The district of Swat proper—as distinct from the tracts of country south of the Malakand and Morah Mountains, and inhabited by the same clans—comprises the valley of the Swat River, from its junction with the Panjkora northwards to the village of Ain, above which the country is known as Swat Kohistan. From Ain to the Landakai spur, five miles above Chakdara, the valley is called Bar, or Upper Swat, while Kuz, or Lower Swat, is the name given to the portion from Landakai downwards to the village of Kalangai. The valley is about seventy miles long and some twelve miles wide from crest to crest of its watersheds. The river, fed by glaciers and snow, begins to rise in the middle of April, and rapidly becomes unfordable, falling again in the middle of September, and being passable almost anywhere by midwinter. The climate is much the same as that of Buner, and the valley is unhealthy and malarious in summer. Of the country of Swat, Oliver, in Across the Border, writes: “Its hill tops are clothed with rich forests, giving place to a variety of excellent fruit The Swat Valley The Swat Valley, and those to the west and south-west of it, form classic ground, for it was through them that Alexander himself marched on his way to the invasion of India. It was in the winter of 327 B.C. that he left the city he had founded to the north of Kabul, and somewhere west of Jagdallak he divided his force into two parts. HephÆstion, with the heavy troops forming the main body, followed the direct route through the Khyber, marching on an ancient city, the capital of Gandhara, and to the north-east of Peshawar. Alexander, with the light troops, entered the Kunar Valley and crossed the Kunar watershed by the Spinasuka Pass, which leads direct from Pashat, the present capital of Kunar, into Bajaur, and there found himself close to Nawagai, the The language spoken in Swat is Pushtu, except in Swat Kohistan, where Torwali and Garhwi are used. The best road into Swat from the south is over the Malakand Pass; the Shakot, further to the east, is shorter, but the ascent is steeper, while the Morah Pass entrance is still more difficult. The Government of Swat The Government of Swat, like that of all Pathan tribes, is an almost complete democracy. The country is split up into nearly as many factions as there are villages. Each sub-division of each division of each clan has its separate quarrels, and supports its own chief, who is generally at mortal feud with either his own relations or his neighbours, and who is seldom obeyed one instant longer than is convenient; so that nothing short of pressing danger to the whole community from without could ever bring together all the divisions into which Swat is separated. But that which could not be effected by ordinary means has, in a measure, been brought about by the influence of one individual, working on the religious feelings of a mass of grossly ignorant and proportionately bigoted people, such as are the inhabitants of Swat; this man was the late Akhund of Swat. The Akhund exerted such a powerful influence, as already seen in the Abdul Ghafur, as was his original name, was born of poor and obscure parents, probably Gujars, at the village of Jabrai, in Upper Swat, and passed his early boyhood tending sheep and cattle. He was even then distinguished for his religious proclivities, and at the age of eighteen he decided to adopt the life of an ascetic, and proceeded to Barangola to learn to read and write, and master the rudiments of his religion. Thence, after a time, he set out as an “inquirer after wisdom,” and at first took up his abode in or near a mosque about three miles from Mardan; but moving on again after a stay of a few months, he became, at Tordhair, the disciple of a fakir who enjoyed in those parts a reputation for peculiar sanctity. Here the Akhund resolved to exchange the mosque for the hermitage, and became a recluse. About the year 1816 he accordingly settled down, as a young man of barely twenty, to a life of the greatest austerity, at a lonely spot on the banks of the Indus, below the village of Beka, ten miles above Attock, where for twelve years he followed the Nakshbandia form of religious devotion—sitting silent and motionless, his head bowed on his chest, and his eyes fixed on the ground. His food was an inferior kind of millet moistened with water, and throughout his life—he died at the age of eightythree—his A Militant Priest In an evil moment he unwisely allowed himself to be drawn into a quarrel between the Khan of Hund and Saiyid Ahmad of Bareilly, and found himself obliged to abandon his retreat at Beka, and wander forth unknown and of no account; but after some years he settled down in a ziarat at Ghulaman, in British Yusafzai, and recovering his old reputation for sanctity and piety, his advice and prayers were again in great request. Thence in time he removed to the village of Salim Khan, in the south-east of British Yusafzai and on the border of the Khudu Khels, and, being generally regarded as a saint, was given the title of Akhund by the learned Moslem doctors of the day. On two occasions was the Akhund beguiled—possibly from some dread of loss of ascendancy among his co-religionists should he refuse—into taking up arms for “the Faith.” In the year 1835, Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir of Kabul, invited him to join his force near Peshawar, with as large a body of his disciples as he could persuade to accompany him, and attack the camp of the Sikhs. This the Akhund did, and he and his following had some trifling success against the soldiers of the Khalsa. But the arrival of Ranjit Singh to command the Sikh armies in person was enough to send the Amir flying precipitately through “His ascendancy over the Muhammadans of the Border and Eastern Afghanistan,” says Oliver, “was as great as that of Loyola in Rome or Luther in Saxony; his edicts regarding religious customs and secular observances were as unquestioned as the Papal Bulls in Spain. When the chiefs of Swat recognised the possibility of British military operations extending to their valley and the necessity for federation, it was to the Akhund they turned to select them a king. His selection was a Saiyid of Sitana, who for some years carried on an organised government under the patronage of the Border Pope. Putting aside the incredulous stories about him as His Ascendancy For many years after settling at Saidu Mandz, he held himself aloof from secular affairs, preached peace towards all men, and counselled the tribesmen to cultivate friendly relations with the British Government. In 1847 he did his best to prevent the Swatis from assisting the Baizais, whom we were engaged in punishing. When the mutineers of the 55th Native Infantry, flying from Mardan before Nicholson, crossed the boundary into Swat, he caused them to be deported beyond the Indus; and he supported our government so far as lay in his power during the anxious days of the Mutiny. He had always opposed the colonies of Hindustani fanatics, so that his conduct in 1863, when during the Ambela expedition he sided with them, seems difficult to explain. Colonel Reynell Taylor believed, and his belief was shared by those at the time best able to judge, that the Akhund had taken the line he did in fear that if he did not show sympathy with Buner on this occasion, his influence might pass to some more compliant leader. The expedition having come to an end, he went back to his former life, and never again took the field. He was then already seventy years of age, and thenceforth until his death in January, 1877, he did his best to hold in check the wild spirits of the border. During his residence in Saidu Mandz the Akhund married a woman of a neighbouring village; she bore him two sons and a daughter. The elder of the sons was Abdul Manan, alias Mian Gul, who, after the death of the Akhund, became involved in a struggle for supremacy in Swat with the Khan of Dir, and in 1883, aided by the chief of Bajaur and the name of his father, he established himself for a brief period before his death. The younger son, Abdul Khalik, was, as his father before him, an ascetic and a hermit, but he had no influence whatever, and was unknown beyond the boundaries of his own valley. “No Border Pontiff has yet arisen,” writes the author of Across the Border, “who can successfully fill the chair of his eminence Abdul Ghafur, the Akhund of Swat.” The Akozais, the inhabitants of Swat, are separated into five divisions:
Divisions of the Akozais The Ranizais occupy the left bank of the Swat River from the district of the most southerly sub-division of the Baizais at Thana to the Utman Khel boundary, which is about three miles above the junction of the Swat with the Panjkora. To the north their territory extends to the river, and includes the islands between the different channels, while the southern boundary is formed by the watershed of the hills on that side. The importance of the division lies mainly in their possession of the Malakand and Shakot Passes; the Digar Pass, which is further to the west, also leads into the Ranizai country, but the pass itself is partly in the hands of the Utman Khels. Formerly the whole of the country from the hills to the British border, now held by the Sam Ranizais, belonged to the Ranizai division, as the people known as Sam Ranizais, and who are now independent, were originally servants and tenants of the Ranizais. The Khadakzais are on the right bank of the Swat River, extending from Abazai territory to the country of the Dusha Khel; the principal village is Barangola. The Abazais inhabit a small valley on the right bank of the Swat River immediately below the Adinzai sub-division of the Khwazozais. Both the Abazais and the Khadakzais are insignificant divisions of the Akozai tribe, numbering between them no more than 750 fighting men, and within recent years these divisions and the Adinzai sub-division of the Khwazozai, which is stronger than the two combined, have been handed over to the Khan of Dir. The importance of the Adinzai sub-division consists in their possession of the village of Chakdara, where the river is bridged, and which is on the main route from India to Bajaur and Chitral. The Swat River runs here in six channels, covering about three-quarters of a mile of ground; the village is on a bank 60 feet high, and some 600 yards from the nearest branch of the river. An iron girder bridge crosses the river three-quarters of a mile below the village, and there is a fort on the right bank. The Khwazozais are, next to the Baizais, the strongest division of the Swat clan; they are separated into five sub-divisions, and occupy the valley on the right bank of the river from Kohistan to Chakdara. Besides the above five divisions of the Akozai clan, North of Swat proper, in Swat Kohistan, live the Torwals and the Garhwis, and in the Panjkora Kohistan are the Bashkaris. Little is known of these tribes, but they are not Pathans, and are probably the descendants of the races occupying Dir and Swat prior to the arrival upon the scene of the Pathans. The Roganis, Katnis and Gurohs, who are supposed to be of Kafir descent, are also located in Dir. OPERATIONS.Up to the year 1895 the only Akozais of Swat with whom the British had had any dealings were the Baizais and Ranizais, who inhabited the country south of the Morah Mountain. Operations in 1847 Operations against the Baizais, 1847.—The first time we came in contact with these people was in October 1847, when Major George Lawrence, then holding the Peshawar Valley for the Sikhs, was fired on by the men of the Baizai village of Babuzai, and, obtaining no satisfaction for the outrage, he determined to attack the village. This was awkwardly Our casualties had been only one killed and thirteen wounded, and the moral effect of these operations was such that a few days after ten villages made their submission, several of which had never before tendered allegiance either to the Durani or to the Sikh rulers. Two years after these events the Peshawar Valley In October 1849 it was reported that the whole of the Utman Khel villages of Sam Baizai had refused to pay revenue or to receive the native revenue collector, and that the people were all preparing for war. The Deputy-Commissioner of Peshawar urged that a military force should be sent into the country, pointing out that, whereas the Sikhs collected their annual revenue under the cover of a considerable military force, none of our troops had ever been seen near this part of our border, and the hill tribes therefore imagined we had either no force to employ, or were afraid to entangle it in those fastnesses. Expedition of 1849 Expedition against the Sam Baizais, 1849.—An expedition was sanctioned and a force as below detailed, and, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Bradshaw, C.B., 60th Rifles, left Peshawar on the 3rd December, 1849:
strengthened later by the Corps of Guides and 100 bayonets, 1st Punjab Infantry. On the 11th December Colonel Bradshaw moved with his whole force against the village of Sanghao. This was situated in a very strong position, but, attacked in front and on both flanks, it was soon carried, the enemy effecting their retirement by a path up the height in rear of the village, which had not been noticed. The enemy were here very numerous, having been largely reinforced from Buner. Their loss was considerable; our casualties amounted to four killed and eighteen wounded. On the 13th December the force marched to a position at the mouth of the Bazdara Valley, near the villages of Palai, and of Zormandai and Sher Khana in Sam Baizai. The enemy were here in great force; 5000 of them occupied a hill to the right of and commanding Palai, while hills to the right and rear of the other villages were held by large bodies. They were also in strength in the valley in front of Palai, their right and left resting on the hills which enclosed it. The hill to the right of Palai was first stormed and captured, when the left was also turned, and the force swept up the valley, carrying and destroying the villages and driving off the enemy. Colonel Bradshaw then withdrew unmolested from the valley. Our losses were three killed and twenty-two wounded. The enemy had been in great strength—the local fighting men having been assisted by people from Trouble and Outrage This expedition did not have the effect of causing outrage and trouble to cease; raids continued by the tribesmen either upon one another or upon our subjects; in 1855 and 1857 disputes were constant, while during the Ambela expedition the inhabitants of British Baizai flocked in numbers to assist the Bunerwals, and gave a good deal of trouble by cutting up stragglers between the British position and the rear. The suggestion that a punitive force should be sent against them was made, but was negatived. After the close of the campaign, however, the tribal maliks were sent for and a fine of Rs. 2500 was imposed upon them. The effect of this measure was, temporarily at any rate, to check outrage in our territory, while it seems to have led to disagreement, feud and fighting among the tribesmen themselves. Serious fights took place between the men of different villages, the aid of villages within and without our border was invited and accorded, and a regular warfare, disturbing the whole of that portion of the frontier, went on for some time. Heavy fines inflicted in 1865 did something to remedy the disturbed state of affairs, but in the following year quarrels broke out afresh, and it became evident that this lawlessness must be suppressed lest other districts should be affected. It was therefore determined to move out a force, the object Colonel Bradshaw’s operations in 1849 against the Sam Baizais had opened the eyes of the Swat chiefs to the possibility of their own valley being one day visited by us, and they became alarmed. It was agreed to combine for defensive purposes under some one responsible chief, and to nominate a king of Swat. There were naturally many claimants for the appointment, and the selection seemed likely to lead to so serious a broil as actually to defeat the union which it was proposed to establish. Finally the Akhund of Expedition of 1852 Expedition against the Ranizais, 1852.—It being evident that this party had passed through and had probably been harboured in the Sam Ranizai territory, it was determined to punish them as a tribe. A force was accordingly got together under the command of Brigadier Sir Colin Campbell, K.C.B., and marched on the 11th March, 1852, from Peshawar towards Tangi. It was composed as follows:
The force had reached Turangzai when, on the 14th, the Sam Ranizais sent in offering to submit to any terms imposed, but this was evidently no more than a ruse to gain time, for the maliks shortly after declared they would oppose us and were expecting assistance from Swat. The delay, however, had also favoured the British, since it enabled two heavy howitzers with elephant draught to join Sir Colin from Peshawar. The force now marched on, and arrived on the 21st at our frontier village of Sherghar, about eight miles from Shakot. The maliks now and again on the 22nd, while the force was marching to Shakot, made offers of submission; they were told that the advance would continue into the Ranizai valley, but that if all our terms were accepted no damage would be done to either villages or crops. Eventually, after much shilly-shallying, the Ranizai maliks tendered full submission, and conducted the force as far as Dargai, close to the foot of the Malakand Pass. The general encamped that night at Sherghar, returning Peshawarwards on the 23rd. In the following month some Ranizais were implicated in an attack by the Utman Khels on the village of Charsada, in Hastnagar,
From reports received it was evident that considerable numbers were flocking from Swat and other parts to Shakot to defend the Ranizai Valley, and that many ghazis had come over the passes to fight against us. Action at Shakot On the 18th the force moved on to Shakot, situated between a very deep and narrow nullah on the east and some hills on the west, and here it was seen that the enemy were in strength, holding a position about a mile and a half long on the edge of the nullah. The Horse Artillery guns shelled the centre of the position with great accuracy, but the enemy stood firmly, availing themselves of the broken ground for In addition to the armed villagers, about 4000 infantry and 500 mounted men, all from Swat, had opposed us, while the King and the Akhund had watched the fight from the crest of the Malakand Pass. Shakot and Dargai were now completely destroyed, and the troops returned to Sherghar on the following day. On the 20th the whole of the Ranizai Valley was traversed, and eight villages and much grain were destroyed, no opposition being met with. On the 22nd a strong force of all arms visited and burnt the village of Hiro Shah, nine miles distant, being followed, on retirement, by a matchlock fire until quite clear of the hills and ravines, but no casualties were sustained. The force then marched back through Lundkhwar to Gujar Garhi, where it was broken up, and before the end of the next month the Ranizais had tendered unconditional submission. Heirs of the Akhund With the death of the Akhund in 1877 the Ranizais again began to give trouble on our border, and the villagers of Shakot acquired a bad name for harbouring outlaws and disregarding the orders of our frontier In this same year the two sons of the late Akhund endeavoured to preach a jehad, but the movement was an utter failure. In 1880 Sherdil Khan died, and the chief political power in Swat passed to Rahmatulla Khan, the chief of Dir, who remained passive when, during the Afghan War, the Mohmand mullahs tried to stir up the tribes of Dir and Swat to attack our communications near Jalalabad. In 1883 a desultory contest was carried on between Mian Gul Appearance of Umra Khan In 1890 Umra Khan expelled and dispossessed the Khan of Dir, and in 1893 he attacked the Dusha Khel and drove out the Khan of Aladand, putting in a nominee of his own. In the same year the last surviving son of the Akhund died, and the succession, though temporarily in abeyance, was recognised in a son, Saiyid Badshah, of the elder Mian Gul. Then, for the next two years, there was continual internal fighting in Swat, but, so far as the Indian Government was concerned, it appeared that while the Khans were anxious to be loyal, the priesthood was persistently preaching against us. Prior to the year 1895 no British troops had ever entered the Swat Valley, and the events which led to The Swatis opposed us in that year on the Malakand, but quiet and friendly feelings were soon restored, and on the withdrawal of our force they seemed to acquiesce in the establishment of our posts on the Malakand at the entrance to their valley, and at Chakdara where their river was bridged. When Umra Khan fled from Swat, the Khan of Dir returned, reassumed possession of his original territory, and became heir to that of his immediate predecessor; but his rule was not altogether acceptable or popular. There was a good deal of friction and constant faction fights; the Khan interfered perhaps rather more than was wise, and his subjects made constant appeals to the British Political Agent at the Malakand. So far as our presence in the country was concerned, no resentment was shown, and the annual reliefs of the Chitral garrison were carried out in 1896 and 1897 without a shot being fired in Swat. Early in 1897 the Swatis, like all Pathans along the border, had been influenced and disquieted by the preachings of the Hadda Mullah and others in Dir and Swat, but no serious trouble was anticipated until, about July, there appeared in Lower Swat a Buner Mullah, afterwards known as “the Mad Fakir.” Regarded everywhere at first as an irresponsible lunatic, his preachings soon attracted earnest attention and large audiences, but no actual disturbance was expected to result. Attacks on the Malakand and Chakdara, July Attack on the Malakand The troops of the Malakand Brigade were under the command of Colonel Meiklejohn, C.B., C.M.G., and occupied a rather extended position. To the south-west of the Kotal and, in a direct line some 500 yards from it, was a fort garrisoned by 200 men of the 24th Punjab Infantry. North of the Kotal, in a hollow known as “the Crater,” were located six companies each of the 24th Punjab Infantry and 45th Sikhs, and No. 5 Company Madras Sappers and Miners, with the Engineer Park and Commissariat Stores. On the high ground on either side of “the Crater” were picquets, and to the front, closing in the camping grounds, was an isolated conical hill, called “Gibraltar,” also held by a picquet. On either Arrival of Reinforcements At 10 p.m., on receipt of the news brought by the Levy Jemadar, the “alarm” was sounded, and the troops had barely reached their posts when the attack opened. A party of the 45th Sikhs seized the gorge, through which the old Buddhist road descends from the Kotal, just in time to check a rush of tribesmen; but the enemy succeeding in occupying the high ground on either side of the gorge, the Sikhs fell back to a more commanding position in rear, where they withstood all attacks until 2 a.m., at which hour the enemy here beat a retreat. Meanwhile large numbers had advanced along the main road, drove in the picquets, rushed the serai held by levies, attacked the bazar, and some forced their way into the Commissariat enclosure. They twice charged the position in the centre of the camp held by the Sappers and Miners, and passed the abatis enclosing it, capturing a quantity The troops in the North Camp had not been seriously attacked, and were ordered to move out in pursuit, but, having arrived near Khar village, were recalled, as a large hostile force was seen on the hills and in the valley beyond. The squadron of the 11th Bengal Lancers, however, pushing on, reached Chakdara with two men and some horses wounded. This day North Camp was evacuated, and the troops concentrated in the Malakand position; the withdrawal, which was effected before dark, was rather harassed by the enemy. Colonel Meiklejohn had received a further welcome reinforcement before night in the arrival of the Guides from Mardan, the magnificent infantry of this corps covering the thirty-two miles in seventeen and a half hours. The reinforcement numbered 160 sabres and 300 rifles, of which latter fifty had remained at Dargai to strengthen that post. Again on this night was an attack made, commencing at 8.30 and continuing until daylight, the centre and right being most closely pressed. The enemy were, however, everywhere repulsed with loss, while our casualties numbered eleven killed and forty-six wounded. Throughout the 28th the enemy maintained Chakdara signalled that it was successfully holding out, and the reinforcements ordered by the military authorities were beginning to arrive. A squadron 11th Bengal Lancers came in escorting ammunition, and in the evening the 35th Sikhs and 38th Dogras reached Dargai, the first-named regiment having lost twenty-one men from heat apoplexy on its march from Nowshera. Again, on the night of the 29th–30th, was the attack renewed, chiefly against the flanks, but was everywhere repulsed with great loss, and the same may be said of the following night, when the attack, though repeated, seemed to have lost something of its energy and fire. On these two nights our losses were one man killed and nineteen wounded. On the 31st reinforcements, amounting to over 700, reached the Malakand position, and that night the usual attack was not delivered. On the 1st August Colonel Meiklejohn made an attempt at the relief of Chakdara, but the start was rather delayed, and the enemy showed themselves in such strength that the orders had to be cancelled. That day the villages of Aladand and Thana were visited, no opposition being met with, and Colonel Meiklejohn’s column marched to and remained in camp at Amandara in preparation for the reconstitution of the field force. Operations of the Malakand Field Force, 1897.—To punish all the attacks above described, the Government of India sanctioned the despatch of a force, to be known as the Malakand Field Force, to concentrate, the First Brigade at Amandara, the Second at Khar and Malakand, the Reserve at Rawal Pindi and Mardan. Brigadier-General Meiklejohn, C.B., C.M.G.
SECOND BRIGADE. Brigadier-General P. D. Jeffreys, C.B.
DIVISIONAL TROOPS.
THIRD (RESERVE) BRIGADE. Brigadier-General J. H. Wodehouse, C.B., C.M.G.
Extent of the Rising By this time some idea could be formed of the extent of the rising and how far the neighbouring tribes were infected by the spirit of unrest which had been aroused. It was known that a division of the Bunerwals, the Utman Khels, the inhabitants of Lower Swat, and certain numbers of Upper Swatis had taken part in the attacks upon the Malakand position; not to mention the Dusha Khels, certain divisions of the Khwazozais, and other sub-divisions, whose names would only be worth repeating as showing how general was the rising among the local clans. But the tribes further north did not seem to have been infected with any excitement or restlessness; communication between Gilgit and Chitral was still open. The Indus-Kohistan, the Mohmand country, the Khyber, Kohat and Kurram, all then appeared to be undisturbed; the Nawab of Dir reported that the Bajauris had remained tranquil, as had also the tribes on the Peshawar border. The only disquieting frontier news to hand at this time was to the effect that a number of mullahs, with a following of fanatical tribesmen, had left Ningrahar and the neighbourhood of Jalalabad to join either the Hadda Mullah or the Mad Fakir. The bulk of the attacking force had been furnished by the men of Lower Swat, hitherto, and with some reason, despised as fighting men. Thus the Khan of Aladand, whose conduct had been exemplary since the Chitral Campaign, whose people The concentration of the troops composing the Malakand Field Force was completed on the 8th August; and already on the next day and on the 12th certain Ranizai and Khwazozai jirgahs came in to sue for peace, their submission being accepted on payment of heavy fines, surrender of arms, and promise of future good behaviour and non-molestation of the troops. Action at Landakai On the 16th Sir Bindon Blood, leaving his Reserve Brigade at Mardan and Rustam to observe the Buner passes, advanced by the left bank of the river towards Upper Swat, bivouacking at Thana, and sending forward to Landakai his cavalry, who reported that the enemy were holding the hills above the village in strength. The position at Landakai was naturally a very strong one, and was occupied by some 3000 tribesmen behind sangars on a steep rocky spur running down to the water’s edge from the mountains on the south. This spur commanded the approach by a gorge, the road through which only permitted of an advance in single file; but further to the west another ridge came down from a height overlooking the Landakai spur and ended at the village of Jalala. The few tribesmen holding Jalala The rest of the infantry, with another mountain battery, moved to the right along the rear of this position, and occupied a spur commanding the enemy’s left flank. The tribesmen, prevented from reinforcing this flank by the heavy infantry and gun fire from the Jalala spur, began to waver and then to fall back. Many escaped by the Morah Pass, and those who held on to the position were driven from their sangars by the advance of the whole of the infantry, who pursued them to Kota, the cavalry following as far up the valley as Abuwa, on the Barikot road, and doing considerable execution. Our losses this day were light—two killed and nine wounded. On the two following days the force moved on by Ghalegai to Mingaora, encountering no opposition, and finding the inhabitants ready enough to tender their submission and furnish supplies. From Mingaora, where the force remained some days, reconnaissances were sent out in all directions, the country was as far as possible disarmed, and the terms of submission were enforced. By the 22nd August jirgahs, representing all the Upper Swat clans, had agreed to unconditional surrender, and the force then commenced to withdraw, reaching Khar and the Malakand on the 27th. While the Headquarters and the First Brigade had been operating in Upper Swat, the Second Brigade had Since this year there has been no further outbreak of fanaticism and no other trouble in Swat, and the prosperity of the country has made very real progress. |