Thomas Wyatt

Anthony Wayne, of whose military career America has much to boast, the son of a respectable farmer in Chester county, Pennsylvania, was born on the 1st of January, 1745. His propensities and pursuits being repugnant to the labors of the field, his father resolved to give him an opportunity of pursuing such studies as his acquirements might suggest, and accordingly placed him under the tuition of a relative of erudition and acquirements, who was teacher of a country school. Our young hero was by no means an attentive student; his mind seemed, like the young Napoleon, bent on a military life, for instead of preparing his lessons for recitation during his leisure hours, he employed himself in ranging his playmates into regiments, besieging castles, throwing up redoubts, &c. &c.

He was removed from the county school into an academy of repute in Philadelphia, where he soon became an expert mathematician, sufficiently so, that on his leaving school he became a land surveyor, with a very respectable and lucrative business. At the persuasion of Dr. Franklin, he removed to Nova Scotia, as agent for a company of settlers about to repair to that province on a scheme of emigration.

As an able negotiator he acquitted himself honorably, and returned to Pennsylvania, where he married the daughter of Benjamin Penrose, an eminent merchant of Philadelphia, and settled once more on a farm in his native county. The aspect of affairs between the mother country and the provinces at this time convinced our young hero that desperate means must soon be resorted to to prevent invasion from abroad and insurrection at home. Satisfied that the controversies between the two countries would only be adjusted by the sword, he determined to apply himself to military discipline and tactics, that whenever his country required it, he might devote his energies in raising and preparing for the field a regiment of volunteers. The moment arrived, and young Wayne was only six weeks in completing a regiment, of which he was unanimously chosen colonel. At the sound of taxation the undaunted spirit of liberty burst forth, and thousands of young and fearless patriots thronged around the sacred banner to enrol themselves in a cause which must eventually end in freedom. News of the opening of the revolution at Bunker’s Hill and Lexington arrived, and Washington, who had accepted the command of the army, repaired to the seat of war.

Congress, now sitting at Philadelphia, called upon the colonies for regiments to reinforce the northern army, and the one raised by the exertions of Anthony Wayne was the first called into service, and upon him was conferred the command. His orders to join General Lee at New York were quickly obeyed, whence he proceeded with his regiment to Canada, to be stationed at the entrance of Sorel river.

Shortly after his arrival there, news arrived that a detachment of six hundred British light infantry were advancing toward a post called Trois RiviÈres (Three Rivers). Anxious to check their advance, or strike before they could concentrate their forces, three regiments, commanded by Wayne, St. Clair and Irvine, commenced their march for that purpose. Unfortunately, however, untoward circumstances compelled them to retreat with considerable loss of men, and Colonels Wayne and St. Clair severely wounded. The movements now devolved upon Wayne, who collected the scattered troops and returned to his former post at Sorel river, where he remained but a short period, being followed by a heavy British column, giving him only sufficient time to leave the fort before the enemy entered it. The retreat was made good by the able conduct of Wayne, who, with his stores and baggage, safely arrived at Ticonderoga.

At a consultation among the generals it was determined that at this post they should take their stand. After reconnoitering the fortifications, and finding them so well prepared to resist an attack, the British general re-embarked his forces and retired to Canada.

Immediately on the withdrawal of the British troops, General Gates repaired to Washington’s army, leaving Colonel Wayne in entire charge of Ticonderoga. This high compliment paid to Colonel Wayne, agreeable to the troops and approved of by Congress, caused the gallant soldier to be promoted to the rank of Brigadier-general. He remained at this post six months, when, Washington having marched his main army into Jersey, General Wayne solicited permission to join him, which he did at Bound Brook, a few miles from Brunswick, in New Jersey. Soon after the arrival of Wayne, General Howe, having received reinforcements from England, at New York, took up his line of march across Jersey, in order to intercept the American army before reaching Philadelphia. Washington conceived the plan of General Howe to be to surprise the city of Philadelphia and disperse the congressional assembly, who were then sitting there; he accordingly dispatched Wayne and his troops to meet and strike them, in order to resist their passage at Chad’s Ford. This was done, and a sharp conflict ensued, which was gallantly kept up until late in the evening, when it was thought prudent to retreat; the loss sustained by the Americans was stated to be three hundred killed and four hundred taken prisoners. The statement given by the British general himself, was one hundred killed and four hundred wounded, but which was afterwards ascertained to be nearly double that number. In this battle the young patriot Lafayette first drew his sword in the cause of America’s freedom, and although severely wounded in his leg at the very onset of the battle, he continued to cheer and encourage his soldiers, (with the blood flowing from his wound, having bound his sash around it,) till the end of the conflict.

The British, taking a circuitous route, now marched with all haste towards Philadelphia, and Washington wishing to give them the meeting before reaching the city, retired to Chester, where both armies met at some distance from the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road. General Wayne commenced the action with great spirit, but a violent storm came on which rendered it impossible for the battle to continue, and each army withdrew from the field.

Washington, in order to save Philadelphia, with the main army fell back and crossed the Schuylkill at Parker’s ferry, leaving General Wayne with about fifteen hundred men to watch the enemy, who had retreated back about three miles. After remaining at that post for four days, he was apprised of the near approach of the British army, and after giving three distinct orders to one of his colonels to lead off by another road and attack the enemy in the rear, which order was not understood, and consequently not obeyed, gave the British time to come upon them before they could make good their retreat. The enemy fell upon them with the cry of “No quarters,” and one hundred and fifty of his brave men were killed and wounded in this barbarous massacre. The next battle at which this valiant soldier distinguished himself, was at Germantown. The British having taken a position in the immediate vicinity of that village, General Wayne, moving with much secrecy, attacked them in their camp at the dawn of day, but after many hours of hard fighting and a succession of untoward circumstances, was obliged to retreat. The loss of the Americans in this action, was one hundred and fifty-two killed, five hundred and twenty-one wounded, and four hundred taken prisoners; the loss of the British was eight hundred killed and wounded.

The British army remained in nearly the same position till the 26th of October, when General Howe, with a detachment of his troops, took peaceable possession of Philadelphia. Watson, in his Annals of Philadelphia, says,—“As they entered the city, Lord Cornwallis at their head led the van. They marched down Second street without any huzzaing or insolence whatever, and the citizens thronged the sidewalks with serious countenances, looking at them. The artillery were quartered in Chestnut street, between Third and Sixth streets. The State House yard was made use of as a parade ground.”

Congress had previously been removed to Lancaster, in the interior of the state, sixty miles from Philadelphia. Washington and his army were posted at White Marsh, about fourteen miles from Philadelphia, and in order to draw the commander-in-chief from his strong position, the British general, Howe, marched his soldiers to the neighborhood of the American lines, and after many demonstrations of attack, finding that Washington was not disposed to bring on another action, retreated again to the city. This gave Washington an opportunity of proceeding to Valley Forge, where, in the month of December, with his almost famished and naked soldiers, they cheerfully commenced building huts with their own hands in the woods. Early in January, General Wayne repaired to Lancaster, where the government was then located, to use his exertions in raising supplies, both of provisions and clothing, for the army.

In part did he succeed, but the scarcity of provisions becoming so great, that Washington was at length compelled to detach a body of troops, under General Greene, with orders to obtain “an immediate supply of provisions by any means within his power.” This was done by seizing every animal fit for slaughter; and by this means the immediate wants of the starving troops were supplied.

In order to prevent a similar deplorable state of want, our gallant hero, who knew no danger, in the month of February, a most inclement season, left the army with a body of troops on an expedition to New Jersey, to secure cattle on the banks of the Delaware.

This, of all others, was a dangerous enterprise, for the British were wintering in detachments in many places near the Delaware. However, in our hero bravery knew no fear, and for the relief of his suffering soldiers he was determined to attack and wrest from the British, (whenever he came in contact,) provisions for his men and sustenance for his horses. After several skirmishes, which might really be termed battles, he succeeded, by his soldier-like and judicious management, in capturing from them and sending to the American camp several hundred fine cattle, some excellent horses, and a large amount of forage. About the middle of March he returned to Valley Forge, to receive the thanks of his commander-in-chief and the blessings of the army. The British remained in quiet possession of Philadelphia till the 18th of June following, when they commenced their march through Jersey. On the same day Washington left Valley Forge in order to follow them, and on the 24th encamped about five miles from Princeton, while the British had encamped at Allentown. During the winter General Howe had requested to be recalled, and the command now devolved upon Sir Henry Clinton. Wayne, with four thousand men, was ordered, accompanied by Lafayette, with one thousand men, to take a position near Monmouth Courthouse, about five miles in the rear of the British camp, in order to prevent their reaching the Highlands of New York. Washington, who had determined to attack the British the moment they moved from their ground, received intelligence on the morning of the 28th of June that they were on their way. The troops were immediately under arms, and General Lee ordered to march on and attack the rear, as the enemy advanced towards the troops of Wayne and Lafayette. This was done, and the Americans, though much fatigued by their previous march, fought with such determined bravery that the British gave way. Taking advantage of the night, which saved them from a total rout, they withdrew to the heights of Middletown, leaving behind them two hundred and forty-five killed of their soldiers, and many of their officers; others they had before interred. The following is an extract of a letter of Wayne to a friend:—

“Paramus, 12th July, 1778.

“We have been in perpetual motion ever since we crossed the Delaware until yesterday, when we arrived here, where we shall be stationary for a few days, in order to recruit a little after the fatigue which we have experienced in marching through deserts, burning sands, &c. &c.

“The enemy, sore from the action of the 28th ult., seemed inclined to rest also. They are now in three divisions; one on Long Island, another on Staten Island, and a third in New York.

“The victory on that day turns out to be much more considerable than at first supposed. An officer who remained on the ground two or three days after the action, says that nearly three hundred British had been buried by us on the field, and numbers discovered in the woods, exclusive of those buried by the enemy, not much short of one hundred. So that by the most moderate calculation, their killed and wounded must amount to eleven hundred, the flower of their army, and many of them of the richest blood of England.

“Tell those Philadelphia ladies who attended Howe’s assemblies and levees, that the heavenly, sweet red-coats, the accomplished gentlemen of the guards and grenadiers, have been humbled on the plains of Monmouth. These knights have resigned their laurels to rebel officers, who will lay them at the feet of those virtuous daughters of America, who cheerfully gave up ease and affluence in a city, for liberty and peace of mind in a cottage.

“Adieu, and believe me

“Yours most sincerely,

“Anthony Wayne.”

The British commander, having in the night escaped from his adversary, took a strong position on the high grounds about Middletown, where remaining, however, but a few days, he proceeded to Sandy Hook, and passed over to New York.

Washington, at this time, proceeded by slow and easy marches to the Highlands of the Hudson.

It was his intention to fortify West Point, and the Highlands of the North River; accordingly the works at Stony and Verplanck’s Points were commenced for that purpose, yet only on Verplanck’s a small but strong work had been completed and garrisoned by seventy men, under Captain Armstrong, while the works on Stony Point, of much greater extent and of incomparably more importance, were unfinished. To secure these valuable positions was a matter of great magnitude both to the British as well as American commander-in-chief; hence was the determination of fortifying the Highlands, so as to comprehend within it these important positions. To arrest the progress of these fortifications, Sir Henry Clinton sailed with a fleet up the Hudson, and landed his troops in two divisions; the one under General Vaughan, destined against the works at Verplanck’s on the east side of the river—the other, which he commanded in person, against those of Stony Point, on the west side. The fortifications on Stony Point being unfinished, were abandoned without resistance, on the approach of the enemy, who instantly commenced dragging some heavy cannon and mortars to the summit of the hill, and on the next morning about sunrise opened a battery on Fort Fayette, erected on Verplanck’s, the distance across being about one thousand yards.

The cannonade during the day, from the very commanding position of Stony Point, as also from vessels and gun-boats in the river, occasioned much injury to the fort; which, being invested both by water and land, and no means of saving the garrison now remaining, Captain Armstrong, (who had command,) after a gallant resistance, was compelled to surrender himself and troops prisoners of war. Sir Henry proceeded immediately to place both forts in what he supposed a perfect state of defence, especially that of Stony Point, which he garrisoned with six hundred men, under the command of an officer distinguished for his bravery and circumspection. In consequence of Washington being now at West Point, Sir Henry declined a further movement up the Hudson, but remained with his army at Phillipsburg, about midway between New York and Stony Point. Immediately on the arrival of Wayne at head quarters, Washington commenced laying plans for the recapture of Stony Point, and in a conference between the commander-in-chief and Wayne, the latter, emphatically to express his willingness to undertake the perilous enterprise, is said to have remarked:—“General, if you will only plan it, I will storm Hell!”

As no industry had been wanting in completing or repairing the works at Stony Point, which the length of possession by the British would admit of, that post was now in a very strong state of defence; its garrison consisted of the seventeenth regiment of foot, the grenadier companies of the seventy-first and some artillery; the whole under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Johnson. The garrison at Verplanck’s was under the conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Webster, and was at least equal in force to that of Stony Point. General Wayne was appointed to the difficult and arduous task of surprising and storming Stony Point, for which Washington provided him with a strong detachment of the most active infantry in the American service. These troops had a distance of about fourteen miles to travel over high mountains, through deep morasses, difficult defiles and roads exceedingly bad and narrow, so that they could only move in single files during the greatest part of their journey. About eight o’clock in the evening of the 15th of July, the van arrived within a mile and a half of their object, where they halted, and the troops were formed into two columns as fast as they came up. While they were in this position, Wayne, with most of his principal officers, went to reconnoitre the works, and to observe the situation of the garrison. It was near midnight before the two columns approached the place; that on the right, consisting of Febiger and Meigs’ regiments, was led by General Wayne. The van, consisting of one hundred and fifty picked men, led by the most adventurous officers, and commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Fleury, advanced to the attack, with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets. They were preceded by an avant-guard, consisting of an officer of the most distinguished courage, accompanied by twenty of the most desperate private men, who, with other officers, were intended to remove the abatis, and whatever obstructions lay in the way of the succeeding troops. The column on the left, was led by a similar chosen van, with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets, under the command of Major Stewart; and that was also preceded by a similar avant-guard. The general issued the most positive orders to both columns, (which they strictly adhered to,) not to fire a shot on any account, but to place their whole reliance on the bayonet. The two attacks seem to have been directed to opposite points of the works; whilst a detachment under Major Murfree engaged the attention of the garrison, by a feint in their front. They found the approaches more difficult than even their knowledge of the place had induced them to expect; the works being covered by a deep morass, which, at this time, happened to be overflowed by the tide.

The general, in his official papers, says, “that neither the deep morass, the formidable and double rows of abatis, or the strong works in front and flank could damp the ardor of his brave troops; who, in the face of a most incessant and tremendous fire of musketry, and of cannon loaded with grape-shot, forced their way at the point of the bayonet through every obstacle, until the van of each column met in the centre of the works, where they arrived at nearly the same time.” General Wayne was wounded in the head by a musket-ball, as he passed the last abatis; but was gallantly supported and assisted through the works by his two brave aids-de-camp, Fishbourn and Archer, to whom he acknowledges the utmost gratitude in his public letter. Colonel Fleury, a French officer, had the honor of striking the British standard with his own hand, and placing in its room the American stars and stripes. Major Stewart and several other officers received great praise; particularly the two Lieutenants Gibbons and Knox, one of whom led the avant-guard on the right, and the other on the left. Both, however, had the good fortune to escape unhurt, although Lieutenant Gibbons lost seventeen men out of twenty in the attack.

There is nothing in the annals of war which affords more room for surprise, and seems less to be accounted for, than the prodigious disparity between the numbers slain in those different actions, which seem otherwise similar or greatly to correspond in their principal circumstances, nature and magnitude. Nothing could well be supposed, from its nature and circumstances, more bloody, in proportion to the numbers engaged, than this action; and yet the loss on both sides was exceedingly moderate.

Nothing could exceed the triumph of America and Americans generally, upon the success of this enterprize, and the vigor and spirit with which it was conducted.

It must, indeed, be acknowledged, that considered in all its parts and difficulties, it would have done honor to the most veteran soldiers. General Washington, the Congress, the General Assembly, and the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, were emulous in their acknowledgments, and in the praises which they bestowed upon General Wayne, his officers and troops. In these they particularly applaud the humanity and clemency shown to the vanquished, when, by the laws of war, and stimulated by resentment from the remembrance of former cruelty received from the British, they would have been justified in putting the whole garrison to the sword.

As soon as Stony Point was taken, the artillery was directly turned against Verplanck’s, and a furious cannonade ensued which necessarily obliged the shipping at the latter place to cut their cables and fall down the river. The news of this disaster, and of Webster’s situation, who also expected an immediate attack on the land side, no sooner reached Sir Harry Clinton, than he took the most speedy measures for the relief of Verplanck’s. The whole British land and naval force was in motion. But, however great the importance or value of Stony Point and Verplanck’s, Washington was by no means disposed to hazard a general engagement on their account; more especially in a situation where the command of the river would afford such decisive advantages to his enemy in the disposition and sudden movement of their troops, whether with respect to the immediate point of action, or to the seizing of the passes, and cutting off the retreat of his army, as might probably be attended with the most fatal consequences.

In his letter to Congress, he says, that it had been previously determined in council not to attempt keeping that post, and that nothing more was originally intended than the destruction of the works and seizing the artillery and stores. This adventurous and daring feat kept the advanced posts of the British in a state of serious alarm.

By the journals of Congress for July 26, 1779, it appears that the attack on the fort at Stony Point was ordered by General Washington on the 10th of July. General Wayne issued his orders on the 15th, on the night of which day the attack was made. The prisoners taken were five hundred and forty-three; not a musket was fired by the Americans; and although the laws of war and the principle of retaliation for past cruelty, would have justified the sacrifice of the garrison, yet not a man was killed who asked for quarters. Soon after this gallant action, General Wayne repaired to his family in Chester county, and thence to the seat of Government, to use his exertions in stimulating the councils of the nation in behalf of the suffering army, one-half of which was at this time nearly barefooted, and otherwise destitute of comforts. As the winter was now approaching, Washington was preparing to take up his quarters at Morristown, New Jersey, in order to restrain the British, who were then stationed at New York, from incursions into the adjacent country.

In May, 1780, Wayne was ordered to repair to the camp at Morristown, and resume his command in the Pennsylvania line. Little more than useless marches, and casual skirmishes with the enemy was accomplished during this year.

In November of the same year Wayne appears before his government supplicating supplies for his soldiers. This he accomplished, and returned in December to his winter quarters at Morristown, where he remained till the end of February, 1781. Receiving orders to join the southern army under General Greene, now in Virginia, Wayne accordingly commenced collecting his troops; but, from so many and unaccountable delays, it was May before he could concentrate them at York, Pennsylvania. Early in June the Pennsylvania troops, eleven hundred in number, formed a junction with Lafayette, whom they met in Virginia, and determined at once to march against Cornwallis, who was now retreating. Lafayette held a position about twenty miles in the rear of the British, whilst the advanced corps of Wayne kept within eight or nine miles, with the intention of commencing an attack on the rear guard, after the main body should have passed the river. Lafayette, having received intelligence that the enemy were preparing to cross the James river, he immediately took a position at Chickahominy church, eight miles above Jamestown. Early the following morning, Wayne believing that the main army of the British had effected its passage, was determined to march forward and attack the rear guard; but upon arriving within sight he found he was mistaken, and that he had now to confront the whole British force with only five hundred men; the only safe mode which he could now calculate upon, was that of attacking vigorously and retreating precipitately. “For,” said he, “moments decide the fate of battles,” and accordingly the firing was commenced with great firmness at three o’clock, and continued till five in the afternoon.

In this severe but gallant action one hundred and eight of the Continental troops were killed, wounded and taken; most of the officers were severely wounded, and many of the field officers had their horses killed under them. Lafayette, in his official notice of this action, says—“From every account the enemy’s loss has been very great, and much pains taken to conceal it.”

In a letter from General Washington to Wayne, he adds:—“The Marquis Lafayette speaks in the handsomest manner of your own behavior, and that of the troops, in the action at Green Spring. I think the account which Lord Cornwallis will be obliged to render of the state of southern affairs, will not be very pleasing to ministerial eyes and ears, especially after what appears to have been their expectations by their intercepted letters of March last. I am in hopes that Virginia will be soon, if not before this time, so far relieved as to permit you to march to the succor of General Greene, who, with a handful of men, has done more than could possibly have been expected; should he be enabled to maintain his advantage in the Carolinas and Georgia, it cannot fail of having the most important political consequences in Europe.” The movements of Cornwallis indicated a permanent post at Yorktown, a short distance up the York river, where he had removed the principal part of his forces, and commenced his fortifications. Washington hearing of this movement, commanded Lafayette to take early measures to intercept the retreat of Cornwallis, should he discover the intended blow, and attempt a retreat by North Carolina.

At the interposition of the Marquis Lafayette with his government, a French fleet, consisting of three thousand troops, were equipped and dispatched to the assistance of struggling America; and on the 2d September landed at Burwell’s Ferry, near this place. Lafayette, who was encamped about ten miles from General Wayne, on hearing of the arrival of the French fleet, requested an interview with him. In a letter to a friend, Wayne describes an accident that occurred to him on his way thither:—“After the landing of the French fleet, and pointing out to them the most proper position for their encampment, I received an express from the Marquis Lafayette, to meet him on business of importance that evening. I proceeded accordingly, attended by two gentlemen and a servant. When we arrived in the vicinity of the camp, about ten o’clock at night, we were challenged by a sentry, and we made the usual answer, but the poor fellow being panic-struck, mistook us for the enemy, and shot me in the centre of the left thigh; then fled and alarmed the camp. Fortunately, the ball only grazed the bone, and lodged on the opposite side to which it entered.” The main works of Cornwallis were at his strongly fortified garrison at Yorktown, on the York river. He also occupied Gloucester, on the opposite side, where he erected works to keep up the communication with the country. General Washington reached the neighborhood of this interesting scene of operation on the 14th of September, and immediately proceeded on board the Ville de Paris, (flag-ship of the French admiral,) where the plan of the siege was concerted.

Subjoined is an extract of General Wayne’s diary of the siege of Yorktown and capture of Lord Cornwallis:

“On the 28th of September, 1781, General Washington put the combined army in motion, at five o’clock in the morning, in two columns, (the Americans on the right and the French on the left,) and arrived in view of the enemy’s lines at York about four o’clock in the afternoon.

“29th. Completed the investiture. The enemy abandoned their advanced chain of works this evening, leaving two redoubts perfect within cannon-shot of their principal fortifications.

“30th. The allied troops took possession of the ground vacated by the British, and added new works.

“1st October. The enemy discovering our works commenced a cannonade, continuing through the day and night with very little effect.

“2d. Two men killed by the enemy’s fire.

“3d. A drop-shot from the British killed four men from the covering party.

“4th. The redoubts were perfected; the enemy’s fire languid.

“5th. Two men killed by rocket-shot.

“6th. Six regiments, viz., one from the right of each brigade marched at six o’clock, P. M., under the command of Major General Lincoln and Brigadier Generals Clinton and Wayne, and opened the first parallel within five hundred and fifty yards of the enemy’s works and their extreme left, which was continued by the French to the extreme right.

“7th. The parallel nearly complete, without any opposition, except a little scattered fire of musketry, and a feeble fire of artillery, by which a few of the French troops were wounded and one officer lost his leg.

“8th. Completed the first parallel; two of the Pennsylvanians were killed by rocket-shot.

“9th. At three o’clock P. M., the French opened a twelve gun battery on the extreme right of the enemy; and at five o’clock the same day, a battery of ten pieces was opened on their extreme left, by the Americans, with apparent effect.

“10th. At daybreak three more batteries were opened, (one of five heavy pieces by the Americans, and two containing twenty-two by the French,) opposite the centre of the British works; at five P. M., another American battery of two ten inch howitzers was also opened, which produced so severe a fire, that it in a great degree silenced that of the enemy; at seven o’clock P. M., the Caron, of forty-four guns, was set on fire by our balls and totally consumed.

“11th. Second parallel opened this night by the Pennsylvanians and Marylanders, covered by two battalions under General Wayne, on the part of the Americans.

“12th. Nothing material.

“13th. That part of the second parallel which was opened, nearly completed.

“14th. A little after dark, two detached redoubts belonging to the enemy were stormed; that on the extreme left by the light infantry, under the Marquis Lafayette, in which were taken a major, captain, and one subaltern, seventeen privates, and eight rank and file killed.

“Our army lost, in killed and wounded, forty-one. The other was carried by the French, under the Baron de Viominial, who lost, in killed and wounded, about one hundred men. Of the enemy eighteen were killed, and three officers and thirty-nine privates were made prisoners. The above attacks were supported by two battalions of the Pennsylvanians, under General Wayne; whilst the second parallel was completed by the Pennsylvanians and Marylanders, under Colonel W. Stewart.

“15th. Two small batteries were opened this evening.

“16th. The enemy made a sortie, and spiked seven pieces of artillery, but were immediately repulsed, the spikes drawn, and the batteries again opened.

“17th. The enemy beat the chamade at ten o’clock A. M., Cornwallis now sent out a flag, proposing a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, and that commissioners might be appointed to meet to settle the terms upon which the garrisons of York and Gloucester should surrender. General Washington would only grant a cessation for two hours; previously to the expiration of which, his lordship, by another flag, sent the following terms, viz:—The troops to be prisoners of war; the British to be sent to Great Britain, and not to act against America, France, or her allies, until exchanged; the Hessians to Germany, on the same conditions; and that all operations cease until the commissioners should determine the details. To this his excellency returned for answer:—That hostilities should cease, and no alterations in the works, or any new movement of the troops, take place, until he sent terms in writing; which he did on the 18th, at nine o’clock, A. M., allowing the enemy two hours to determine. They again requested more time; and the general granted them until one o’clock, when they acceded to the heads of the imposed terms, and nominated Colonel Dundas and Major Ross, on their part, to meet with Colonel Laurens and Viscount de Noailles on ours, to reduce them to form, which was completed by nine o’clock at night; and on the 19th, at one o’clock P. M., the capitulation was ratified and signed by the commander of each army, when the enemy received a guard of Pennsylvania and Maryland troops in one of their principal works, and one of the French troops in another. At four o’clock, the same afternoon, the British army marched out of Yorktown with colors cased, between the American and French troops, drawn up for the purpose, and then grounded their arms agreeably to capitulation.”

After this successful struggle, General Wayne was commanded to repair without delay to the aid of General Greene, who was encamped near Savannah, Georgia, in which state the enemy had been long rioting without the fear of opposition from either regulars or militia. Not, however, before the 19th of January, 1782, did he reach the Savannah river, and having crossed it with a detachment of the first and fourth regiments of dragoons, with this force, aided by a small state corps and a few spirited militia, he soon routed the enemy from some of their strongest posts. Wayne receiving intelligence of a body of Creek Indians being on their march to Savannah, detached a strong party of horse under Colonel McCoy, dressed in British uniform, in order to deceive and decoy them. This deception succeeded, and the Indians were all surrounded and taken without the least resistance.

General Wayne, in a letter to a friend, dated the 24th of February, writes, “It is now upwards of five weeks since we entered this state, during which period not an officer or soldier with me has once undressed for the purpose of changing his linen; nor do the enemy lie on beds of down—they have once or twice attempted to strike our advance parties. The day before yesterday they made a forward move in considerable force, which induced me to advance to meet them; but the lads declined the interview, by embarking in boats and retreating by water to Savannah, the only post they now hold in Georgia.” This post remained in possession of the British till the month of May, when the British administration, having resolved upon abandoning all offensive operations in America, it was ordered to be evacuated. Accordingly, on the 11th of July, 1782, Savannah was delivered into the possession of General Wayne, whose time was now fully occupied in replying to the numerous applications of the merchants and citizens of that place. About the end of November, General Wayne, with the light infantry of the army, and the legionary corps, reached the vicinity of Charleston, S. C., where Greene was posted near the Ashley river, a convenient position to attack the rear of the enemy when the hour of evacuation should arrive; but a proposition from the British General, to be permitted to embark without molestation if he left the town untouched, was acceded to, and on the morning of the 14th of December, General Wayne had also the honor and satisfaction of taking peaceable possession of Charleston, thus closing his last active scene in the war of the American revolution.

General Wayne continued busily engaged at the south till the following July, when he took passage for Philadelphia in very delicate health, having contracted a fever while in Georgia.

In 1784, Wayne was elected by his native county to the General Assembly, where he took deep interest in every act which agitated the Legislature. His family estates, which had so long been inoperative, now claimed his attention; which, for the space of two years, was most assiduously devoted to them. President Washington nominated Wayne to the Senate as Commander-in-chief of the United States army—which was confirmed and accepted the 13th of April, 1792. The object of this high and honorable post being bestowed on Wayne, was to bring to a close the war with the confederated tribes of Indians, which was raging on the northwestern frontier. During the four years of Indian warfare, General Wayne suffered severely from his previous disease, living, however, to witness the termination of those troubles which had so long existed, but not to share in the happy results which his bravery and exalted wisdom had consummated. He died at Presque Isle, on the 15th of December, 1796. An able writer thus portrays the character of this exalted man:—

“The patriotism, spirit and military character of General Anthony Wayne are written on every leaf of his country’s history, from the dawn of the revolution to the close of his eventful life. If you ask who obeyed the first call of America for freedom? It was Wayne! he was first on the battleground and last to retire. If you ask who gallantly led his division to victory on the right wing at the battle of Germantown? Who bore the fiercest charge at the battle of Monmouth? Who, in the hour of gloom, roused the desponding spirits of the army and nation by the glorious storming and capturing of Stony Point? It was General Anthony Wayne.

“In Congress, July 26th, 1779, it was resolved unanimously, that the thanks of Congress be presented to Brigadier General Anthony Wayne, for his brave, prudent and soldierly conduct, in the spirited and well-conducted attack of Stony Point.”

A gold medal was voted to him at the same time, of which the following is a description taken from the original in the possession of his family. (See Plate II.)

Occasion.—Taking of Stony Point, on the North River, by storm.

Device.—An Indian Queen crowned, a quiver on her back, and wearing a short apron of feathers: a mantle hangs from her waist behind: the upper end of the mantle appears as if passed through the girdle of her apron, and hangs gracefully by her left side. She is presenting, with her right hand, a wreath to General Wayne, who receives it. In her left hand, the Queen is holding up a mural crown towards the General. On her left and at her feet an alligator is stretched out. She stands on a bow: a shield, with the American stripes, rests against the alligator.

Legend.—Antonio Wayne Duci Exercitas comitia Americana.

Reverse.—A fort, with two turrets, on the top of a hill: the British flag flying: troops in single or Indian file, advancing in the front and rear up the hill: numbers lying at the bottom. Troops advancing in front, at a distance, on the edge of the river: another party to the right of the fort. A piece of artillery posted on the plain, so as to bear upon the fort; ammunition on the ground: six vessels in the river.

Legend.—Stony Point expugnatum.

Exergue.—15th July, 1779.