18, 1858; with France, Apr. 11, 1859; with G. Britain, Feb. 11, 1860; with Italy, March 6, 1868; and a consular convention made in 1872; with PerÚ, 1879. Trat. de Amistad entre Nic. y la BÉlgica, 1-15; Id., entre Nic. y la Francia, 1-26; Nic., Ley. Emit., 11-30; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., 106-18; Rouhaud, RÉgions Nouv., 365-86; Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y S. M. B., 1-15; Annals Brit. Legis., ix. 378-81; Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y el reino de Italia, 1-17; Convention Consular entre Nic. y el reino de Italia, 1-19; Nic., Gaceta, Sept. 7, 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1872; Salv., Diario Ofic., Oct. 29, 1879.

[XII-70] Damages for the injured Germans $30,000, and a fine of $8,000, besides the punishment of the official accused of insulting German dignity. Thus the superior force dictates unjust terms to the inferior.

[XII-71] His term began Apr. 1, 1849.

[XII-72] He was tried by court-martial, sentenced, and shot June 17th. Nic., Boletin Ofic., June 15-28, July 4, 5, 12, 1849; Squier's Trav., i. 121, 166-72, 295-9; Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., no. 7. MuÑoz was rewarded with a gold medal, and the friends of the soldiers who perished received pensions. Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 216-17.

[XII-73] Recognized by the assembly March 14th as duly elected. Nic., Cor. Ist., March 20, 1851; El Siglo, March 28, 1851.

[XII-74] Nov. 10, 1851. MuÑoz had been declared a traitor and deprived of his military rank. He was allowed to leave Nic., and went to reside in Salv. Chamorro was made commander of the forces. Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1851-3, 92-6, 116-18; Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Jan. 15, 1852.

[XII-75] A new constituent assembly was convoked May 13, 1853. Nic., Gaceta Ofic., May 28, 1853.

[XII-76] 'Se denominarÁ RepÚblica de Nicaragua.' Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 94-7; Costa R., Gaceta, March 4, Apr. 1, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 7, 21, 1854; El Eco Hisp.-Am., May 15, 1854.

[XII-77] In a circle bordered on the inside with two sprigs of laurel, was a volcano with its base laved by the two oceans. In the upper part of the volcano was a civic crown with the words Libertad, Órden, Trabajo. Around the circle, RepÚblica de Nicaragua. The national flag was given three horizontal stripes, the centre one white, with the coat of arms in the middle; the upper one yellow, and the lower, 'nÁcar,' or light blue. Merchant vessels were to use the same flag, without the coat of arms, and had on the centre stripe RepÚblica de Nicaragua, in golden letters. Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 163. During the Walker rÉgime, 1856-7, his flag had two blue stripes divided by a white one double the width of the blue, and in the centre of the white a lone red star. Stewart's Filibusters, 12-13.

[XII-78] Among the members elected were Castellon, Jerez, Guerrero, diputados propietarios, and F. Diaz Zapata, suplente, from the western department. The govt reported them out of the state, having been expelled for their revolutionary attempts. The assembly on the 1st of March declared them disqualified to take their seats. Nic., Gaceta Ofic., March 4, 1854; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 12.

[XII-79] It had 104 articles, and somewhat restricted the right of citizenship, created a single chamber, composed of an equal number of senators and representatives; priests were excluded from these positions. The terms of the president, senators, and representatives were to begin March 1, 1855, and last four years. After the expulsion of the filibusters, a junta de gobierno, composed of the leading men of the two opposing parties, was established, which declared the constitution of 1838 in force, and a constituent assembly was convoked, its members being from among the best and most talented men of the republic. Id., 23-4; Nic., Semanal Nic., Apr. 17, 1873. The powers granted the executive, which were included in the fundamental law of 1854, though with the additional clause that when using them he should report the fact to the next legislature, greatly alarmed the opposition. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 24.

[XII-80] In Nov. 1853. Id., 9-12; Guat., Gaceta, Dec. 16, 1853; Jan. 6, 1854; Salv., Gaceta, Dec. 30, 1853; Hond., Boletin Ofic., Dec. 5, 1853; Costa R., Boletin Ofic., Dec. 15, 1853; Id., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 19, 24, 1853; Jan. 15, 30, 1854.

[XII-81] He thought Chamorro was evading the obligation of Nicaragua to aid Honduras with troops for the war with Guatemala.

[XII-82] His manifesto of June 12th was moderate in tone but significant in its substance. It promised a liberal policy, and to reconstruct, if possible, the federal republic. Wells' Hond., 508-9; Belly, Nic., i. 268-70; El Rol, Oct. 6, 1854.

[XII-83] They tendered their mediation. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 67-75.

[XII-84] Early in Jan. 1855, J. Trinidad MuÑoz was made general-in-chief, Jerez having been disabled by a severe wound. El Rol, Feb. 9, 28, 1855; Costa R., Boletin Ofic., Feb. 28, 1855. The successes of the legitimist party—so called because of the motto on its colors, Legitimidad Ó muerte—were obtained by Gen. Ponciano Corral and his subordinates, Chamorro being too ill for service in the field. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 30, 42-3, 108-20; Eco Hisp.-Am., Apr. 30, 1855.

[XII-85] In the hacienda of Quismapa, south of Granada, March 12, 1855. Chamorro was a wealthy citizen, born in Granada. A brave, resolute man, firm in sustaining his political principles, but lacking discrimination, and easily duped. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 126; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 67.

[XII-86] Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 128, considered the act of the assembly as a serious blunder.

[XII-87] His propositions were: Corral and himself were to constitute themselves a junta de gobierno, and direct public affairs until a constitutional president could be elected. If Corral objected to this arrangement, he, MuÑoz, would recognize the legitimate government, provided Corral became the head of it.

[XII-88] Facundo GoÑi from Spain, and John H. Wheeler from the U. S. Wheeler was cordially received in Granada, but afterward was abhorred by the Nicaraguans.

[XII-89] Being too limited in its scope, the measure produced no good effect.

[XII-90] He had gone direct to Granada, saying nothing to Corral from MuÑoz, which made the former suspect that MuÑoz was deceiving him.

[XII-91] Ephraim George Squier, whose works I have often quoted, was born in Bethlehem, in the state of New York, June 17, 1821, and devoted most of his life to civil engineering, journalism, and the pursuit of science, winning for himself a distinguished name as an archÆologist and author. His first distinction was awarded him for his labors on the archÆology of the Mississippi Valley and the state of New York. Having been appointed in 1849 chargÉ d'affaires to the states of Central America, he employed much of his time in gathering data upon those countries, which he afterward embodied in several books. In 1853 he was engaged in the survey of a route across Honduras, and organized a company for the construction of an interoceanic railway. In 1863 and the following year he was employed by the U. S. govt as a commissioner in Peru for the adjustment of claims against that republic, and then devoted several months to the exploration of ancient monuments in that country. In 1868 he was for a time U. S. consul-gen. to Hond. He visited Europe several times both for pleasure and business. In addition to the works that will be herein enumerated, he contributed many papers on antiquities and other subjects to American and European scientific periodicals. The following list comprises his principal works, most of which have been translated into several languages: Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, being vol. i. of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; Aboriginal Monuments of the state of New York, in vol. ii. of the Smithsonian Contributions; Antiquities of the state of New York, with a supplement on the antiquities of the west; The Serpent Symbol, or Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in America; Waikna, or Adventures on the Mosquito Shore, under the pseudonym of Samuel A. Bard; Question Anglo-AmÉricaine; Report of the survey of the Honduras interoceanic railway; Monograph on authors who have written on the aboriginal languages of Central America; Tropical fibres and their economic extraction; Is cotton king? Sources of cotton supply; Incidents of Travel and Explorations in the land of the Incas. Other works of this author quoted in my volumes on Central America are: Notes on the states of Honduras and Salvador, with maps and illustrations, which gives valuable data on those countries. In treating of diplomatic relations he expatiates on manifest destiny and British intrigues, his conclusions not being probably palatable to the subjects of the British crown, and others disposed to oppose the absorption of more territory, or the exercise of exclusive influence by the U. S. The maps drawn by Hitchcock under Squier's directions are the best that to that time had been published. Travels in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua, N. Y., 1853, 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 424 and 452, maps and cuts, contains a description of aboriginal movements and scenery, together with a concise account of the history, agricultural and other resources, of Nicaragua, the language, manners, and customs of the people, with illustrations of the principal buildings, towns, ports, etc. The work also describes at length the proposed canal route, setting forth its advantages. The author had every facility as U. S. chargÉ d'affaires to obtain the most exact data, and used them conscientiously and with marked ability. Nicaragua, its people, scenery, monuments, and the proposed interoceanic canal, Lond., 1852, N. Y., 1856, 2 vol. This work is similar in all respects to—in fact a reprint of—Travels in Cent. Am. Another edition under the aforesaid title appeared in New York, 1860, 1 vol. of pp. 691, which with the exception of about 18 pp. in the append., and a few more illustrations, was similar to Trav. in Cent. Am. The States of Central America, N. Y., 1858, 8vo, p. 782, maps and illust. The author issued in 1855, with the title of Notes on Central America, an 8vo vol. of 397 pages, with maps and cuts, intended to serve as a basis for this more extensive one, which treats of the physical peculiarities, population, productions, commerce, and other resources, political organization, aborigines, etc., of the country in general, and of the states separately, and also of Belize, the Bay islands, and Mosquito shore. Squier was evidently conversant with his subject. The style is vivid and interesting, as well as instructive, and the statements, as a rule, worthy of acceptance. In his treatment of diplomatic affairs between Great Britain and Cent. Am., in which his own country was interested on the side of the latter, he espouses the Central American side with so much warmth as to awaken a suspicion that his judgment may have been warped by his patriotism. The question of an interoceanic railroad having engrossed public attention since the publication of this work the author felt justified in reproducing, under the title of Honduras, Lond., 1870, 12o, 278 pp., with a map, in a more compact and accessible form, a description of this country. With the exception of a fuller information on the route, and its alleged advantages over all others, and an appendix relating to immigration, the contents of the book have been fully treated in the bibliographical notice on the States of Cent. Am.

Report to the Directors of the Honduras Interoceanic Railway, Lond., 1858, fol., 102 pp. and map. Fours years previously a preliminary report was published on this subject, and in 1857 another containing no additional information, but in the appendix were given further correspondence and the charter in full. The present work gives a complete report with all details, presenting valuable statistics, and evidences of the feasibility of the proposed railway. Compendio de la Historia PolÍtica de Centro-AmÉrica, Paris, 1856, 12o, pp. 7-114, as the title implies, is an outline of the political history of Central America from 1821 to 1851, that is to say, a sketch of the revolution and struggle between republicans on one side and monarchists on the other, by which Central America was annexed to Mexico, and of the subsequent wars between the federalists and the oligarchs, which culminated in the destruction of the federation, and the ultimate rise to unrestricted power of the latter with Carrera as their chief as well as tool. Translation with notes of the letter of Don Diego de Palacio (1576) to the crown of Spain on the provinces of Guatemala, San Salvador, etc., N. Y., 1860, sq. 8o, pp. 132, is a report which in Spanish bears the title of Carta dirigida al rey de EspaÑa, and was addressed by Palacio, a member of the royal audiencia of Guatemala, to the king, giving an account of the ancient provinces of Guazacapan, Izalco, Cuzcatlan, and Chiquimula, together with their languages, customs, and religion of their aboriginal inhabitants, and a description of the ruins of Copan. Palacio evidently collected this information by order of his sovereign, and showed himself an intelligent as well as a kindly, well-meaning man; somewhat superstitious, but less so than most men of his time. His narrative is both readable and instructive, and his description of the ruins of Copan extremely interesting, its correctness being established in after years by the accounts of Fuentes and Stephens. Squier added numerous and interesting notes, but his translation is in places open to criticism, partly for erroneous meanings given to words, and partly for a not strict adherence to the spirit of the original. The book, though a beautiful specimen of typography, is disfigured with many misprints. Besides these I have in my library numerous valuable documents in manuscript relating to Central American history, from the earliest days after the Spanish conquest, which Mr Squier gathered from various sources and never published.

A Travers L'AmÉrique Centrale. Le Nicaragua et le Canal InterocÉanique, Paris, 1867, 8o, 2 vol., maps, 427 and 480 pp., by FÉlix Belly, who was the director-general of a French canal company for opening a Nicaragua route. He was also a chevalier and a well-known writer. To him had been intrusted the task of obtaining a charter from Nicaragua for this canal, and with this object he visited Central America in 1858, obtained the charter, and made the necessary explorations for routes and resources. The delays and uncertainty of the undertaking caused Belly to visit the country more than once, and he thus became well acquainted with its resources, people, government, and institutions generally. This information he imparts in connection with the narrative of his journey and in articles, under the respective states, given in the first volume. The second volume is wholly devoted to the interoceanic projects, and particularly to a detailed history of his own canal scheme. The style is attractive, the observations clever, and the information excellent. A second edition, a reprint, appeared in 1870. Belly, Carte d'Études, etc., Paris, 1858, contains notes on the project of building a canal through Nicaragua, and the survey made for that purpose. FÉlix Belly, Durchbruch der Americanischen Landenge. Kanal von Nicaragua. Ubersetzt von Karl SchÖbel, Paris, 1859, 8o, 103 pp., one map, is the same as Carte d'Études ... by FÉlix Belly, but enlarged with a few sketches of the country and people of Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

[XIII-1] At this time, in 1840, he could neither read nor write, and used, for appending his signature, a stamp. Later he learned to sign his name.

[XIII-2] He sent his resignation to the assembly, implying that it was condescension on his part to lay it before that body, as he owed his position directly to the votes of the people.

[XIII-3] He was wrathful at the thought that they had tendered a dictatorship to Morazan, and enlisted the Quezaltecs against himself. He did not forget Rivera Paz' proclamations calling him a bandit and an antropÓfago. He asked for the meaning of this last word, and on being told it, flew into a rage which threatened a repetition of the horrid scenes of Quezaltenango. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 512.

[XIII-4] He referred to Pavon, Batres, and Aycinena. It was evident that he then knew of Juan Fermin Aycinena's bargain in Madrid which made him marquÉs de Aycinena.

[XIII-5] His press was called Imprenta del EjÉrcito. He had brought it from Quezaltenango.

[XIII-6] Several deputies, under one pretext or another, tried to resign, but only the clergyman Lorenzana was permitted to do so. Tempsky's Journey, 341-56. A man named Andrade slightly wounded Carrera in the evening of Aug. 8, 1841. He was murdered by the troops, and Carrera, with the assent of the govt, had the body quartered in the presence of hundreds of persons, and the pieces placed on exhibition at the city gates. The order for so doing was signed by Rivera Paz, and his minister Viteri, afterward bishop of Salvador. Id., 541-8; Guat., Gac. Ofic., no. 22, 86-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 248; Nouv. Annales Voy., xcii. 375; Niles' Reg., lxi. 177.

[XIII-7] He had promised, he said, to remain in private life. His voice would be unheeded. Without freedom or influence, he could no longer do the country any good. 'Ningun pensamiento hay aceptable en la crÍtica complicacion de sus negocios, y en el movimiento retrÓgrado que se le ha dado.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 528-9; Gac. de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854.

[XIII-8] Rivera Paz did not escape insult; but not more than Carrera deemed needful to keep him humble.

[XIII-9] The Gaceta, no. 173, mentioned that number. Others made it larger. The Indian chief Ricardo Catzum and others on their way to the place of execution, in loud tones declared that they had only obeyed their general's orders.

[XIII-10] Carrera had threatened Viteri with 'la fuerza,' and the latter answered that he had on his side 'la fuerza de la razon.' Carrera understood this to mean cannons and muskets, and rushing out to the plaza came back soon after with troops and artillery, surrounded the government house—then opposite the Santa Rosa church—and furiously entered the building, demanding of Rivera Paz to show him his forces. Viteri then explained the meaning of fuerza de la razon. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 536-7. Squier, Travels, ii. 443, describes something similar as done by Carrera to the assembly.

[XIII-11] Lopez was a Nicaraguan educated in Guat., an honorable man and an accomplished jurist; but owing to bad health, personal habits, and other causes, was unfit for the executive office.

[XIII-12] The assembly considered a bill granting him large tracts of land.

[XIII-13] The constitution to be framed was to be ratified by the first subsequent council of double the no. of representatives. The doc. had 12 articles. Guat., Inf. Pavon, 2-5; Niles' Reg., lxvi. 242.

[XIII-14] On the 14th of March, 1844. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 114-16.

[XIII-15] 'Consejo constituyente' it was first called; afterward it adopted the name of 'congreso constituyente.'

[XIII-16] Being appointed early in 1849 corregidor of Jutiapa; while on his way there he was murdered with others.

[XIII-17] They had counted on Carrera's aid, and he failed them, for which they again at their secret conferences reapplied to him the name antropÓfago.

[XIII-18] A number of persons were blindly persecuted, particularly Brigadier Monterrosa and his family. Barrundia, Rev. de los Partidos, in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 662.

[XIII-19] Duran's pledges went for nothing. Blood and extermination ended the drama of Feb. 1845. Id., 663-9; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 244-7.

[XIII-20] The most despotic captain-generals of the colonial period, without excepting the tyrant Bustamante, are not to be compared with these men. Barrundia, in trying to console the young men who bewailed the condition of the country, assured them that it was transitory, 'un rÉgimen salvaje en pleno siglo XIX. no puede ser perpÉtuo en la AmÉrica independiente. La luz nos viene por el Norte y por el Sur; solo el centro estÁ en tinieblas, y esa noche lÚgubre no puede ser eterna.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 9.

[XIII-21] Azmitia was an enlightened man, and thirsted for no one's blood; but his influence, outside of the foreign department, was small, and men, unheard and untried, were shot before his eyes, without his being able to prevent it. His friends claimed, however, that through him Guat. was spared many more acts of barbarity.

[XIII-22] It consisted of 222 articles, and was drawn up at Quezaltenango; it came to nothing. Pineda de Mont, in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 86.

[XIII-23] Cruz had risen with Carrera, but had a mild disposition, and was liberal-minded. He learned erelong that the people had nothing to expect from the aristocrats.

[XIII-24] Barrundia left an account of all the proceedings. One man only, JosÉ GÁndara, had the courage to back his convictions and vote for the constitution.

[XIII-25] The plan had been to shoot him as he came out of the cathedral. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 248; Iris' EspaÑ., Dec. 12, 1846.

[XIII-26] The arms to be those Cent. Am. used on the obverse side of her coin, but so arranged that the sun and volcanoes should be in the centre of a shield, with the inscription, Guatemala en Centro AmÉrica, 15 de Setiembre de 1821, having in the quiver an olive crown.

[XIII-27] A shield divided transversely into two quarters; the upper one on an open field azure with vertical bars argent; and the lower with three volcanoes on a light sky-blue field. Over the shield was a sun, and on each side of it two flags with the national colors displayed, and the extremities gathered downward, and knotted on the poles. On the right side of the shield is an oak bough, and on the left, one of laurel. On a white waving ribbon is the legend in golden letters, GuatimalÆ Respublica sub D. O. M. protectione.

[XIII-28] The man-of-war flag has the coat of arms on the yellow stripe. The mercantile flag does not show the coat of arms. The flag consists of seven stripes; the uppermost and lowermost, or be it the 1st and 7th, blue; the 2d and 6th white; the 3d and 5th red; and the 4th, which is the centre one, yellow. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 55-8; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 119-20; Mex., Col. Ley. Ord., 1850-1; i. 388-9; Mex., Leg., 1851, 307-9. New national flag decreed Aug. 17, 1871. Guat., Recop. Leges. Gob. Democ., i. 9.

[XIII-29] With France, March 8, 1848, and one for the settlement of French claims, Aug. 18, 1854; Costa R., March 10, 1848; G. Britain, Feb. 20, 1849; U. S., March 20, 1849; Belgium, Apr. 1849; Mex., Nov. 1850; the pope, Oct. 7, 1852; Peru, 1857; and others in later times.

[XIII-30] Crosby's Events in Cal., MS., 103. It tried to avoid entanglements in the questions then pending between Spain and Peru. The time came, however, in 1875, when the govt was not afraid to make recognition of Cuba, then in the throes of revolution for independence from Spain as a nation.

[XIII-31] Full particulars on the foreign relations may be found in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 303-81, 423-30; Id., Gob. Dem., i. 209-19; Squier's Trav., ii. 451-2; Annals Brit. Legis., 1866, 333; Guat., Gac., Feb. 21, March 7, May 3, 1850; July 29, 1853; Jan. 27, Apr. 7, 1854; Comm. Rel. Flagg's Rept., i. 792; Derecho Intern. Mex., 2d pt, 325-8; Mex., Mem. Rel., 1851, 10-11; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 755-7; Nic. Corr. Ist., May 1, June 1, Aug. 1, 1849; Id., Gac. Ofic., Feb. 25, 1854; Aug. 4, 1866; Costa R., Gac., Feb. 13, March 13, June 10, 1854; Salv., Gac., Jan. 13, 1854; Crosby's Events in Cal., MS., 90-5, 102-4; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 141-5; Salv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 20, Sept. 9, 1875; Guat., Mem. Rel., 1882, 26-7, and annex 8; La Estrella de Occid., Dec. 2, 1864.

[XIII-32] Molina accepted this trust believing Minister Azmitia, with whom the committee would have to treat directly, was a liberal; but Azmitia was not such, nor would the aristocrats have permitted him to control the situation.

[XIII-33] Molina accepted, under the pressure of circumstances, a number of clauses opposed to his own opinions, thinking that a conservative constitution would be better than an unbridled dictatorship.

[XIII-34] Some of the measures being imprudently executed only increased the trouble. To make matters worse, the monopoly of aguardiente in the departments of Guat., Sacatepequez, Escuintla, and Amatitlan, was given to a single company, in consideration of money advances to the treasury. Carrera was supposed to share in the profits.

[XIII-35] The Indians rose against the ladinos, who deprived them of their lands, and forced them to work at raising grain.

[XIII-36] 'La tranquilidad continÚa inalterable.' Guat., Gac. Ofic., Aug. 14, 1847. The archbishop was asked to instruct his priests to preach obedience to the authorities and laws; and with the view of winning the good-will of the Dominicans the govt restored them the large hacienda of Palencia, which had been theirs prior to 1829. The property had fallen into Carrera's hands by donation from the government, and now, in order to restore it to the friars, it was bought from him at his own price.

[XIII-37] Carrera's decrees of Jan. 12 and 22, 1848.

[XIII-38] Foreign relations, JosÉ Mariano Rodriguez; government, Luis Batres; treasury and war, JosÉ NÁjera.

[XIII-39] His last words on that occasion were: 'Queda al pÚblico el sempiterno duo de la Revista y Gaceta, que daran solos la ley y seran la esclusiva ilustracion de Guatemala.' MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 444; Salv., Gac., Oct. 12, 1854. It must be borne in mind that those two organs were edited by Pavon and Milla for the express purpose of upholding the ideas of the middle ages.

[XIII-40] This affair was later settled, the assembly passing resolutions highly complimentary to France and her people, embodying also a desire to see the French flag again waving over the French consulate. A copy of the resolutions was transmitted to the consul. The flag waved again and was saluted with 21 guns. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 577; Niles' Reg., lxxiv. 142-3, 415-16; Nic., Gac. Gob. Suprem., Dec. 9, 1848; El Heraldo, Jan. 15, 1849.

[XIII-41] The members were to be at the capital on the 1st of the month. Decree of May 24, 1848. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 121-36.

[XIII-42] This was done by the advice of Batres, who told him the liberal party would soon commit suicide, and he might then return in triumph.

[XIII-43] A merchant or agent; he was sickly, and totally unfit for the position.

[XIII-44] The other two were his message on gen. affairs, and his greeting to the chamber on its installation. Nic., Gac. Gob. Suprem., Sept. 16, 1848; Salv., Gac. Ofic., Sept. 9, 1876; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 470, 494-508.

[XIII-45] His proscription was decreed on the 13th of Oct., 1848. Reg. Cent. Am., Jan. 29, 1850. He went to Chiapa, and the Mexican govt was requested not to let him cross the frontier. El Siglo, Jan. 10, 1851.

[XIII-46] This was an unmerited slight to Vice-president Cruz, which he resented afterward.

[XIII-47] His ministers were Manuel J. Dardon of the govt; JosÉ M. Vidaurre of treasury and war, and Luis Molina of foreign relations.

[XIII-48] Francisco Carrillo, Serapio Cruz, Roberto Reyes, J. D. Nufio, and A. Perez.

[XIII-49] The chief being the convocation of a new constituent assembly; the recognition of Los Altos as independent, efforts to restore the Central Am. republic, and meantime Guat., Salv., and Los Altos, to be under one govt; the revolutionary army to hold the capital and other important points; Rafael and Sotero Carrera and their agents to make good with their property all damages caused by them to private persons; objectionable persons to be banished, and the Brit. govt to be asked to recall Consul Chatfield.

[XIII-50] Their only division was in open and covert serviles.

[XIII-51] A provisional govt was established at Quezaltenango on the 5th of Sept., 1848, consisting of a triumvirate; namely, Presbyter Fernando Antonio DÁvila, Rafael de la Torre, and JosÉ Velasco, with Manuel J. Fuentes as secretary-gen. Id., 588-9; Guat., Gac., Sept. 22, 1848.

[XIII-52] The nobles, aided by the clergy, surrounded the brothers Cruz, and Luis Molina undertook to dissuade Nufio, who was a very ignorant man.

[XIII-53] The necessity of procuring money for the war, which could not be had except from partisans of the oligarchs, prompted it, as they made that act of ratification a sine qu non before loosening their purse-strings.

[XIII-54] Guat., Col. Ley., i. 77-9; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 584-5. GÁndara and Pineda de Mont, the other liberals trying to persuade themselves that the separation would be only temporary.

[XIII-55] By Col. M. Paredes. Guat., Gac., Sept. 22, 1848; Id., Col. Ley., 50-3; Nic., Gac. Gob. Suprem., Nov. 18, 25, Dec. 9, 1848; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 606-8, 634-9.

[XIII-56] The attempt to gain over Nufio to the side of the govt proving successful, he had been appointed comandante general. On the other hand, Vice-president Vicente Cruz, smarting under the slight put upon him by the selection of Martinez for pres., joined his brother Serapio in his armed contest against the govt. Id., v. 555, 570-1, 588, 591.

[XIII-57] Escobar was an orator, a true republican, and well disposed to deal fairly by all men, regardless of political affiliations.

[XIII-58] His ministers were Revd Narciso Monterey, of govt; Basilio Porras, of relations; Mariano Galvez Irungaray, of treasury; and Manuel Jonama, an old retired officer of Morazan, of war.

[XIII-59] The two opposing parties had not yet fixed upon his successor.

[XIII-60] The Molinas and Arrivillagas, Vidaurre, Dardon, Barrundia, and Martinez, who were held responsible for the blood already spilled.

[XIII-61] A large number of official docs. connected with the last two administrations are given in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 593-601, 611, 622-44, 695-715.

[XIII-62] In forming his cabinet he slighted Luis Molina and his party. His ministers were JosÉ Mariano Rodriguez, Raymundo Arroyo, JosÉ M. Urruela, and Manuel Tejada. Arroyo was succeeded in Aug. by Pedro N. Arriaga, and Cerezo became min. of war.

[XIII-63] The principal clauses were: the revolutionary forces to be incorporated with the army of the republic; Vicente Cerna to become general-in-chief of the army; elections of deputies to be made in unrepresented districts; damages caused private parties by the army to be paid by the government.

[XIII-64] The aristocrats made a great display of regret at his death, but it was well known that they did not love him. In eliminating him from the revolution, they had in view to weaken the latter, but still wanted it to continue as a means for Carrera's return.

[XIII-65] Paredes made him believe the govt really intended to oppose Carrera. He also pledged the govt to protect Los Altos, and provide for the advancement of education and commerce in that region. Under such pledges Guzman placed himself and his Quezaltecs at the service of the govt and proceeded to the capital. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 769-71.

[XIII-66] Jan. 24th he wrote the govt from Ayuto that he was on his march to the capital, not to avenge, he said, the insults heaped upon him by Martinez' administration, or rake up by-gones, but to restore peace and justice. The assembly, before which his letter was laid, adopted no resolution.

[XIII-67] To raise a foreign loan of one million dollars; to procure troops from other friendly states; and if necessary to remove the capital. After granting such power the assembly adjourned, leaving in the city a 'comision permanente.'

[XIII-68] His govt said that aid afforded to Carrera was treason under the decree of Oct. 13, 1848. Ministers Arroyo and Tejada in a manifesto assured the people of the government's best efforts to defeat his projects. Nic., Gac., March 17, 1849. It is astonishing that an ignorant man like Paredes could so easily hoodwink Luis Molina and the rest. They soon opened their eyes to see the falseness of the man they had elevated from the command of a battalion to the chief magistracy, and who was on the point of consummating his treachery. Guzman saw through his plan, and escaped out of the city with a number of his Quezaltec officers and men, and succeeded in reaching Salvador. He first joined the mountaineers, and aided them to take Jutiapa, but on seeing the outrages of Leon Raymundo, he left them in disgust.

[XIII-69] Zavala was connected by blood and marriage with supporters of Carrera in the aristocratic clique.

[XIII-70] The first two decrees were of June 4th and 5th. His appointment to the chief command was on the 3d of Aug. Nic., Corr. Ist., July 1, Sept. 1, 1849; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 779-80, 784-5.

[XIII-71] He had come disposed to do his duty, he said. The ayuntamiento of Guat. on the 10th of Aug. gave a banquet in honor of Carrera. The corregidor presided, having on his right Paredes, and on the left Carrera. Guat., Gac., Aug. 23, 1849.

[XIII-72] The comision permanente had represented the danger to the govt before Carrera entered the city, and its representations remaining unheeded; it again on the 27th of July called the attention of the minister of government demanding requisite protection for the representatives. See AndrÉs Dardon's letter in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 811-12.

[XIII-73] Barrundia had gone to Salv. Luis Molina was now defeated, and had to go away. He wished to visit San Salvador, but could not face Vasconcelos, and went to Ahuachapan. Ex-president Escobar, who, as president of the assembly, signed the proscription act of Oct. 13, 1848, died in exile, poor and miserable; the two subscribing secretaries were Manuel Irungaray, whom Carrera caused to be shot some time afterward, and Lorenzo MontÚfar, the author and statesman.

[XIII-74] Vasconcelos, president of Salv., Dec. 4, 1850, announced to his people that forces of Guatemala were about to invade the department of Sonsonate, with the view of inciting the inhabitants to rebel against their government. Again, Jan. 10, 1851, he sets forth the motives actuating the oligarchs, who had Carrera for their tool, and British Consul Chatfield for their ally, which were to destroy Central American liberties, and to domineer over the other sections. Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. nos. 2 and 3.

[XIII-75] The objective point was the city of Guat., which the allies felt sure of capturing, to judge from the context of a letter from DueÑas to Vasconcelos of Jan. 20, 1851. Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 17.

[XIII-76] Carrera's report from the field contained the following incredible result: a loss on the part of the confederates of 528 killed, 200 prisoners, 1,000 muskets, and 9,000 rounds of ammunition; while his casualties were only 20 killed and 42 wounded. That was probably one of his characteristic falsehoods. The Salvadoran minister called it 'desgracia sensible aunque pequeÑa.' But Carrera was promoted to be captain-general, and a memorial medal was struck in honor of his victory. Frisch, Die Staaten, 98; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 80-1; Salv., Mem. Sec. Gen., 1821-5.

[XIII-77] Feb. 6th, martial law was proclaimed; 13th, all men capable of bearing arms were called into service; those failing to obey, or aiding the invaders, were declared traitors; 22d, the assembly decreed a forced loan of $20,000 monthly during the continuance of the war. Nic., Cor. Ist., March 13, 1851; Salv. Decreto, in Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 16.

[XIII-78] He would return, however, if peaceful overtures were not made at once. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, March 1, 1851.

[XIII-79] The commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon for Guatemala, and Francisco ZaldÍvar for Salvador. It was a treaty of amity and commerce, calling also for extradition of army deserters and common criminals upon formal demand for them. Political refugees were to be made to live at a considerable distance from the frontier. Neither contracting party had to pay any pecuniary indemnity. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 431-3; Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 10, 1853; Jan. 30, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Aug. 5, 1853.

[XIII-80] Efforts were made by the sister states to avert a war, and even after it broke out Salvador continued her efforts. Preliminaries of peace had been agreed upon, and negotiations entered into at Cojutepeque by the two belligerents, Salvador acting as mediator at the conferences; but this effort also failed because the commissioner at the last moment presented an ultimatum which neither Salvador nor Honduras deemed just. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 30, Dec. 15, 1852; Id., Boletin Ofic., Oct. 13, Nov. 11, Dec. 5, 1853; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 18; Guat., Gaceta, July 8 to Nov. 11, 1853, passim; Jan. 27, Feb. 24, Sept. 22, 1854; Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 20, 1853; Feb. 28, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 1853; Jan. 7, 18, Feb. 24, March 4, 1854; El Rol, Oct. 13, 1854; Feb. 21, March 7, 1855; Prelimin. de Paz, in Cent. Am. Pamph., i. no. 20; iv. no. 41. It seems from Guatemalan sources that the Hondurans invaded Guat., and were defeated at Atulapa July 12, 1853. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Aug. 5, 1853.

[XIII-81] The commissioners being Pedro de Aycinena, min. of foreign affairs of Guat., and Florencio Castillo for Hond. This treaty bound the contracting parties to surrender deserters from either army, and common criminals, when claimed. Political refugees were to be kept away from the frontier. No pecuniary indemnity was stipulated. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 433-6; Guat., Gaceta, Feb. 16, 1856.

[XIII-82] Under this law the president was to be chosen for four years by a general assembly composed of the house of representatives, the archbishop, justices of the supreme court, and the members of the council of state. He might be reËlected. Before being placed in possession of the executive office, he was to be sworn by the archbishop who presided, for the occasion, over the house of representatives. The executive was clothed with almost absolute powers, being authorized, among other things, to issue, in accord with the council of state, decrees having the force of law, to raise loans, declare war, make peace, ratify treaties, etc. In the event of his death or permanent disability, the executive duties devolved temporarily on the ministers in their order of seniority; and in default of them, on the members of the council; until the house of representatives, to be forthwith summoned, could meet and make a choice in general assembly. During temporary absences of the president, the government devolved on the council of ministers. The council of state was formed of the cabinet ministers, eight members chosen by the congress, and such others as the executive might appoint. They held office for four years and might be reËlected. The following functionaries might also be called by the executive to take part in the deliberations and vote, namely: the archbishops, bishops sojourning in the capital, regente of the supreme court, president of the ecclesiastical chapter, rector of the university, prior of the consulado, president of the sociedad econÓmica, and comandante general. The house of representatives consisted of 55 deputies elected for four years. The cabinet ministers had seats in the house, which was to open its session Nov. 25th, and close it Jan. 31st. The administration of justice was intrusted to a supreme and lower courts. The former consisted of a regente, six justices, and one fiscal or attorney-general, all chosen by the congress for four years, one half being renewed every two years, but all might be reËlected. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 79-87; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 181-2; El Siglo, June 18, 1852; Squier's Cent. Am., 483.

[XIII-83] Those of the judiciary, consulado, university, and sociedad econÓmica. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 140-50.

[XIII-84] Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1851.

[XIII-85] This was the result of public meetings held in the departments by the garrisons, officials, and parish priests, at which it was made to appear that it was the will of the people that Carrera should be president for life, with the privilege of selecting his successor, and that other amendments should be made to the acta constitutiva, as permitted by its 15th art. It is understood that at the meeting of officials in the capital there was but one dissentient vote to the proposition. He had in a manifesto of June 22d expressed a weak objection to the proposed change, but it was evidently a preconcerted plan of the aristocrats and the military element. Guat., Gaceta, May 12 to Sept. 15, 1854, passim; Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 87-90; Costa R., Gaceta, July 1-29, 1854; Id., Boletin Ofic., July 27, 1854; March 17, 1855; Carrera, Manifiesto, in Cent. Am. Pamph., v. no. 21; Squier's Cent. Am., 514. Carrera before this received honors from foreign governments; he was a knight grand cross of the papal order of St Gregory the Great; the same of the Mexican order of Guadalupe; and knight commander of the Belgian order of Leopold. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 90.

[XIII-86] This amendment conferred still larger powers on the president, and made the term of the representatives, and of the councillors chosen by them, seven years instead of four.

[XIII-87] As he had no knowledge of the science of government, the direct management of public affairs was left to those supposed to possess it. Carrera did not govern; he merely represented the unity of government. 'Sin embargo que su voluntad prevalecia en todo.' Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 82. The reform in regard to the presidential tenure was personal, and exclusively in favor of Carrera. Thus at his death the constitutional provision was restored, the minister of relations, Pedro de Aycinena, assuming the reins, and at once summoning the legislative body, which was de facto and de jure a return to constitutional order. Pineda de Mont, Nota, in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 87.

[XIII-88] The govt decreed that their portraits should be placed in the hall of the council of state. Pavon's widow, Victoria ZebadÚa, got a pension of $900 a year. Guat., Recop. Ley., ii. 638-9; iii. 351.

[XIII-89] The government, whose temporary chief was Pedro de Aycinena, as senior cabinet minister, decreed April 4th that the funeral should take place on the 17th at 9 A. M., the remains to be interred in the cathedral church. Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 351-2; Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 29, May 6-20, 1865.

[XIII-90] It has been asserted that even his ministers trembled for their lives when Carrera was in his cups. Though they knew he would commit outrages, they often induced him to visit the departments, in order to have a little peace themselves.

[XIV-1] They conclude offering to the assembly the 'swords which aided to triumph in Guat. and Los Altos over the tyrant Morazan.'

[XIV-2] CaÑas, considering himself the only lawful executive, though set aside by the military on Sept. 20th, also made his resignation.

[XIV-3] The decree greatly displeased the people, and had no effect. But it revealed the plot of the aristocrats of Guat. They appointed commissioners to the diet of Cent. Am., who were to pretend that they favored a reformed union; but their real aim was an absolute separation. Marure, Efem., 54.

[XIV-4] Its support was sworn to on the 11th of April.

[XIV-5] In a proclamation he stated that the expelled senators and deputies were working to restore the order of affairs existing at the time of Morazan's departure. His suspicions were partially confirmed on Morazan appearing at La Union about the middle of Feb. 1842. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 63-4; Marure, Efem., 54-5; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 74-5.

[XIV-6] They promised to confine their action to only such objects as were of absolute necessity, namely, to rid the government of surrounding obstacles, make amendments or additions to the constitution, and pass such laws as would conduce to its development. After doing this they purposed to close their ordinary session, and await the election of the constitutional chief of the state. It would then be the proper time to deliberate upon calling a constituent assembly to review the constitution.

[XIV-7] CaÑas had been chosen on the 1st of Feb., but afterward resigned it. His health was poor, and he died at the hacienda del JocÓ on the 24th of Feb., 1844. The assembly honored his memory in a special decree. Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 509.

[XIV-8] It was this govt that rejected Morazan's proposals when he appeared at La Union. While appreciating his patriotic purposes, it could not disregard its obligations toward the other states. Hence, together with Malespin, it set the other govts in motion against Morazan, whom Malespin called 'el enemigo comun.'

[XIV-9] Even private correspondence was forbidden. Postmasters had orders to deliver to governors of departments all letters received at their offices from Costa Rica.

[XIV-10] His ideas were commended as 'justas, sanas, salvadoras.' Guat., Gac., Oct. 18, 1842.

[XIV-11] Even Malespin had favored the act of the govt; for though uncultured, he was a Salvadoran; and now that Morazan was dead, he began to listen to the advice of his more enlightened fellow-citizens, and to understand the Machiavelism of Aycinena, Pavon, and their ally Chatfield.

[XIV-12] J. J. Aycinena repeatedly said that the revolt could not be quelled, and it were better to accede to the wishes of the volcaneÑos. This will explain the object of a doc. dated Oct. 18, 1843, and published at Comayagua at the govt printing-office under the signature of Manuel JosÉ Arce. The ex-president had taken advantage of an amnesty decree to return to Central America. He was now very old, but still ambitious of power. In that manifesto, addressed to the states of Cent. Am., he endeavors to demonstrate the necessity of their again uniting under one govt. He spoke of Guzman and Malespin trying to hold power for life; of intrigues to make the latter president, even if some of his opponents had to be shot; of abuses he had been subjected to; the war those men were planning, with the aid of Nic., against Guat. and Hond., on the false charge that Carrera intended to annex Salv. to Guat. He accused Malespin of atrocities, and yet praises Carrera, who placed Malespin in Salv. The full text of the manif. is in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 222-5.

[XIV-13] The min. of state, Agustin Morales, reminded him that freedom of the press was a palladium of liberty in England, adding his surprise that her consul should want such a precious boon to disappear from Salvador. Chatfield threatened to refer the subject to his govt, and was told to do so, not failing to accompany the answers he had received.

[XIV-14] The circulation of El Amigo del Pueblo in Guat. was forbidden; but many numbers got out, and were read by artisans, students, officials. Chatfield often found it on his desk without knowing how it came there.

[XIV-15] Several Salvadorans were murdered, and it was proved that the murderers had come from Jutiapa. The govt of Guat. pretended to have had no agency in these acts.

[XIV-16] In later years he was bishop of PanamÁ, but much toned down.

[XIV-17] El Amigo del Pueblo invited him to discuss public questions, but not from the pulpit, where he could not be answered. Vazquez did not heed it, and went on with his wrathful sermons.

[XIV-18] In his letter of Dec. 5th, he uses these words: 'Jorge de Viteri no serÁ obispo de farsa, ni permanecerÁ jamÁs en un suelo, en que la potestad humana coarte las amplias facultades que le conceden, y de que le hacen responsable los sagrados cÁnones.' The correspondence, and his secretary's address to the people, are given in Id., 351-4, 373.

[XIV-19] The president blamed him for leaving the capital at a time of disturbance. He, on his part, demanded the government's return to S. Salv. to attend to the bishop's complaints. He accused the president, in a manifesto, of attempting to disturb the public peace.

[XIV-20] The ecclesiastical fueros were restored; the govt was authorized to allow monasteries established, and the bishop to demand the aid of the secular arm to enforce his orders in ecclesiastical affairs. This last act was, however, issued, as it appears, with much reluctance, judging from the number of restrictive clauses in it.

[XIV-21] Guzman had waged war against Malespin, not for his own aggrandizement, but to do away with arbitrary rule, and to restore the authority of the constitution. This being accomplished, he resolved to return to private life.

[XIV-22] A physician by profession, and a modest, honorable citizen, actuated by the purest motives; an excellent family man and friend; but unfortunately, as events showed, he was weak when firmness and resolution were demanded to uphold his position. Aguilar, in his later years, after losing his wife, was ordained as a priest.

[XIV-23] Eustaquio CuÉllar, J. M. San Martin, J. M. Zelaya, the clergyman, Isidro Menendez, and Indalecio Cordero.

[XIV-24] He hinted that he had power to annex the state to the archdiocese of Guat. The text of his letter is in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 54-5.

[XIV-25] The officer Anjelino, sent to reËnforce the guard of the jail, was waylaid, and nearly murdered, and in that condition taken to the bishop's house, where the bishop abused him by word of mouth, and turned him over to the rabble, by whom he was stabbed, beaten, and kicked. He was, however, rescued by the priest M. Serrano, and taken back into the bishop's house. These facts were testified to by Anjelino, in the criminal prosecution of Viteri.

[XIV-26] Nic., Registro Ofic., 330; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 249-50; Iris, Esp., Oct. 3, 1846.

[XIV-27] It is given in full in MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 70-4.

[XIV-28] The decree was dated July 27, 1846, and referred to articles 210-13, 304-9.

[XIV-29] The Salvadoran govt published a decree against seditious persons from Hond. Nic., Registro Ofic., 272-3. The authorities of Hond. solemnly promised that Viteri should not be allowed to reside near the Salv. frontier; but the promise went for nothing; Viteri and Malespin being aided from that state. They found material assistance in Nacaome, Tegucigalpa, Sensenti, and Guarita. Guardiola's note of Aug. 31, 1846, to the min.-gen. of Salv., in Id., v. 87, 254-7.

[XIV-30] His decree of Feb. 23, and pastoral of June 10, 1845.

[XIV-31] His execution left a bad impression in the public mind. Ignacio Malespin had been a friend of Morazan, served with him in 1840, and was one of the heroes of the capture of Guatemala as well as of the subsequent escape. He was gentle, kind, and sociable, and but for Viteri's influence never would have joined the revolution. He ought to have been spared. The women of San Salvador, both old and young, pleaded for a commutation of his sentence, but the govt was relentless.

[XIV-32] The head was for some time exposed in an iron cage, to the disgust of the community. It was finally delivered to the family for interment.

[XIV-33] He obtained 13,222 votes out of a total of 19,215. Being governor of San Vicente, where he was exceedingly popular, he could not, under the constitution, be a candidate in that department.

[XIV-34] Vasconcelos had been a friend of Morazan, and prominent in Guat. at the time the liberal party was divided into ministerialists and oppositionists.

[XIV-35] Chatfield's pressure against Hond. and Nic. inspired them with hopes. Vasconcelos was a partisan of Central American unification for various reasons, not the least of which was that of checking the preposterous claims of the Brit. agent. This explains the origin of future questions between Chatfield and Pavon on one side, and Vasconcelos on the other. In 1849, the latter was made to appear before the other states as an innate foe of Guat., whose debasement and destruction he strove for. The govt of Salv. gave explanations on its course denying the charges. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., v. 801-8.

[XIV-36] Even Lindo of Hond., a militant in the reactionary ranks of Guat., though acknowledging the republic, did so with the proviso that Hond. left intact and in force Guatemala's engagements and duties toward other states as regarded the reËstablishment of a gen. govt. Guardiola's note of Aug. 10, 1847, to min. of relations of Guat., in Id., 260.

[XIV-37] He favored the restoration of the state of Los Altos, in order to divide the power of Guat., and counted on the coÖperation of Guatemalan liberals; but the spirit of provincialism was strong with them, and a large portion opposed him.

[XIV-38] It was bitterly censured by the leading liberals of Salv., Nic., and Hond., and not a few of those of Guat., such as Pineda de Mont and Rivera Caberas.

[XIV-39] Gomez was a Salvadoran, educated abroad, and well versed in political economy and literature.

[XIV-40] He committed an error in supposing that ZaldaÑa would care more for him and his party than for Archbishop GarcÍa Pelaez, who was influenced by Canon LarrazÁbal, the mouthpiece of Guatemalan aristocracy.

[XIV-41] The following is a brief synopsis of the constitution: No ecclesiastic or military man in active service could hold any civil office. Congress consisted of the house of representatives, chosen annually, and the senate, elected one half every second year; it met on the 1st of Jan. of each year, and its sessions were limited to 40 days. The president must not be under 32 years of age nor over 60; must have been a resident of the state for the five years preceding the election, and own property within the state worth at least $8,000. He had to receive an absolute majority of votes; otherwise congress should choose one of the two candidates having the largest number of votes. Term of office two years, without the privilege of two terms in succession.

[XIV-42] FÉlix QuirÓz was chosen his substitute. Nic., Cor. Ist., Feb. 16, March 7, 1850; Costa R., Gaceta Gob., March 2, 1850. Art. 44 of the constitution, prohibiting reËlections, was revived by an act of Feb. 25, 1851. Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 20.

[XIV-43] The minister of foreign affairs, in his annual report to the Salvador assembly, Jan. 29, 1850, speaking of Chatfield's course, says: 'Desatenciones, violencias, bloqueos; he aquÍ las relaciones y conducta que ha observado el Sr. cÓnsul inglÉs.' Salv., Mem. Rev., 1850, 5.

[XIV-44] The British had also seized, with Tiger Island belonging to Hond., several isles of Salvador in the gulf of Fonseca. Salv., Gaceta, May 17, 1850; Nic., Cor. Ist., Dec. 1, 1849; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1849; U. S. Govt Doc., 31st cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doc., 26-99.

[XIV-45] Immediate fulfilment of the convention of Nov. 12, 1849; and a formal contradiction in a note to him of all accusations in official organs of the Salvador government against Great Britain and her officials.

[XIV-46] It offered to submit the questions at issue to the arbitration of the U. S. or any of their agents, or to accept some other device that might promise an impartial decision. The note making the offer, dated Aug. 17th, was sent to Chatfield by special courier, but he refused to receive it because it had not been transmitted through the hands of IdÍgoras, the Brit. consular agent at San Salvador. Nic., Cor. Ist., Sept. 5, 26, Nov. 7, 21, 1850; Salv., Gaceta, Aug. 23, Sept. 6, 1850; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850; Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. no. 7; El Progreso, Sept. 5, 1850.

[XIV-47] Salv., Mem. Relaciones, 1851. The blockade was removed at the friendly mediation of the American and Prussian consuls and others. Nic.; Cor. Ist., March 20, 1851.

[XIV-48] Besides arrangements with sister states, the republic maintained treaties of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Belgium, the U. S., France, Great Britain, Spain, Germany, and nearly all the nations of America. A concordat on ecclesiastical affairs was concluded with the pope in 1862. Squier's Cent. Am., 313; Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc., 48; Costa R., Boletin Ofic., March 7, 1855; El Rol, Oct. 27, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; Nic., Cor. Ist., March 21, 1850; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 17, 1836; Salv., Gaceta, March 8, Apr. 12, 1850; Aug. 5, 12, Nov. 25, 1853; Id., Diario Ofic., Feb. 24, 1875; Id., Concordato, 1-20; LaferriÈre, De Paris À Guat., 319-37; Annals Brit. Legis., 1866, 334; Mex., Mem. Rel., 1878, 7, 11, 45-54, 119; U. S. Govt Doc., 43d cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 112, pt 2, 796, 821; Id., 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 236-7.

[XIV-49] Congress was installed Feb. 18th, and one of the first acts of the house of deputies was to pass an act of impeachment against Vasconcelos, and the senate constituted itself as a court to try him upon the charge of violation of the constitution. On the 22d of February, pleading not guilty, he demanded a trial. The result was against him. Salv., Sen. y CÁm. de Dip ... Á sus comit., in Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. no. 9; Vasconcelos al Sen., in Id., no. 13.

[XIV-50] During Vasconcelos' absence the office had been in charge of Senator Francisco DueÑas.

[XIV-51] Thus we see that DueÑas, whose wont it was while he was working for popularity to use energetic language on behalf of liberalism, now that he has reached the goal of his ambition, changes his tune and calls for the assistance of Carrera against Honduras. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., June 10, 1853.

[XIV-52] Public education was duly attended to, new codes and ordinances implanted to render more regular the national administration.

[XIV-53] This was the seventh time the capital was destroyed; the previous ones being in 1575, 1593, 1625, 1656, 1798, and 1839; none of these, however, were to be compared in violence with the one of 1854. It had been supposed at first that at least one fourth of the population had been buried under the ruins, but it was subsequently ascertained that the number of killed did not exceed one hundred, and of wounded fifty; among the latter were the bishop, DueÑas, and a daughter of Pres. San Martin. The wells and fountains were filled up or made dry. The cathedral and other churches were greatly damaged; the college of the Asuncion and the university building were ruined. Only a few dwelling-houses remained standing, and all were rendered uninhabitable. Money was raised by subscription for the benefit of the destitute, the government of Guat. sending a donation of $5,000. Pineda de Mont, Nota, in Guat. Recop. Ley., iii. 349-50; Squier's Cent. Am., 304-7, 350; Salv., Gaceta, May 26, 1854; Id., Diario Ofic., Jan. 26, 1875; El Rol, Dec. 1, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 28, May 19, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, June 10, July 29, 1854; Packet Intelligencer, June 17, 1854. The city and about 20 surrounding towns were destroyed March 19, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 8, 1873; El Porvenir, Apr. 6, May 11, 25, 1873; Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1873.

[XIV-54] Campo on the 10th of May, 1857, warmly congratulated his fellow-citizens on the end of the campaign in Nic. when the news came of Walker's surrender. Nic., Boletin Ofic., May 28, 1857.

[XIV-55] Am. Cyclop., xiv. 611; La Nacion, Apr. 14, 1857. The Salvador flag is required to be 4 varas in length, with horizontal stripes, five blue and four white, the uppermost and lowermost being blue; and a red union with 14 white stars, covering a space up and down equivalent to that occupied by the four upper stripes, and to the extent of 1? varas. The flag-staff is 20 varas high, exhibiting the same arrangement of colors as the flag.

[XIV-56] On the 10th Barrios and a committee of officers had demanded of Campo that the troops should be ordered to Cojutepeque to receive thanks for their services, adding that a dissolution of the force implied distrust of the general. Campo disregarded this, and also a number of propositions from Barrios, reiterating his order for the disbandment.

[XIV-57] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 75-6, assures us it was so, highly commending DueÑas. The president was supported by public opinion, and many of the officers that had taken part in the pronunciamiento afterward tendered him their services. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, June 18, 1857.

[XIV-58] 'No hizo otra cosa que rendir la espada ante la autoridad de Campo.' Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 2d pt, 214.

[XIV-59] One half of the deputies were to be renewed every two years. The assembly was to meet biennially. Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 21, 1875.

[XIV-60] Convention concluded Aug. 9, 1859, between Guat. and Hond. to recognize the constitutional authority established in Salvador, and to repress any attempt to disturb it. Hond. declared herself disposed to keep the peace with Salv., and Guat. guaranteed reciprocity on the part of the latter. This convention was ratified by Carrera, Sept. 20, 1859, and by Barrios and his minister M. Irungaray, Sept. 30th, the same year. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 439-43.

[XIV-61] In his inaugural address, Feb. 1, 1860, he promised a conservative policy: 'Órden, progreso, libertad bien entendida.... La paz y el Órden en el interior, la amistad con los estados vecinos.' Barrios, Discurso, 6-7. But, as it will be shown, his policy both in the interior and in regard to the other states of Cent. Am. met with disastrous results from the animosity it engendered. He had had himself made a captain-general, and was accused by his enemies of inordinate vanity, insincerity, fondness for unrestricted power, and lukewarm patriotism; and finally came to be looked upon as a disturber of the peace for his own aggrandizement. He accepted, without leave of the assembly, a decoration tendered him by the king of Sardinia. Nic., Cap. Gen. Barrios, 3-14; Arriola, Rep. del Salv., 2.

[XIV-62] May 13, 1862. Nic., Boletin Ofic., July 19, 1862.

[XIV-63] Barrios was said to entertain the plan of partitioning Hond., which was not effected because of Carrera's disapproval; but the murder of Guardiola had afforded him an opportunity to harness Hond. to his car. He was likewise accused of scheming with the aid of MÁximo Jerez to control Nic. Barrios, El por quÉ de la caida, 3-4; Nic., Gaceta, March 23, May 23, June 6, 1863. Barrios claimed that he was striving to secure the rights of Salvador, supporting at the same time the patriotic aims of the Nicaraguan liberals to establish a government in their country.

[XIV-64] The Capuchin friars had also been expelled.

[XIV-65] The course of the Salvadoran govt was not to the pope's liking. Arriola, Rep. del Salv., 2. However, the bishop, at papal suggestion, offered to return to his diocese, and was told there had never been any objection to his exercise of episcopal functions. Barrios, Procl. Á los Pueblos, 1-8.

[XIV-66] A treaty of alliance was concluded with him by Samayoa and DueÑas, both Salvador refugees, acting for Guat.

[XIV-67] Notes of E. O. Crosby, U. S. minister, Feb. 2, 1863, and Geo. B. Mathew, Brit, minister, Feb. 8, 1863, to Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs of Guat. Barrios' Manifesto, 44-52.

[XIV-68] 'Il ne vit dans cette derniÈre lutte qu'un duel d'homme À homme.' Belly, Le Nicaragua, i. 118-19.

[XIV-69] This was on the 24th of Feb., 1863. Salv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 8, 1876; Belly, A Trav. l'Am. Cent., 119-20. Barrios, in his Manifiesto, 32, asserts that his own force was 4,000 men, and Carrera's 6,500.

[XIV-70] The army was in three divisions, two of which were under generals Zavala and Cruz.

[XIV-71] Nic., Discurso ... prim. aniv., 3. The Salvadoran contingent in the action was 1,117 men under General Eusebio Bracamonte; but Jerez had the chief command of the allied force. Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 18, May 9, 16, 20, 23, June 6, Sept. 12, 1863; Nic., Boletin del Pueb., July 11, 1863.

[XIV-72] June 16, 1863. Nic., Boletin del Pueb., July 4, 1863.

[XIV-73] Sonsonate declared against Barrios June 29th, Cojutepeque July 27th, Zacatecoluca Aug. 14th.; Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 22, Sept. 19, 1863; Id., Boletin del Pueb., July 23, 1863. For map of Hond. and Salv., see Squier's Cent. Am.

[XIV-74] It has been said that Tallien de Cabarrus, the French chargÉ, endeavored, after Carrera's defeat at Coatepeque, to persuade a number of French officers who were with Barrios to leave him, which they refused to do.

[XIV-75] Carrera's official report of July 4, 1863, in Nic., Boletin del Pueb., July 17, 23, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 22, 1863.

[XIV-76] He established his headquarters in Coatepeque. Zavala marched on and occupied Santa Tecla, about 12 miles from San Salvador; Col Iraeta was stationed at Chalatenango; and Col Parker in Ilobasco. Salv., Pronunc., 1; Nic., Gaceta, Oct. 8, 1863. DueÑas in a proclamation at Santa Ana, July 18th, promised that Carrera and his army, after fulfilling their mission, would return to Guat. leaving the Salvadorans to reorganize a friendly government, in lieu of the turbulent one of Barrios, with the assistance of Bishop ZaldaÑa. Barrios accused DueÑas, at PanamÁ Dec. 8, 1863, of having offered Carrera $100,000 for his assistance to get him into the presidential chair; to pay which a forced loan was decreed. He added that at one time Carrera had made war against the govt of Hond. for $30,000 that Guardiola offered him. Barrios, El Presid. legÍt., 3-4.

[XIV-77] Sept. 18, 1863, Zavala, commander of the besieging army, and DueÑas demanded a surrender, and submission to the provincial govt. DueÑas claimed to be recognized as president by Guat., Nic., and Hond. Nic., Boletin del Pueb., Oct. 3, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 17, 1863.

[XIV-78] Carrera not long after had M. Irungaray, minister of state, Yarzun, treasurer, Gen. Perez and his brother, and colonels Abelar and Luna shot, for the sole offence of having served in Barrios' administration.

[XIV-79] Carrera, Oct. 30th, called it a 'vergonzosa fuga.' Carrera, Procl., 1. Barrios was subsequently in 1865 allowed by Costa R. to reside in her territory against the remonstrances of the other Cent. Am. states. These suspended relations with her. Previous to this time he had resided in N. York, where he made many friends. Nic. reopened, through the mediation of the U. S. of Colombia, on the 31st of May, 1865, relations with Costa R., Barrios having departed. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 458-9; Nic., Gaceta, June 17, 1865; Id., Col. Dec., 1865, 8-9, 52-3.

[XIV-80] Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 6, 14, 1863. The outrages committed by Carrera and his men are said to have been almost beyond description. One of his acts was to cause Morazan's grave to be broke open, and his ashes to be scattered to the winds. He insulted, plundered, and persecuted citizens, and carried off the Salvadoran artillery and trophies. He took with him to Guat. the prisoners of rank, and confined them many months in the castle of San Felipe situated on the deadly northern coast.

[XIV-81] CabaÑas had gone off to Pan. in the steamer Guatemala. Particulars of the rebellion, and measures against its authors, in Nic., Gaceta, May 6, June 10, July 1, 1865.

[XIV-82] The vessel was sailing without the papers required by law, as was certified by the U. S. consul in Corinto. Nic., Col. Acuerd. y Dec., 61-2; Id., Boletin del Pueb., July 4, 1863.

[XIV-83] The Salv. minister solemnly accepted this condition, and the Nicaraguan govt then delivered Barrios on board the brig Experimento. Nic., Convenio 14 de Julio, 1-18; Nic., Docs. Rel. Á la recl., 1-19; Nic., Gaceta, July 29, 1865.

[XV-1] He had been the sole candidate, obtaining 3,400 votes, which did not constitute a majority. Ferrera was of obscure parentage, and of inferior ability. He was educated by a reactionary priest named Garin, who, wishing him to become a musician of the parish church at Cantarranas, sent him to Tegucigalpa to take lessons on the violin; but the boy made no progress in that direction, and finally was made sacristan of Cantarranas, which position he held a long time, till the revolutionary movements drew him into military life, and he began upholding liberal principles. He figured afterward as vice-jefe, hating his chief, Joaquin Rivera, because he was a democrat. Now we see the sacristan of Cantarranas made president of the state. Francisco GÜell, Francisco Zelaya, and Santiago Bueso were recognized as his substitutes in the order named. It was also decreed by the chamber that in the event of a vacancy, absolute or temporary, if the substitutes should be unable to assume the executive duties, the latter should devolve on the ministers of state. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 191-203. Wells' Hond., 494; Squier's Trav., ii. 449.

[XV-2] We are assured there were 44 te deum masses on that day.

[XV-3] He was credited with having, by his energy, wisdom, and disinterested patriotism, saved the state from civil war and anarchy.

[XV-4] The govt justly attributed the movement to Ex-jefe Rivera, Orellana, Álvarez, Castro, and others, believing the centre of it to be in Leon. It demanded satisfaction from Nic., but obtained none.

[XV-5] The whole was published in El Descubridor, official journal of Hond. Every one of Rivera's letters counselled discipline, moderation, and honorable dealing, so as to save the cause from obloquy.

[XV-6] Decree of Dec. 13, 1844.

[XV-7] I mentioned elsewhere the defeat this year at Nacaome of a Nicaraguan force by the garrison under Commandant Morales. The credit of this victory was given to Ferrera, who happened to be in the place at the time, by the ministers in charge of the executive office awarding him a gold medal with the inscription, 'A la heroicidad del General Ferrera en la batalla de Nacaome.' The supreme court had compared him with Alexander, Octavius, Augustus, and Napoleon. The soldiers of Hond. made him a Miltiades, Temistocles, and Demosthenes. And finally, the official journal pronounced him superior to Julius CÆsar. MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iv. 576-9.

[XV-8] Guardiola was a rough and cruel soldier.

[XV-9] His substitutes were Francisco GÜell, Leonardo Romero, and Manuel Emigdio Vazquez.

[XV-10] Rivera, Landa, and Martinez were shot together.

[XV-11] Decrees of Feb. 4 and March 19, 1846.

[XV-12] This proceeding was communicated to the governor of Chiapa for the information of his government. The proclamations were published in Mexico, and probably elsewhere; but I am not aware that the American government took any action upon them. Id., 236-7; Sun of AnÁhuac, Sept. 14, 1847; El Arco Iris, Sept. 22, Oct. 4, 17, 1847; El Razonador, Oct. 30, 1847; El Sonorense, Nov. 12, 1847.

[XV-13] It provided for only one chamber, and he wanted another for the aristocracy. It recognized freedom of conscience and religion, which to his mind was heresy.

[XV-14] It contained 114 articles; recognized the people as the source of power and sovereignty. All persons born in the states of Cent. Am. and residing in Hond. were given the privileges of full citizenship. Foreigners might become naturalized. The right of suffrage was given to citizens over 21 years of age who could read and write. The state recognized no other religion than the Roman catholic, excluding the public exercise of all others. The government, declared to be popular and representative, was vested in three powers, namely, legislative, executive, and judicial. The executive was placed in charge of a president for four years, and not eligible for two consecutive terms. He appointed his ministers, who had a seat in the legislature. There was a council of state provided, its members being one senator chosen by the gen. assembly, one justice of the supreme court, the minister of the interior, the treasurer, and two citizens elected by the gen. assembly. The assembly was formed of one chamber with 14 deputies, being two for each department, and the senate with 7 members. The judiciary consisted of the supreme and lower courts. The supreme court was divided into two sections, of three justices each, one to sit in Comayagua, and the other in Tegucigalpa. Each department had a jefe polÍtico at its head. Hond., Constit. de 1848, 1-21; Squier's Cent. Am., 258-65.

[XV-15] The next term would begin on the 1st of Feb., 1852.

[XV-16] Nic., Cor. Ist., Aug. 1, 1849; La Union (S. Salv.), June 15, 1849.

[XV-17] The following were the terms agreed upon: a general amnesty; the confederate diet was to meet at Nacaome, protected by 200 Salvadorans and as many Nicaraguans at the expense of Hond.; and the state assembly also to redress certain alleged grievances; and JÁuregui's conduct in Costa R. to be investigated. All of which was done. Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc., nos. 29-33, 36-43, 50-5; Salv., Gaceta, March 15, Apr. 4, 18, May 10, 1850; Costa R., Gaceta, March 2, 1850; Nic., Cor. Ist., Apr. 4, May 2, 16, 1850; Guardiola, Carta Ofic., March 30, 1850; Squier's Travels, ii. 182. The chambers on the 29th of June declared Lindo a benemÉrito de la patria, conferring on him the rank of general of division for life, from the expiration of his presidential term. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Aug. 31, 1850.

[XV-18] The Spaniards knew but little of this region, believing it unhealthy, and had hardly made any attempts themselves to cut wood there. Cancelada, Tel. Mexicano, 104-11, computed at nearly twenty-two million dollars the loss sustained by Spain to 1812, including in that sum the original cost, and the resulting profits which had accrued, mostly to the English.

[XV-19] They were likewise forbidden to cultivate sugar, coffee, or cacao, or to engage in manufactures; and they were not to supply arms or ammunition to the Indians dwelling on the frontiers of the Spanish possessions. EspaÑa e Ingl. Covenio, July 14, 1786, in Cent. Am. Pamph., no. 4, 1-7.

[XV-20] Certain acts of that body in 1817 and 1819, in consequence of measures adopted to punish crimes committed in Belize, declared that the crimes could not be punished under British laws, because that territory was not a portion of the United Kingdom. Peniche, Hist. Rel. Esp. y Mex. con Ingl., in Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iv. 223.

[XV-21] The treaty of 1826, with the annexed treaties and conventions of Spain with England and other nations having any bearing on the subject may be found in Mex., Derecho Intern., i. 437-524.

[XV-22] Villiers, Brit. min. in Madrid, asked the Sp. govt in 1835, and again in 1836, to cede to England any right of sovereignty she might have over Brit. Honduras. The request was not granted, but it implied that England in 1836 did not consider herself to possess the full sovereignty over Belize. Villarta, Mexican min. of foreign affairs, refers to Villiers' efforts in a note of March 23, 1878, to the Brit. govt. The latter, however, in 1836, claimed a larger extent of territory, including the whole coast as far south as the River Sarstoon, and as far inland as the meridian of Garbutt's Falls on the Belize River.

[XV-23] Details in Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 161; Squier's Travels, ii. 412-14; Id., Cent. Am., 582-4, 627-8; Arrangoiz, MÉj., ii. 306; MÉx. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 2d ep., iv. 698-710; Annals Brit. Legis., ii. 84; Suarez, Informe, 32-6; U. S. Govt Doc., For. Aff. (Mess, and Doc., pt 1, 65-6, pt iii. 360-1), Cong. 39, Sess. 1.; Id., Foreign Rel., i. 656-61, Cong. 43, Sess. 1.; Salv., Diario Ofic., Nov. 21, 1878; La Voz de MÉj., Jan. 31, 1865; Sept. 19, Nov. 1, 1882.

[XV-24] The settlement, as it was called, for it had not even the name of a colony, was ruled by a code of laws established in 1779 by Sir W. Burnaby. Justice was administered by a board of seven magistrates chosen annually. The chief authority was the superintendent, a position always held by a military officer, combining the duties both of first civil magistrate and commander of the forces. Henderson's Brit. Hond., 75-9.

[XV-25] He entitled himself then her Majesty's superintendent and commander-in-chief in and over her possessions in Hond.

[XV-26] M'Donald then appointed an executive council. He also assumed control of the finances. Not satisfied with the right of veto, he legislated in his own person by proclamation, assuming the right of punishing any one acting against his authority or obstructing his mandates. The inhabitants protested against his usurpation of powers, and appealed to the British government and parliament, obtaining some trifling relaxation. They also petitioned that the government should openly assume the sovereignty, so that they might possess their lands without reservation in respect to Spain or Mexico. Their petitions did not receive any direct reply. However, the govt in 1845, sent out a chief justice, a queen's advocate, and other judicial appendages. Crowe's Gospel, 205-6.

[XV-27] The coat of arms of Belize is read as follows: Chief dexter-argent—the union jack, proper. Chief sinister, on the proper—the chief divided from the body of the shield by a chevron-shaped partition from the fess of the dexter and sinister base. Points—the intermediate space azure—a ship with set sails on the sea, passant proper. Crest, mahogany tree. Motto, 'Sub umbra floreo.' Supporters, negroes; that to the left, with a paddle; the other to the right, with an axe over his shoulder. Stout's Nic., 258.

[XV-28] One of the superintendents—supposed to be Col Fancourt—had relations with the ferocious Cecilio ChÍ, which was officially communicated by Mexico to the Brit. chargÉ, Doyle, March 12, 1849. Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iv. 234; Yuc., Expos. Gob. CrÉditos, 98-102.

[XV-29] The population about 1804 was set down at not more than 200 white persons, 500 free colored, and 3,000 negro slaves. The white pop. gradually decreased. In 1827-8, the pop. was between 5,000 and 6,000; in 1838, 8,000; in 1850, 15,000; in 1863, 25,000. Squier's Cent. Am., 587-8; Dunn's Guat., 13-14; Osborne's Guide, 234; Valois, Mexique, 150; Pim's Gate of the Pac., 20. The town of Belize, at the mouth of the river of the same name, generally has 6,000 inhabitants. The dwellings of the wealthy class are large and comfortable. Besides the govt houses, court-house, barracks, and jail, there are several churches, episcopal, methodist, baptist, and presbyterian, and some large and costly fire-proof warehouses. The town has experienced two destructive conflagrations, one in 1854 and another in 1863. Packet Intelligencer, June 17, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Sept. 7, 22, 1854; La Voz de MÉj., May 9, 1863.

[XV-30] It was effected without disturbance, and attended with the happiest results. Crowe's Gospel, 205.

[XV-31] Much smuggling was carried on to and from it.

[XV-32] Annals Brit. Legis., iii. 368; v. 263; vii. 228; x. 386-7; 391-2; xii. 139-40; xiv. 304; U. S. Comm. Rel., 1863-77, passim. The Encyclop. Brittan., xii. 136-7.

[XV-33] He concluded to proceed to Jamaica for further instructions. El Revisor, Jan. 5, Feb. 16, 1850; Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 19, 1849.

[XV-34] Chatfield, the Brit. chargÉ, was present at the act. Id., Nov. 30, 1849; Stout's Nic., 278; Salv., Gaceta, Feb. 15, 1850. The object of the seizure was to secure Honduras' proportion of the indebtedness of Cent. Am. to Brit. creditors.

[XV-35] Under a convention in three articles concluded at Leon Sept. 28, 1849. The cession was for 18 months, and had been made known the same date to all diplomatic agents in Cent. Am. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 19, 1849; Nic., Cor. Ist., Nov. 16, 1849. The corresp. of the govt of Hond. with the Brit. chargÉ appears in Cent. Am. Correspond., Isla de Tigre, 1-8; Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc., nos. 21, 25, 28; U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 31, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 43, 1-26; Id., Cong. 31, Sess. 1, H. Jour., 1739, 1801.

[XV-36] Nic., Cor. Ist., Jan. 16 and suppl., Feb. 16, 1850.

[XV-37] 1st. Great Brit. recognized the independ. of Hond. as a sovereign republic, pledging her good offices to avert any attempts against that independ. Hond. at this time was a member of a confederacy with Salvador and Nicaragua, and was made to bind herself not to dispose of any portion of her territory before she had definitely settled Brit. claims. 2d. Hond. was to accredit within six months a commissioner in Guat. to conclude a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation with G. Brit. 3d. Hond. recognized the indebtedness of $111,061. 4th. She bound herself to pay that sum in yearly instalments of $15,000 at Belize. The other articles were of less importance. Salv., Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1850; Hond., Ligeras Observ., 1-10.

[XV-38] JÁuregui, March 24, 1850, in a pamphlet issued at Leon, defended his conduct, alleging that he had ample powers. Justific., in Cent. Am. Pamph., i. no. 7.

[XV-39] Independent of £1,425 paid for her proportion of Cent. Am. indebtedness to Finlay, Hodgson, & Co. of London. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Jan. 30, 1853.

[XV-40] The British seized Roatan June 3, 1830, driving away the small Central American garrison. Similar attempts have been made since 1743 by British subjects, though unsuccessfully. The seizure of 1830 lasted only a short time, having been disallowed by the British government. Crowe's Gospel, 212; MontÚfar, ReseÑa Hist., iii. 424-7; iv. 71-5.

[XV-41] 'Whose territorial right is indisputable,' he alleged. He based his action on the treaty of April 19, 1850, between the U. S. and Great Britain, under which neither power was to have colonies or settlements in Central America. The U. S. took part in defence of Honduras' rights and overthrew the British pretensions. Squier's Cent. Am., 621-6, 740-8; Democratic Rev., xxx. 544-52.

[XV-42] Under a decree of the superintendent of Belize. The comandante of Trujillo, by order of his government, protested against the occupation Sept. 13, 1852. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Dec. 15, 1852; El Siglo, Jan. 1, 1853.

[XV-43] Art. 1. Great Britain recognized the islands to belong to Hond. The latter pledged herself not to cede them to any other nation. Art. 2. The former power recognized as part of Hond. the country till then occupied or possessed by the Mosquito Indians within the frontier of the republic, whatever that frontier might be. La Union de Nic., March 9, 1861; Pim's Gate of the Pac., 412-15. Further details in connection with the Bay Islands question may be seen in Bay Islands, Queen's Warrant, etc.; La Nacion, Nov. 9, Dec. 26, 1856; Brit. Quart. Rev., xcix. 270-80; Caicedo, Lat. Am., 76-80.

[XV-44] The grounds alleged for this violent action were: 1st, That the Brit. vice-consul's residence had been broken into by Hond. troops, and robbed; 2d, That Omoa was sacked by these troops, and goods to the value of $100,000 had been stolen from British subjects; 3d, That some British subjects had been drafted into the army, and an Englishwoman unjustly imprisoned. Nic., Gaceta, Oct. 25, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic., Sept. 21, 1873; Nic., Semanal Nic., July 27, 1874.

[XV-45] Streber, who commanded the troops accused of these abuses, defends the rights of Honduras in the controversy, in Exposic. Doc. Suc. Omoa, 30-44, 66-103.

[XV-46] She had to settle, in 1850, claims of French citizens, and in 1851 of Prussian subjects. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Aug. 31, 1850; Jan. 15, 1852; Costa R., Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850.

[XV-47] Nic. had claimed on the N. E. the river Patuca to its mouth, Hond. claimed the Coco to its mouth. The commissioners agreed upon a compromise line between those rivers, namely, the summit of the Dilpito cordillera, from the point where it becomes detached from the main body, which divides the waters running to both oceans; and from the point where it and the line continues eastwardly to the waters of the Atlantic in lat. 15° 10' N., and long. 83° 15' W. of Greenwich. Nic., Mem. Rel., 1871, 5-7.

[XV-48] About this time he was on the Nic. frontier mediating for peace between the belligerents of that state. His efforts proving successful, he was warmly congratulated by his friends on his return. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., Nov. 26, 1851; El Siglo, Dec. 13, 1851; Cent. Am. Pamph., vii. no. 2.

[XV-49] CabaÑas, El Presid ... Á sus Conciud., 1-6. The office had been provisionally in charge of Senator Francisco Gomez. El Siglo, Feb. 21, March 19, 1852.

[XV-50] CabaÑas was of diminutive stature, but of erect mien. He was aged about 50 at this time. His face was pale and mild; his gestures were in keeping with the intelligent play of his features; his manners gentle, almost womanly, but beneath this placid exterior was a stern, indomitable spirit. After many years of prominence as a leader, during an anarchical period, even his enemies never accused him of selfishness or rancor. Squier's Trav., ii. 177; Wells' Hond., 184. CabaÑas was a brave soldier, but could not be called a successful general. Perez, a political opponent, speaking of him as the chief of the coquimbo party, says: 'Mal general, excelente soldado, nunca vencedor, siempre con prestigio, y uno de los mas fogosos promotores de la nacionalidad centro Americana.' Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 16. The assembly, May 21, 1851, had conferred on him the title of 'soldado ilustre de la patria.' His death occurred Jan. 8, 1871. El Siglo, June 12, 1851; Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 19, 1851; Jan. 29, 1871.

[XV-51] Astaburuaga attributes this war to CabaÑas' attempts to promote an insurrection in Guat. against his old enemy Carrera. Cent. Am., 70-1.

[XV-52] The Guatemalans took the fort and city of Omoa, and carried away all the useful artillery, against the stipulations agreed upon at the surrender. Wells' Hond., 507-8; Guat., Gaceta, Sept. 16, 23, 1853.

[XV-53] This Lopez commanded at Omoa when the place was given up in 1853 to the Guat. Col Zavala, since which he had been suspected of treachery. Wells' Hond., 515; Costa R., Gaceta, Jan. 15, 1854; Id., Boletin Ofic., Dec. 30, 1854; Hond., Gaceta Ofic., May 10, 1854, to Feb. 10, 1855, passim; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 3, Dec. 22, 1854.

[XV-54] He had received no aid from Salv., owing to Carrera having falsely reported his intention to sell territory to a foreign power.

[XV-55] The executive office went, Oct. 14, 1855, into the hands of Vice-president S. Bueso, who pleading ill health left it in charge of Senator Francisco Aguilar. Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 9, 1855, Feb. 16, 1856.

[XV-56] Perez, Mem. Hist. CampaÑa Nac., 13.

[XV-57] Guardiola was a dark-colored, stout-built, and rather corpulent zambo, a man of fiendish instincts, but popular with his soldiers, whom he indulged in every way. He possessed all the vices and was guilty of about all the crimes known to man. When in his cups he would order men to be shot by way of pastime. At the mention of his approach to a town, the inhabitants would flee to the woods. He was the tiger of Cent. Am. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 237; Wells' Hond., 517; WappÄus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 306-7. William V. Wells, Explorations and Adventures in Honduras, New York, 8vo, 588 pp., with maps and illustrations, went to Honduras with the object of obtaining from her government leave to work gold placers, and of opening commercial relations. He visited several places, both in Nicaragua and Honduras, which he describes quite accurately, together with the manners and customs of their inhabitants. His information on mines and mining is valuable. There are in the work three chapters devoted to history from 1821 to 1857, the groundwork of which is mostly from other authors, and one chapter is filled with data on commerce, revenue, debt, etc., and still another treats of coins and currency, weights and measures, and productions, with illustrations. The style is good, the work readable and instructive. Portions are evidently taken from Squier, and the illustrations are mostly identical with those of Squier's States of Central America. The same author gave to the press in New York, a 12mo, with 316 pp., map and portrait, under the title of Walker's Expedition to Nicaragua. This work, as the title implies, is almost entirely devoted to Walker's career in this country, which is justified as well as praised. Here and there he mentions some historical facts on British pretensions in Mosquito, a short rÉsumÉ on Nicaragua, the Nicaragua transit route, and a short review on colonization, commerce, and mining, compiled from several sources. There is no system or arrangement, having been, as the author alleges, 'written, published, and put in circulation in twenty days,' a feat few authors would go out of their way to boast of. But taken all in all, the book is well worth perusing.

[XV-58] Decree of Jan. 5, 1861. La Union de Nic., Feb. 2, March 9, May 25, 1861.

[XV-59] Chiefly in Nacaome and Choluteca.

[XV-60] Nic., Boletin Ofic., Jan. 25, March 22, 1862. This deed was said by the enemies of Pres. Barrios of Salv. to have been instigated by him. Id., Boletin Pueb., July 11, 1863. There was no ground for the charge. The government of Guat. proposed to other states to recognize no administration of Honduras until the criminals, who had been arrested, should suffer punishment. Costa R., Informe Rel., 1862, 24.

[XV-61] Nic. despatched P. Zeledon as mediator, but the motives of his gov. were bitterly denounced by the press of Comayagua.

[XV-62] Feb. 4, 1862. Nic., Boletin Ofic., March 22, 1862.

[XV-63] Castellanos declined going to the capital, and Medina went to his residence and formally surrendered the executive authority to him.

[XV-64] This was the result of the defeat of the troops of Salv. and Hond. by the forces of Guat. and Nic. on the plain of Santa Rosa.

[XV-65] This decree is signed by Medina as 'presidente de la repÚblica de Honduras,' July 20, and rescinded Sept. 8, 1863. Nic., Boletin Pueb., Aug. 9, Oct. 9, 1863.

[XV-66] His senatorial term having expired. Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 13, 1864.

[XV-67] The election of Xatruch was afterward declared unconstitutional, Feb. 26, 1865. Nic., Gaceta, April 1, 1865.

[XV-68] Its sittings lasted from Sept. 7th to Oct. 29th. The sovereignty of the people was recognized. The catholic, any other kind of public worship being forbidden, was declared the state religion. The executive authority was vested in a president for four years, with a council of state consisting of his two ministers, one senator chosen by both houses of the assembly, and the chief justice. The legislative power rested in a senate and house of deputies. The existing political division of the republic was left unchanged. Id., Nov. 11, 1865; Camp's Year-Book, 1869, 527; The Am. Cyclop., viii. 790.

[XV-69] He had temporarily, pleading ill health, left the executive in the hands of Crescencio Gomez. The assembly appointed, as substitutes of Medina, Saturnino Bogran, C. Gomez, and Francisco Medina.

[XVI-1] Also with the view of extending the area of African slavery, as had been successfully carried out in Texas.

[XVI-2] The expedition was antagonized by the Transit company, and arrested by the authorities of the U. S. as a violation of their neutrality laws. Kinney reached San Juan del Norte, after some mishaps, with only a few followers, and was unable to do any serious injury to Cent. Am. Costa R., Inf. Rel., 1858, 4-6; Id., Boletin Ofic., March 16, 1854; Nic., Doc. Dipl. Hist., 15-58. His arrival was after the destruction of the town by the U. S. sloop of war Cyane, and infused new energy into the inhabitants. At a public meeting held on the 6th of Sept., 1855, the necessity of establishing a provisional government for the maintenance of peace and order was recognized, and Kinney was chosen civil and military governor to rule by and with the advice of a council composed of five persons. Among the resolutions was one adopting as a basis to regulate the action of the govt, the former constitution of San Juan del Norte, or Greytown, which was modelled after that of the U. S. with a few exceptions. Kinney did not hold the position long. He was disappointed in his expectations, and resigned; he afterward visited Granada, and at William Walker's instance an order of expulsion was issued against him. Stout's Nic., 177-82; S. F. Alta, Oct. 3, 1855; S. F. Golden Era, March 9, 1856.

[XVI-3] Jerez had made a similar arrangement at Jalteva with one Fisher, to bring 500 men; and Gov. Espinosa of Rivas stipulated with Hornsby and De Brissot for the capture of Fort San Juan from the legitimists. These parties tendered their contracts to William Walker, the so-called ex-president of Sonora, who would not accept them.

[XVI-4] Under the contract the so-called colonists were to arrive at Realejo in Feb. or March 1855, and the time having elapsed, Castellon wrote Walker Apr. 9th authorizing him to land at that port 'la gente y municiones, Ó tren de guerra que V. traiga Á disposicion del gobierno provisorio.' Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 136-7; Sac. Union, Feb. 15, 1855.

[XVI-5] El NicaragÜense, Aug. 3, 1856; S. F. Alta, May 5, 1855.

[XVI-6] William Walker was born in Nashville, Tenn., in 1824, being of Scotch descent. After receiving a classical education, he studied law, and later followed the medical profession for a time in Philadelphia. He then travelled in Europe one year, and on his return was connected with some of the important newspapers of the country, north, south, and west. Tiring of that, he successfully practised law in Marysville, Cal. In 1852 he visited Guaymas, and from the operations of Count Raousset, conceived the plan of creating with adventurers from California independent republics in some of the sparsely populated territories of Mexico. Hence his expeditions to Sonora and Lower Cal., of which I give full accounts in my vol. on the north-western states of Mex. Few persons, unacquainted with Walker, would suspect the presence of so much ability and energy beneath his plain exterior. He was but little more than 5 ft. 4 in. in height, with a rather dull and slow appearance; a man of few words, though an attentive listener, his aspect was that of a serious, thoughtful person. A remarkable feature of his face was a deep, intensely brilliant blue-gray eye, large and intelligent. Sincere and devoted to his friends, says a devoted adherent, his enmity, though not violent, was not easily appeased. He was indifferent to personal ease and comfort, and to the acquisition of wealth. Wells' Walker's Exped., 21-3, 199-201. He was not incapable of lofty conceptions, and possessed courage and abnegation; but there was little of what might be called genius about him, though his mind was sufficiently unbalanced in certain directions to give him a title to that distinction. He wished to be a great man like CÆsar or Napoleon, but the elements of that quality of greatness were absent. He might have carved for himself a career of honor and usefulness, but for the restless ambition that possessed him to attain a place among the notabilities of the world, even by a disregard of law and justice. The idea of manifest destiny, so prevalent among his countrymen, which implied the conquest of the Latin race in America by the Anglo-Saxon, afforded him, as he imagined, the opportunity for attaining the coveted renown, and at the same time securing, through his instrumentality, the future happiness of Spanish America. But unfortunately for him, he committed, at the inception of his career in Nic., acts which alienated him the men who had invited him to coÖperate in the consolidation of democratic principles; and some of his later measures, whatever may be thought of his earlier ones, savored of recklessness, and of disregard for the good opinion of mankind.

[XVI-7] MuÑoz had openly opposed all interference of foreigners in the affairs of Nic.

[XVI-8] They afterward returned to Leon, via Realejo, to continue serving. The legitimists had many killed and wounded, among the first being Col E. ArgÜello and F. Elizondo. Of Walker's foreign force, Col Achilles Kewen, Maj. Crockett, and eight others were killed, and 12 wounded. Wells' Walker's Exped., 52; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 138; S. F. Alta, July 16, Aug. 14, 1855; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 88; Belly, Nic., i. 271; Ferrer de Conto, Cuest. de MÉj., 155.

[XVI-9] In his official report of the affair Walker laid the blame for his ill success on MuÑoz, who had apprised Corral of the intended operations, and had induced Ramirez to forsake him during the action. He demanded an investigation into MuÑoz' conduct, and if it were not granted he would quit the service. Castellon informed him in reply that in the present critical condition of the democratic cause it was unadvisable to displease MuÑoz. After much correspondence and negotiation, Walker agreed to continue his services.

[XVI-10] Cholera spread rapidly throughout the country, causing great havoc everywhere.

[XVI-11] MuÑoz' death never was attributed to the enemy's bullets. It was a regular case of assassination resulting from intrigues in his own party to rid themselves of him. The assassin was a young Honduran named JosÉ MarÍa Herrera, who later deserted from Walker's ranks, and being arrested and sentenced to death, confessed that he had killed MuÑoz. A Nicaraguan named Santa MarÍa, who was shot at San Jorge in 1857, seems to have been an accomplice. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 141-3.

[XVI-12] He was suspected of treachery. He had displeased the officers by his coarseness, and had spread terror among the troops with his exaggerated reports of Yankee valor and skill with fire-arms. Id., 145; Wells' Walker's Exped., 55-8; S. F. Herald, Oct. 10, 1855; Id., Alta, Oct. 10, 1855; Sac. Union, Oct. 19, 1855.

[XVI-13] He was joined by such men as T., C., and Daniel Canton, MÁx. Espinosa, and Ramon UmaÑa. The last named brought troops and supplies from Leon.

[XVI-14] In the early part of Sept., Gen. JosÉ M. Ballestero, MuÑoz' successor, had sent two companies in the direction of Managua, who were undone by Col TomÁs Martinez with 200 men; on the 12th Gen. Pineda marched afterward with a double force against the legitimists, but failed to meet them.

[XVI-15] Corral was in Rivas with his numerous army. Fulgencio Vega, the comandante of Granada, who was hated by the democrats as the author of persecutions, hid himself and was not discovered.

[XVI-16] The legitimists who were pent up in the city tendered their allegiance, among them the minister Mayorga. There were others who volunteered their coÖperation; among them the naturalized citizens Charles and Emile Thomas, Fermin Ferrer, a wealthy citizen, and the beloved and respected clergyman, Agustin Vigil, noted for his virtues, learning, and eloquence, who from the pulpit called Walker the 'angel tutelar de Nicaragua,' or the north star that was to guide Nic. to her advancement. Wells' Walker's Exped., 61-5; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 150-1; Belly, Nic., i. 271-2; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 89.

[XVI-17] The commissioners were Sebastian Escobar, JosÉ ArgÜello Arce, Hilario Salva, and R. Vives. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 152.

[XVI-18] The commissioners, RosalÍo CortÉs and Ramon Marenco, were imprisoned in irons at Leon.

[XVI-19] This person took asylum in the house of U. S. Minister Wheeler, who assured him that he was under the protection of the U. S. flag. But as Wheeler was mixed up in filibustering schemes, he broke his pledge and surrendered Mayorga. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 157.

[XVI-20] An American, who had been the recipient in Granada of many marks of consideration.

[XVI-21] Walker's organ gave a list of killed and wounded. El NicaragÜense, Nov. 17, 1855; S. F. Herald, Nov. 4, 1855; S. F. Bulletin, Nov. 5, 1855.

[XVI-22] It is claimed that he had been tried for treason by a court-martial of native officers. Wells' Walker's Exped., 77.

[XVI-23] They reported, as coming from Walker, that he was resolved to shoot all the prisoners if he did not receive at 9 p. m. a satisfactory answer respecting arrangements. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 159; Belly, Le Nicaragua, 273.

[XVI-24] Walker claimed to have powers, and Corral was 'facultado omnÍmodamente.' The following is a synopsis of the convention: 1st. Peace and friendship between the contending parties; 2d. Patricio Rivas to be president for 14 months, unless he should resolve, with the advice of his ministers, to order elections before the expiration of that term; 3d. The president is to have four ministers, namely, for war, relations, treasury, and pub. credit; 4th. Govt to respect and cause to be respected chapters 2d, 3d, and 4th, and clauses 2d and 3d of the general regulations of the constitution of 1838; 5th. General forgetfulness of and amnesty for past political offences; 6th. Debts incurred by both belligerents to be recognized by the govt; 7th. Military grades of both belligerents to be recognized; 8th. All persons desirous of leaving the republic may freely do so, with full guaranty of persons and estates; 9th. The French legion may continue in service by becoming Nicaraguan; 10th. Walker to order the force in front of Managua to retire at once to Leon, reducing it to 150 men; after which Corral should reduce the force in Managua to 100, under Gen. Martinez, and that in Masaya to 50, under Col Lino CÉsar, or some other honorable officer; 11th. The Rivas force will remain under Gen. Florencio Xatruch; 12th. The govts existing in Nic. to cease acting upon being notified of this arrangement by the respective generals; any one refusing to comply was to be treated as a disturber of the peace. Additional articles: 1st. Twenty-four hours after Rivas' arrival in Granada, Corral's army from Masaya was to enter Granada, and together with Walker's, escort the president and the two generals to church to return thanks to God for the restoration of peace. Walker to be the general-in-chief of the army, appointed by a special decree. Corral should surrender the command, arms, etc., unless otherwise ordered by the new govt; 2d. The govt must reside in Granada; 3d. The army was to use no other badge than a blue ribbon, with the inscription Nicaragua Independiente. Id., 161-4; El NicaragÜense, Oct. 27, 1855; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Apr. 9, 1856; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1855; Stout's Nic., 182; S. F. Alta, Nov. 17, 1855; Wells' Walker's Exped., 77-80; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1855.

[XVI-25] A plan had been formed to proclaim Martinez their general, and to march against Granada, but the principal chiefs discountenanced it. Corral assured the troops that their former enemies were now friends and brothers, recommending strict discipline 'so pena de ser pasado por las armas el que de cualquiera manera violase la amistad y alianza prometidas.' Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 166-7.

[XVI-26] 'CedÍ Únicamente al imperio de las circunstancias, Sin tener libre voluntad para ello.' Nic., Boletin Ofic., May 29, 1856.

[XVI-27] Sacaza, DueÑas, Pedro J. Chamorro, and two others.

[XVI-28] Norberto Ramirez, who favored its ratification as the least of two evils, said in the council: 'I know that we have before us two abysms; one close by, and the other a little farther off: that the disapproval of the treaty carries us to the nearest one, and its approval to the other somewhat more distant.' His advice was followed. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 168.

[XVI-29] MÁximo Jerez, B. Selva, A. Orozco, Rafael Jerez, Justo Lugo, P. Fonseca, and JosÉ Salinas.

[XVI-30] Rivas was reputed an honorable, firm, and enlightened man. He had repeatedly been a candidate of the conservatives for the executive office.

[XVI-31] To Xatruch he said, 'Nosotros estamos muy mal, muy mal, muy mal. AcuÉrdese de sus amigos. Ellos me han dejado esta pesada carga y espero su socorro.' To Guardiola, Nov. 1st: 'It is necessary that you write our friends of the peril we are in, and that they must go actively to work. If there is a delay of two months, it will then be too late. Think of us and of your offers.... Nicaragua, Honduras, San Salvador, and Guatemala will be lost if they allow this to assume proportions; let them come quickly if they expect to find auxiliaries.'

[XVI-32] Benito Lagos, the man to whom they were intrusted for delivery, took them to Granada and gave them to Valle, who surrendered them to Walker.

[XVI-33] Walker had, after adopting precautions against resistance, made them stack their arms in the plaza, and disperse.

[XVI-34] It was a violation of the constitution of 1838, and of the laws. Corral, as a minister, could not be tried without a prior impeachment, and only by the senate; and as a private citizen, by the common courts.

[XVI-35] Hornsby was president of the court; Fry, auditor or judge-advocate; French, counsel for the prisoner; and Charles Thomas, interpreter.

[XVI-36] He died bravely, Father Vigil attending him to the scaffold. He was shot by a squad of American riflemen, commanded by Lieut-col C. H. Gilman. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 91; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 171-3; Stout's Nic., 197-8; Wells' Walker's Exped., 92-4.

[XVI-37] As opportunity occurred, they all ran away, some to the mountains, and others to the neighboring states to work in saving their country from the ruthless foreign sway.

[XVI-38] Yankees, so called, were all foreigners, of whatever nationality, serving with Walker.

[XVI-39] JosÉ Hilario Herdocia, vicario capitular, having addressed him a congratulatory letter, he answered that 'el temor de Dios es el fundamento de toda organizacion polÍtica y social.'

[XVI-40] His contract with Castellon authorized him only to bring 300 immigrants; but he soon obtained leave to augment his forces, and to enlist men as best he could. A decree published Nov. 23, 1855, offered 250 acres of land to each immigrant, and 100 more to each family. The title deed was to be issued six months after arrival. Fabens was named director of colonization.

[XVI-41] Art. 1st required the return of those sojourning in the republic within 15 days, and of those who were abroad within one month. Art. 2d imposed fines ranging from $50 to $10,000 on such as failed to obey. El NicaragÜense, Nov. 17, 1855.

[XVI-42] Among them Pres. Estrada, Gen. Martinez, and Col Fulgencio Vega.

[XVI-43] Hornsby went to Managua in the early part of December, and brought him to Granada, where he was treated as the guest of the nation.

[XVI-44] Diplomatic correspondence of the Salv. and Hond. govts Nov. 22 and 28, 1855, in El NicaragÜense, Jan. 5, 1856.

[XVI-45] 'Aunque sea en un rincon de Honduras.' Estrada well knew this was illegal; but following the advice, he applied to Guardiola for permission, and it was refused him.

[XVI-46] Though the Costa Ricans had a cordon sanitaire to prevent intercourse with cholera-stricken Nic., Gen. CaÑas received orders to furnish resources to Gen. Florencio Xatruch, and other officials of the dept of Rivas, who fled to Costa Rica on hearing of Corral's execution.

[XVI-47] Bishop Llorente also warned them that their religion was in peril.

[XVI-48] Sec. of state Marcy wrote Dec. 21st, in answer to his communication of the 12th, that the president saw as yet no reason to hold diplomatic intercourse with the persons 'who now claim to exercise the political power in the state of Nicaragua.' He said that the persons chiefly instrumental in overthrowing the former govt were not citizens of Nic., 'nor have those citizens, or any considerable part of them, so far as is now known here, freely expressed their approval of, or acquiescence in, the present condition of political affairs in Nicaragua.'

[XVI-49] Wheeler was told, however, by the foreign minister of Nic. that though official relations were suspended, the utmost good feeling existed toward him. El NicaragÜense, Feb. 2, 1856.

[XVI-50] The assistance would have been given him but for Walker, 'no mandaban los democrÁticos, sino Walker.' It was not for Walker's interest just then to engage in hostilities against any neighboring power. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 21.

[XVI-51] He exerted himself there in promoting action for the expulsion of Walker from Cent. Am.

[XVI-52] His most influential opponent was a small club of conservatives, the leaders of which were Fernando Guzman, Agustin AvilÉs, and Ramon AlegrÍa. GerÓnimo Perez was also a member. Id., 23-6.

[XVI-53] Hermenegildo Zepeda, G. Juarez, and N. Ramirez came from Leon to Granada to arrange it with Walker, who at once caused the decree to be issued. This journey brought Ramirez to his death, resulting from a fall, which broke a leg. He was an able, enlightened man, and had been chief of Salvador, and also of Nicaragua in 1849.

[XVI-54] The govt of Nic. was entitled to a share of the company's receipts, which it had never succeeded in getting. Chamorro had taken measures to force the company to pay their indebtedness, but was precluded by the revolution of 1854. The company was accused of aiding the revolutionists, and of having afterward encouraged the importation of the filibusters who overthrew the legitimist govt.

[XVI-55] Randolph, W. R. Garrison, and Macdonald had arrived at Granada from California, Dec. 17, 1855, bringing upwards of 100 recruits for Walker, contracted for with Crittenden, his friend and agent.

[XVI-56] This was done by Rivas, though firmly convinced that it was tantamount to a sale of Nicaragua.

[XVI-57] The decrees, orders, and editorial comments thereon, in the government's organ. El NicaragÜense, Feb. 23, 1856; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 97-8; Belly, Le Nicaragua, 279-80; Wells' Walker's Exped., 208-15; S. F. Bulletin, March 22, April 10, 1856; S. F. Alta, March 23, 1856; Sac. Union, March 24, April 25, 1856.

[XVI-58] 'Para que recabe de aquel gabinete una franca explicacion sobre la polÍtica que ha estado observando con respecto al actual Gobierno de Nicaragua.' El NicaragÜense, Feb. 16, 1856.

[XVI-59] Joaquin B. Calvo, min. of relations of Costa R., in his report to congress, Aug. 11, 1856, speaks of that mission with contempt, 'porque desconocida aquÍ la mision del filibustero, se le hizo regresar de la frontera.' Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1856, 4.

[XVI-60] Laws of Feb. 27 and 28, 1856; Costa R., Col. Ley., xiv. 7-14, 16; U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 34, Sess. 1, Sen. Doc., 68, 121, 133-49, vol. xiii.

[XVI-61] Nominally; the real commander was a German officer named Baron Bulow. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 34; Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, no. 8; Wells' Walker's Exped., 169.

[XVI-62] Perez, quoted above, 42, gives the 21st.

[XVI-63] According to Costa Rican reports, only 480 of their men took part in the action, the enemy's defeat being the effect of a surprise and a bayonet charge. Their casualties were set down at 4 officers and 15 soldiers killed. The filibusters had upwards of 20 slain. Id., 42-5; Salv., Gaceta, Apr. 3-24, 1856; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Apr. 9, 16, 1856. In California the report received was of 90 killed in the fight and 19 executed. S. F. Alta, May 2, 1856; Belly, Le Nicaragua, 283; Wells' Walker's Exped., 153-68.

[XVI-64] As armed invaders not serving under the flag of any recognized nation. Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1856, 4; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 94. However correct the logic, it was an imprudent act, as Walker might retaliate on Costa Rican and other Cent. Am. prisoners. Wheeler, without instructions from the U. S. govt, took upon himself to officially say to Mora that the execution of these men was a cold-blooded murder, assuming at the same time that the men serving under Walker were citizens of his own country. Wells' Walker's Exped., 170-5. The fact is that only two or three were natives of the U. S.

[XVI-65] He was accused of cowardice and even of treachery, and arrested for trial, but escaping afterward from prison, was sentenced to death as a deserter. He turned up in Teustepe, where he was allowed to serve in the legitimist force. Wells' Walker's Exped., 257-8.

[XVI-66] Commanded respectively by majors Alfaro Ruiz and Escalante, and Col Salvador Mora.

[XVI-67] 'TriunfÓ completamente sobre ellos, escarmentÁndolos, y poniÉndolos de nuevo en vergonzosa fuga.' Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1856, 5. According to Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 96, the Costa Ricans had 120 killed, and Walker upwards of 200. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 48, gives the Costa Rican casualties to have been 150 killed and 300 wounded; and Walker's 60 killed and 70 wounded. Wells, claiming a glorious victory for his hero Walker, says that the Costa Rican loss could not have been less than 600 killed; and that of the wounded and deserters no precise estimate could be formed. Walker's loss he sets down at 30 killed and as many wounded. There is no honor or profit in such mendacity. Walker's Exped., 175-88, 245-7; S. F. Bulletin, June 2, 3, 1856; S. F. Alta, June 2, 1856; Sac. Union, June 4, 1856. Belly, Le Nicaragua, 283-4, states that though the battle cost the Costa Ricans 700 men, 'mais qui fit Éprouver de telles pertes À l'envahisseur, qu'À dater de ce moment, il perdit confiance dans sa destinÉe.' His letter of April 15th to Senator Weller of Cal. proved this.

[XVI-68] Minister Salinas' circular Apr. 15, 1856. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Apr. 16, 1856.

[XVI-69] Perez says: 'TratÓ con humanidad Á los soldados que le fueron encomendados.' Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 49-52. JerÓnimo Perez, Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Nicaragua, y de la guerra nacional contra los filibusteros, 1854-1857. Managua, 1865, 8vo, pp. 173, 21. This first part of this author's work is a historical account of the civil war in Nicaragua, in the years 1854-5, during which latter year the filibuster chief, William Walker, appeared on the scene, taking part with one of the two parties to the strife, and temporarily destroying the power of the other. The political and military events of this period are concisely though vividly depicted, so that the reader may become fully informed on the mode of carrying on the war, and on the miserable condition of the country, as well as bitter animosity exhibited by the opposing parties. Memorias para la Historia de la CampaÑa Nacional contra el filibusterismo, 1856-1857. Masaya, 1873, 8vo, i.-iv., and 216 p., is a sequel or second part to the preceding by the same author, in which he furnishes a detailed history of Walker's filibustering schemes and career in Nicaragua during 1856-7, till his final surrender and removal from the country; ending with a short account of Walker's two other attempts to invade Central America. Perez took a part in the operations against Walker, and later has occupied high positions in his country.

[XVII-1] Francisco Ugarte, a legitimist who came with the Costa Ricans, and remained in concealment.

[XVII-2] GoicourÍa was sent to put down a rebellion in Chontales, and had a number of men executed. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 55.

[XVII-3] 1st. To recognize no other govt than Estrada's, declaring the convention of Oct. 23, 1855, void, and Rivas' govt null; 2d. To support that govt; 3d. Vest the executive office in Fernando Guzman till Estrada's return to Nic.; 4th. Fernando Chamorro recognized as provisional commander of the forces.

[XVII-4] Walker discovered in Rivas a letter from the president to Mora treating of peace negotiations, of which nothing had been hinted to him.

[XVII-5] He issued June 4th a proclamation full of affected love for the Nicaraguans, and especially for the Leonese, whom he called illustrious sons of liberty and lovers of progress. Nic., Boletin Ofic., June 5, 1856; El NicaragÜense, June 14, 1856.

[XVII-6] It was followed by a change of public opinion in the U. S. favorable to him, and stopped the official opposition to the rush of emigrants to Nic. The benefit was, however, retarded by the combined efforts of the old Transit company's agents in San Juan del Norte, and of the opposition from various sources to Walker's plans.

[XVII-7] During Walker's stay in the city he made several demands, to which the president refused his assent, which greatly angered him. It was soon discovered that he had it planned to dispossess Rivas of the executive office. Naztmer's act was in obedience to his orders. The native soldiers were sent away, and the capital was left with a garrison of 200 foreigners. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 8, Oct. 24, 1856.

[XVII-8] Had it not been for an American resident, Dawson, they would have been brought back by Dolan, commandant at Chinandega, who had been ordered with his men to Leon. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 71. Gen. Mariano Salazar and others spread the report that the filibusters intended to murder the authorities. Salazar fell into Walker's hands later, taken by De Brissot in the gulf of Fonseca July 28th, and was shot at Granada Aug. 3d. El NicaragÜense, Aug. 9, 1856; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 27, 1856; Sac. Union, Sept. 6, 1856.

[XVII-9] Decree of June 25th. Officers and men of the foreign phalanx were required to forsake Walker and submit to the government, when their rank would be recognized, their arrears of pay made good, and Nicaraguan citizenship conferred on them. Such as should disobey, whether native or foreign, were to be dealt with as traitors. Members of the foreign phalanx wishing to leave the country were to be, under another decree of the 28th, permitted to do so. Those who presented themselves with arms and ammunition, and prevailed on others to do the same, would be rewarded. Previously, on the 20th, the colonization decree of Nov. 23, 1855, was suspended. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 8, 16, 1856.

[XVII-10] Walker assumed to act under the clauses of the convention of Oct. 23, 1855. His decree bears date of June 20th, and further declares Rivas' acts from the 12th null. El NicaragÜense, June 21, 1856; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 8, 1856.

[XVII-11] The official organ published the returns showing this result. El NicaragÜense, July 12, 1856. Rivas' minister in a circular exposed the whole as a 'tejido de imposturas y supercherÍas.' Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 27, 1856.

[XVII-12] S. F. Herald, Aug. 15, 1856; S. F. Alta, Aug. 15, 1856.

[XVII-13] Minister Salinas' note of Aug. 12th to the secretary of state at Washington. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Sept. 4, 1856.

[XVII-14] The other ministers were generals Mateo Pineda and Manuel Carrascosa. El NicaragÜense, July 19, 1856.

[XVII-15] This action was said to have been suggested to win the sympathies of the slave-owners in the southern states of the U. S. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 79.

[XVII-16] The convention was signed at Guat. July 18, 1856. The following is a synopsis of the chief clauses: 1st. Previous treaties of alliance for defence of their independence and sovereignty were confirmed; 2d. Stipulated the union of their forces to expel the adventurers; 3d. Recognized P. Rivas as the head of a de facto govt in Nic., promising aid and coÖperation; 7th. Invited Costa R. to join the others in the enterprise. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 21, Sept. 10, 1856; Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 436-9.

[XVII-17] Shortly afterward they were joined by Gen. Fernando Chamorro, some barefooted officers and soldiers, and 12 or 14 Frenchmen. A little later came the Hungarian, Gros, with 300 Indians. The only arms on hand were 300 muskets with 10 mule-loads of ammunition.

[XVII-18] Such was the end of this honorable, enlightened, and patriotic citizen, who had risen by his virtues, talents, and learning, from a lowly position to the chief magistracy of his country. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt., 98-100.

[XVII-19] The convention was signed Sept. 12, 1856. It contained among its clauses that the first legislature installed should convoke the constituent assembly of 1854, or issue the bases for the election of another; a gen. amnesty for past political offences; debts contracted or damages caused by both parties to be held as indebtedness of the republic. Id., 114-17; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Sept. 20, 1856.

[XVII-20] Pedro Cardenal, Sebastian Salinas, Nicasio del Castillo, and Francisco Baca were made ministers of foreign relations, government, war, and treasury respectively. Jerez left the cabinet, preferring to serve in the field.

[XVII-21] His troops retreated after setting fire to the casa de alto, former residence of the chief magistrates of Nic. The allied army celebrated in Managua the victory of San Jacinto, a hacienda, north of the plain of Oscotal, distant one day's march from Granada. It was only a small affair in reality—120 riflemen under Byron Cole on one side, and 160 natives under Col D. Estrada on the other—but it was important in its effects. Cole was captured and killed, this being the end of the founder of filibusterism in Nic. Twenty-seven riflemen were slaughtered; and the Nicaraguans had 55 killed and wounded. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Sept. 26, 1856.

[XVII-22] Troubles between Salvadorans and Nicaraguans were common. The former fraternized with the democratic Leonese. The legitimists did the same with the Guatemalans, whose 2d chief, Zavala, by his language and actions, kept up a bad feeling, not only with the Salvadorans, but with the Nicaraguans. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, pref. ii. and 108.

[XVII-23] Meantime several fights had taken place between the allied forces and Walker's.

[XVII-24] He had also a small and inefficient Cuban company, and very few, if any, Cent. Americans, aside from his ministers Pineda and Carrascosa.

[XVII-25] It has been calculated that from first to last he lost from 5,000 to 6,000 men by sickness. Several of his chief officers having died at about the same time, it was imputed to the natives selling poisoned edibles. A letter of Feb. 16, 1857, has it that Walker received 4,600 recruits since June 1855. The author sets down his deserters at 500, and his dead at no less than 3,600, there being from 1,500 to 2,000 buried in Granada. Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 17, 1857; Hayes' Scraps, Angeles, ii. 255. However, an official report of P. R. Thompson, Walker's adj.-gen., dated Feb. 24, 1857, has the following figures, which do not seem to express the whole truth, as it might have been injudicious to have the real facts made known. Original number of men enlisted 2,288, of whom 61 were officers. Totals of death, 685, of whom 109 were officers; 37 resigned; 206 discharged; 9 dropped; 293 deserted, including 9 officers; leaving a total of 733 officers and men, with 141 unaccounted for. Stout's Nic., 209.

[XVII-26] Four young Nicaraguans, accused in Masaya of enticing men to desert, were arrested July 30th, and shot in a few hours as traitors to the republic! El NicaragÜense, Aug. 3, 1856. Turley and 25 others escaped from Granada, and attempted to reach Blewfields by way of Chontales, where the natives, not believing them deserters from Walker, killed all but one or two who escaped. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 129; S. F. Alta, Oct. 20, 1856.

[XVII-27] Jerez distinguished himself in the defence, and the gen.-in-chief of the allies, Ramon Belloso, claimed a victory in his official report of Oct. 13th, adding that Walker 'huyÓ despavoridamente Á la oscuridad de la noche,' leaving about 50 killed, and carrying off 200 wounded. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Oct. 17, Nov. 7, 1856. On the other side, the victory was claimed for Walker. S. F. Alta, Oct. 31, 1856; S. F. Herald, Oct. 31. 1856.

[XVII-28] To look after the arms which had become wet. So says Perez, adding that Zavala, 'Á mas de carecer de juicio, no conocia el terreno,' and Estrada went entirely by his directions. Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 131.

[XVII-29] They became intoxicated, and scattered in the streets after plunder. They discovered an American merchant, friendly to the filibusters, and killed him forthwith.

[XVII-30] On Zavala and Estrada arriving at Diriomo, a young Cuban named F. A. LainÉ, who had been sent by GoicourÍa to complete with Walker an arrangement to liberate Cuba, was brought to them as a prisoner. He was ordered shot.

[XVII-31] S. F. Alta, Nov. 21, 1856; Hayes' Scraps, Angeles, ii. 206-7, 222, 232.

[XVII-32] Salvadorans, 1,300; Guatemalans, 1,500 or more; Nicaraguans under Martinez, no less than 800. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 134.

[XVII-33] The allies discovered his flight early on the 19th. Several of his men were found asleep, and butchered. The allied commanders showed lack of generalship. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 135-9. About this time the Cent. Americans experienced a serious blow in the loss of the Costa Rican schooner Once de Abril., which had on board 110 men, money, and a large supply of arms, ammunition, etc. After a heavy gale, she encountered the San JosÉ, alias Granada, and after two hours' fighting, caught fire and was destroyed. Most of the wrecked men were picked up by the San JosÉ. S. F. Alta, Dec. 20, 1856; S. F. Herald, Dec. 20, 1856; Sac. Union, Dec. 23, 1856.

[XVII-34] Henningsen had been, it was said, an officer of the Brit. army, an aide of the Carlist chief Zumalacarregui, in Spain, and a good democratic writer. His report was as follows: He had assumed command in the afternoon of Nov. 22, 1856, and had carried out Walker's orders to destroy Granada, and leave the place, taking away the stores, artillery, sick, and the American and native families. Some of the church jewelry was saved by a priest. Gen. D. Sousa saw a filibuster urinate into a chalice, and then throw the contents at some women who were also witnesses of the act. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, p. ii. 150-1, 161-3; Nic., Gaceta, May 2, 1868; Id., TelÉg. Seten., March 7, 28, 1857; Id., Boletin Ofic., Apr. 15, 22, 1857; S. F. Alta, Dec. 20, 1856; Belly, Le Nic., i. 285-6; Squier's Cent. Am., 372.

[XVII-35] At 6:30 they had upwards of 40 wounded, and no surgeons to attend to them. During the night it rained heavily.

[XVII-36] During the operations, the Guatemalan generals Paredes, ex-president, and Joaquin Solares died, the latter of fever on the 28th of November, and the former of cholera on the 2d of December.

[XVII-37] Several deserters from his camp in the plantain grove of DoÑa Sabina had made their appearance among the allies, so completely famished that they could hardly speak.

[XVII-38] In the southern part of Lake Nicaragua, eight or nine miles from the coast of Rivas. A large and productive island having two towns distant 12 miles from one another.

[XVII-39] Oct. 13, 1855, Walker arrived on the coast of Granada. Dec. 13, 1856, he left these shores never to see them again. In the small fort, known as El Fuertecito, his men left a pole with an inscription as a record that Granada had existed there.

[XVII-40] Xatruch was not credited with much ability; but he was patriotic and brave, and to his exertions was measurably due the coÖperation of Hond. for the campaign.

[XVII-41] This expedition was promoted by Cornelius Vanderbilt, president of the Accessory Transit Co., through his agent Webster, as appeared in a letter from the commander of the Brit. naval force to the American consul. It was carried out, with the assistance of Spencer, an Am. engineer, who had been in the service of the company and was a pilot on the San Juan. The steamers thus taken were the Wheeler, Morgan, Machuca, and Bulwer. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 176-9; Nic., TelÉg. Seten., Feb. 28, 1857; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 100-1; S. F. Herald, Jan. 31, 1857; S. F. Alta, Jan. 31, 1857. Official reports and Mora's proclamation in Nic., Boletin Ofic., Jan. 9, 13, 1857.

[XVII-42] This is recognized with shame in the TelÉg. Seten., June 6, 1857. Meantime Mora had, on the 10th of Dec., tendered Walker's officers and soldiers a free passage to San Juan del Norte and New York; and the govt at Leon had, on the 22d, annulled the acts of the administration from Nov. 4, 1855, to June 12, 1856, with a few exceptions. A decree to close the transit between the two oceans was also issued. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Dec. 29, 1856; Jan. 9, 23, 1857.

[XVII-43] Two assaults in force, one by Henningsen with 600 men, and another by Walker himself with 450, failed. Another was made on the Castillo Viejo, defended by Cauty, met with the same result, though the assailants took the steamboat Scott, and Cauty had to destroy the Machuca. Mora's rept, Feb. 24, 1857, in Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 184-94.

[XVII-44] This selection was unfavorably received by the government, and was accorded but a temporary recognition till the allied governments should press their wishes. Id., 182-4; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Feb. 18, 1857.

[XVII-45] The following appointments were also made: CaÑas, 2d in command; Zavala, adj.-gen.; Xatruch, inspector-gen.; Chamorro, quartermaster-gen.

[XVII-46] The casualties were 60 killed and 100 wounded. The survivors returned to Punta de Castilla, refusing to go on. Lockridge accused them of cowardice, and took away their arms. But the men claimed the protection of the British naval commander. Cauty went down in a steamer to the bay April 12th, and after conferring with the Brit. officer, occupied Punta de Castilla, securing the war material. He then tendered the men a passage to the U. S. at the expense of Costa R. This was the end of the famous Lockridge expedition. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt; Nic., TelÉg. Seten., April 11, 1857; S. F. Herald, April 21, May 16, 1857; S. F. Bulletin, April 21, 1857; S. F. Alta, May 16, 1857; Pan. El Centinela, April 22, 1857; Nic., Boletin Ofic., April 29, 1857.

[XVII-47] Upwards of 300 killed, wounded, and missing.

[XVII-48] He did so, even though he agreed with Xatruch, Martinez, and Chamorro that the capitulation should not be accepted unless Walker pledged himself not to commit hostilities in future against any of the allied states. He also wished to be away before the arrival, then expected, of Gen. Barrios with large reËnforcements of Guatemalans and Salvadorans, who would doubtless claim the glory of ending the war. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 209.

[XVII-49] The terms agreed upon between Walker and Davis were: 1st. Walker and the 16 officers of his staff were to leave Rivas with side-arms, pistols, horses, and other personal effects, under Davis' guaranty that they should not be molested by the enemy, but allowed to embark on the Saint Mary's at San Juan del Sur, whence she should convey them to PanamÁ; 2d. The other officers of Walker's army would leave Rivas, with their arms, under the same guaranty, and be sent by Davis to PanamÁ in charge of an officer of the U. S.; 3d. The rank and file, citizens and officials, both the wounded and well, were to surrender their arms to Davis on a vessel apart from the deserters, so that there should be no contact between the former and the latter; 4th. Davis pledged himself to obtain for Central Americans then in Rivas permission to remain in their country with protection of life, liberty, and property; 5th. The officers should be allowed to remain at San Juan del Sur, under the protection of the U. S. consul, until an opportunity offered to leave for PanamÁ or San Francisco. The instrument bears also the signatures of C. F. Henningsen, P. Waters, J. W. Taylor, and P. R. Thompson. Id., 210-12; Nic., Boletin Ofic., May 6, 17, 28, 1857; Id., TelÉg. Seten., May 9, 16, 23, 1857; Sac. Union, June 16-18, 1857; S. F. Alta, June 17, 18, July 1, 2, 1857; S. F. Herald, June 16, 1857; Belly, Le Nic., i. 287; Pineda de Mont, Notas, in Guat., Recop. Ley., ii. 350, 745-6; Democ. Rev., July 1857, 117-23; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 102-3. Francisco S. Astaburuaga, RepÚblicas de Centro-AmÉrica, Ó Idea de su Historia y de su Estado actual. Santiago (Chile), 1857, 8vo, map, dedic., and 116 pp. The author of this work held a diplomatic mission from Chile to Costa Rica, and being desirous of furnishing his countrymen some information on Central America, prepared his material, originally for the Revista de Ciencias y Letras of Santiago; succinctly giving the physical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and other resources of the country, together with a sufficiently instructive sketch of the history of Central America in general, as well as of each state comprised in that term, in readable form. At the end is added his official correspondence with the several governments of Central America on the projected union of the Spanish American republics.

[XVII-50] The official correspondence between Mora and the govt of Nic. shows the high appreciation given by the latter to the service rendered by Davis. Nic., Boletin Ofic., May 6, 1857.

[XVII-51] A full account of the affair was published in the government's organ. Nic., Boletin Ofic., May 28, 1857.

[XVII-52] He had furnished war material to both parties, and tendered Costa Rica's aid to Martinez. His own words at embarking expressed the Machiavellian plot: 'Esta repÚblica estarÁ pronto en guerra; dejo las navajas amarradas Á los gallos.' CaÑas disapproved in toto of those plans. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 212-13.

[XVII-53] Pres. Martinez of Nic. pronounced it a 'guerra injusta y traidora.' Nic., Discurso ... Inaug., 1.

[XVII-54] Full particulars on this war and the terms of peace, in Costa R., Informe Rel., 1858, 2-3; Id., Expos. Mot. del Cambio, 36-7; Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857-8, 10-12, 30-1, 135-6; Nic., Manif. Disc. Inaug., no. 5, 3; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 92; Ayon, Consid. LÍmites, 30-2. Perez, while reverting to Costa Rica's plan to rob Nic. of the River San Juan, and a portion of the lake, mentions what Nic. had to suffer from the allied forces during the war. 'Cuantas exigencias, cuantos insultos, cuantas cosas teniamos que sufrir.' The allies appropriated as booty Nicaraguan movable property that was taken from the filibusters. Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt Carta (Pref.), p. ii.

[XVII-55] The official documents connected with the affair clearly prove that the U. S. govt was desirous of maintaining an honorable position before the world. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. vii., H. Ex. Doc., no. 24, 1-82, no. 26, 1; Id., Id., H. Jour., 165-73, 1302, 1368; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. i., Sen. Ex. Doc., no. 13; Id., Id., vol. xiii., Sen. Doc., no. 63; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 2, vol. vii., no. 10; Cong. Globe, 1857-8, 1858-9, Index 'Cent. Am.,' 'Paulding,' 'Walker,' 'Neutrality Laws,' 'Clayton-Bulwer Treaty,' etc.; Stout's Nic., 211-21; Belly, Le Nic., i. 294-7; S. F. Bulletin, Dec. 29, 1857; S. F. Alta, Jan. 14, 1858; Sac. Union, Feb. 3, 1858.

[XVII-56] To Paulding were voted thanks, a sword of honor, and 20 caballerÍas of land. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Aug. 2, 1862; Id., Leyes Emit., 1830, 3-5; Rocha, CÓd. Nic., i. 217-20; Costa R., Col. Ley., xv. 3; Id., Informe Rel., 1858, 1-2.

[XVII-57] His ultimate destination was Nicaragua, whose government hastened preparations for the defence of her territory, as well as to aid Hond. in the event of her needing assistance. Nic., Mem. Gobern., 1861, 9; Id., Mensaje del Presid., Jan. 16, 1861.

[XVII-58] He received the consolation of religion from a catholic priest, having joined that faith to become president of Nic. His remains were buried in Trujillo. Among his effects was found the seal of Nicaragua, which with his sword the government of Hond. transmitted to that of the former. La Union de Nic., Jan. 12, Sept. 28, 1861; Nic., Informe Gobern., no. ii. 7-9; El Nacional, Sept. 8-0ct. 27, 1860; Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 215-16; Belly, Le Nic., i. 382; Eco, Hisp.-Am., Sept. 15-Nov. 15, 1860; Diario de Avisos, Oct. 4, 1860; Pim's Gate of the Pac., 49-50; Harper's Mag., xxi. 693, 836; S. F. Bulletin, Sept. 3, 8, 17, 19, Oct. 3, 29, Nov. 12, 1860.

[XVII-59] The members were: Vicario capitular, J. H. Herdocia, J. de la Rocha, H. Zepeda, Gregorio Juarez, and G. Lacayo; substitutes, J. Baca, F. Diaz Zapata, and Joaquin Perez. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Jan. 23, 1857.

[XVII-60] The legitimists claimed it to be for the public weal, whereas the democrats thought it would damage them. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 170-6.

[XVII-61] But for arbitrary measures, on the 12th of June, the state would have divided into two parts, each following its own bent, even to incorporation with other states, which would have been the death of the republic. Nic., Mensaje del Poder Ejec., 1857, 2-3.

[XVII-62] Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857, 135-8.

[XVII-63] In the decree of convocation the members of the executive and the ministers were made ineligible for seats in that body.

[XVII-64] Only two electoral votes were not cast for him. The constituent assembly, which had been installed Nov. 8th, declared him to have been the people's choice. Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 18, 1863.

[XVII-65] Discurso Inaug., 3. TomÁs Martinez was a native of Leon, and had been engaged in trade and mining without taking part in the political agitations of his native place until the revolution of 1854, which did not meet his approval. It is believed that his reserve had made him an object of suspicion on the part of the democrats, which circumstance forced him to seek a refuge in the ranks of the conservatives, and to embrace, much against his liking, the military profession. Martinez was a lineal descendant of an heroic woman, Rafael Mora, who in 1780 distinguished herself in the defence of San Juan del Norte against Nelson's attack. He was in 1857 about 45 years old, tall of stature, and of reserved deportment. Self-instructed, plain, and unambitious of popularity, he cared not for honors or display, and abhorred sycophancy. He never used more words than were necessary to express his thoughts, and his whole aim, after he entered public life, was to serve his country. Moreover, he possessed a kindly disposition, and in his family relations was affectionate.

[XVII-66] During the war with Costa Rica he commanded the forces in the field; meantime the executive office was in charge of Deputy Agustin AvilÉs. He resumed the latter Jan. 25, 1858. In the course of his term he several times provisionally surrendered the office into the charge of others, on account of illness. Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1858, 3-7, 32; 1859, ii. 136, 137; 1860, iii. 71, 83-4, 177.

[XVII-67] The several portfolios were also for more or less time in charge of Pedro Zeledon, J. de la Rocha, Eduardo Castillo, GerÓnimo Perez, Miguel CÁrdenas, Nicasio del Castillo, and H. Zepeda.

[XVII-68] A number of decrees acknowledging the indebtedness appear in Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1859, ii. 132-54.

[XVII-69] The catholic religion was placed under state protection. The government was constituted in three branches; namely, executive, legislative, and judicial. The executive authority was vested in a president for four years, without reËlection for the next term. In his absence or inability, the office was to go into the hands of the senator called by congress to fill it. The president was to be a native and resident of Nic., 30 years of age or upwards, not having lost the rights of citizenship within five years of the election, and possessing real estate valued at no less than $4,000. The legislative power was to consist of a senate and house of deputies. The senators' term was to be of six years; they were to be at least 30 years old, and to possess no less than $2,000 in real estate, one third of their number to be renewed every two years. The deputies were to be upwards of 25 years old, and hold for four years, one half their number being renewed every two years. The natives of the other Central American states were eligible to the senate or house, after a residence in Nic. of ten or five years respectively. No churchman could be chosen president, senator, or deputy. The justices of the supreme court had to be lawyers of recognized ability and integrity. They were to hold office four years, the members being renewed every two years. The court was divided into two sections with at least four justices each. The constitution recognized liberty of thought, speech, writing, and the press; also the rights of property and emigration. Torture in any form, cruel punishments, confiscation of property, invasion of private domicile, and establishment of special courts were strictly forbidden. It was promulgated Sept. 15, 1858. Rocha, CÓd. Legis. Nic., i. 25-42; LÉvy, Nic., 309-27; El Porvenir de Nic., Feb. 11, 1872; Nic., Mem. Gobern. y Guerra, 1859, 3. The bishop and his chapter took the oath to obey it on the 15th of Apr., 1861. La Union de Nic., May 11, 1861.

[XVII-70] Because its acts tended to the organization of the country. But on the 25th of June, 1858, the government of JosÉ M. Estrada was also exempted from that annulment. Rocha, CÓd. Legis. Nic., i. 82, 89-90.

[XVII-71] He was appointed minister plenipotentiary, first in Costa Rica, next in Washington, and was empowered to negotiate a treaty with the Spanish minister at the latter place. Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857-8, 117, 243, ii. 21.

[XVII-72] Presid. Barrios of Salv. complained of the plots carried on against him in Nic. by refugees, and made demands, such as their being denied the use of the press, to which the Nic. govt could not accede. Nic., Mens. del Presid., in La Union de Nic., Jan. 19, 1861; Id., Mem. Rel., in Id., March 2, 1861.

[XVII-73] 'Ningun NicaragÜense preso, ni confinado, ni expulso por causas polÍticas; todos son libres, sin restriccion alguna.' Nic., Gaceta, Jan. 24, 1863.

[XVII-74] Official corresp. in Id., Feb. 7, 1863.

[XVII-75] Treaty of amity, defensive alliance, commerce, etc., duly ratified. Id., April 18, 1863.

[XVII-76] Jerez, Fernando Chamorro, and J. D. Estrada, for taking part against their government, were degraded to the ranks. Id., May 23, 30, 1863.

[XVII-77] Congress, Feb. 14, 1863, approved all his administrative acts to date. It had been represented to the people that Martinez, notwithstanding the clause in the constitution forbidding reËlection, could be reËlected, because the powers he had exercised in the past years had come to him, not under the constitution which was of subsequent date, but from the convocation decree of Aug. 26, 1857, and his choice was approved by the constituent assembly.

[XVII-78] Nic., Decretos, 1867-8, pt ii. 10-11; Rocha, CÓd. Leg. Nic., i. 220. The cong. of Salv. voted him a sword of honor for aiding to defeat Barrios and the federalists. Nic., Gaceta, June 17, 24, 1865.

[XVII-79] During his second term the following persons acted as his ministers: E. Castillo, B. Selva, B. Salinas, B. Portocarrero, R. AlegrÍa, R. CortÉs, P. Zeledon, J. F. Aguilar, J. J. Lescano, and Antonio Silva. Nic., Semanal Nic., April 24, 1873.

[XVII-80] 'Quedan fuera de la amnistÍa todos aquellos que como autores principales.' Nic., Gaceta, April 29, May 28, 1864.

[XVII-81] Congress had not only approved his acts, but gave him two votes of thanks, March 11, 1865, and Jan. 19, 1867. Nic., Gaceta, March 18, 1865; Id., Dec. Legisl., 1865-6, 21-2; 1867-8, 5.

[XVII-82] By 433 electoral votes against 139 cast for Juan B. Sacasa; necessary for a choice, 285. Id., Oct. 27, 1866; Id., Decretos, 1867-8, pt ii. 4-5; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 19, 1867.

[XVII-83] Decrees of Jan. 22 and Feb. 28, 1867. Nic., Dec. Legisl., 1867, 10-11, 25-6.

[XVII-84] 'Por estar en oposicion con las atribuciones del Poder Ejecutivo.' Decree of Jan. 20, 1868. Id., 1868, 3.

[XVII-85] Nic., Gaceta, March 15, 1873; Id., Semanal Nic., March 27, 1873.

[XVIII-1] Oct. 22d. Album Semanal, Sept. 26, 1856; Costa R., Col. Ley., xiv. 41-2, 51-2.

[XVIII-2] The other ministers were Joaquin B. Calvo, of government and eccles. affairs; and Rafael G. Escalante, of treasury and war.

[XVIII-3] Dec. 11, 1856. Costa R., Mem. Gobern., 1857, 2-3.

[XVIII-4] In 1854 the pope bestowed on him the honor of Knight grand cross of the order of Gregory the Great, and the Costa Rican congress authorized him to accept it. Costa R., Col. Ley., xiii. 28; xiv. 147-9.

[XVIII-5] Dec. 29, 1857, a medal was voted. Again, Feb. 26, 1858, a cross of honor was decreed to the generals and field-officers. Id., 207; xv. 3.

[XVIII-6] Escalante had been vice-president since Oct. 1857, and at the present time was temporarily in charge of the executive office. Id., xvi. 30-1.

[XVIII-7] Political grievances and private animosities were brought into action for his overthrow. He was accused of intending to keep himself in power for life, like Carrera in Guatemala, as was evidenced by his second reËlection, which violated both the spirit and letter of the national institutions; of his having imposed the weight of his own will on the financial department, the judiciary, and even the legislature, with the view of setting up the rule of one family over the ruins of republican liberty; of his having usurped the property and labor of others for his own benefit. Even the organization of an army, and his campaign against Walker, were made to appear as intended to improve his own pecuniary interests, which were said to be in a very bad state. The charge of assumption of dictatorial powers does not seem to be sustained by facts. The opposition journal, the Album Semanal, freely published strong articles against his administration. Pamphlets filled with vituperation, and traducing his character, circulated without hindrance; one of the publications called him the tzar of Costa Rica. This opposition was fanned by the hatred of persons who had private grudges against Mora. Among them Vicente Aguilar, his former partner, who had been made to disgorge $100,000 or more, of which he had wrongfully deprived Mora. Capitalists were hostile because the president had chartered a bank. The sale of a tract of public land near San JosÉ, upon which many persons had settled, was made the subject for much trouble. The exile of the bishop did not fail to have a powerful influence. Bishop Llorente had refused to pay, or to allow his clergy to pay, an equitable tax decreed by congress Sept. 29, 1858, for the support of hospitals. He not only refused compliance, but incited the populace to revolt. For this he was expelled. He was, however, after Mora's overthrow, recalled by the provisional government, and ruled the diocese till his death, which took place Sept. 23, 1871. Costa R., Mem. Interior, 1859, 9; 1860, 4; Id., Col. Ley., xvi. 87-8; Nic., Gaceta, Oct. 7, 1871; El National, Jan. 15, 1859; Belly, Le Nicaragua, i. 379-81. One of the publications which came out after Mora's downfall, not only charged him with abuse of power, peculation, and almost every conceivable offence, but of his having brought himself into political prominence by intrigue, and by treachery to Morazan, and to his relations and friends, who, it was asserted, had been ruined by him. This publication is dated San JosÉ, April 2, 1860, but is anonymous. Costa R., Expos. ... Motivos ... Cambio PolÍt., 37 pp. and 1 I.

[XVIII-8] The provisional administration claimed that the revolution had not merely changed the personnel, but also the principles on which the government was based, the people demanding greater freedom with clearly defined rights and duties, and a more extended suffrage. Costa R., Mem. Interior, 1860, 4; 1863, 2.

[XVIII-9] The govt was divided into three branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—each independent of the others. The legislative was vested in a congress of two chambers, the senate and house of representatives, and was to meet once a year in ordinary session, and also to hold extraordinary sessions when called for specified purposes. The senate was composed of two senators for each province; the house was composed of deputies chosen by the provinces in the ratio of population. The term of the members of both houses was fixed at four years. The executive authority was vested in a president for three years, without reËlection for the immediate following term. He had a council of state to deliberate upon such affairs as the executive referred to it for advice. The judiciary consisted of a supreme court, and such other lower courts as might be established by law. None but a native citizen, in full possession of his civil and political rights, could be president, or member of the supreme court. Churchmen were ineligible. Costa R., Constituc. PolÍt., 1-35; Id., Col. Ley., xvi. 110-45.