The Century of Inventions of the Marquis of Worcester / from the Original MS., with Historical and Explanatory Notes and a Biographical Memoir

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ORIGINAL LETTERS AND OFFICIAL PAPERS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE PRECEDING MEMOIR .

A CENTURY OF THE NAMES AND SCANTLINGS OF SUCH INVENTIONS ,

CONTENTS.

No. I.

No. II.

No. III.

No. IV.

No. V.

No. VI.

No. VII.

No. VIII.

No. IX.

No. X.

No. XI.

No. XII.

No. XIII.

No. XIV.

No. XV.

No. XVI.

No. XVII.

No. XVIII.

No. XIX.

No. XX.

No. XXI.

No. XXII.

No. XXIII.

No. XXIV.

No. XXV.

No. XXVI.

No. XXVII.

No. XXVIII.

No. XXIX.

No. XXX.

No. XXXI.

No. XXXII.

No. XXXIII.

No. XXXIV.

No. XXXV.

No. XXXVI.

No. XXXVII.

No. XXXVIII.

No. XXXIX.

No. XL.

No. XLI.

No. XLII.

No. XLIII.

No. XLIV.

No. XLV.

No. XLVI.

No. XLVII.

No. XLVIII.

No. XLIX.

No. L.

No. LI.

No. LII.

No. LIII.

No. LIV.

No. LV.

No. LVI.

No. LVII.

No. LVIII.

No. LIX.

No. LX.

No. LXI.

No. LXII.

No. LXIII.

No. LXIV.

No. LXV.

No. LXVI.

No. LXVII.

No. LXVIII.

No. LXIX.

No. LXX.

No. LXXI.

No. LXXII.

No. LXXIII.

No. LXXIV.

No. LXXV.

No. LXXVI.

No. LXXVII.

No. LXXVIII.

No. LXXIX.

No. LXXX.

No. LXXXI.

No. LXXXII.

No. LXXXIII.

No. LXXXIV.

No. LXXXV.

No. LXXXVI.

No. LXXXVII.

No. LXXXVIII.

No. LXXXVIII. (2)

No. LXXXIX.

No. XC.

No. XCI.

No. XCII.

No. XCIII.

No. XCIV.

No. XCV.

No. XCVI.

No. XCVII.

No. XCVIII.

No. XCIX.

No. C.

THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS.


"A practical mathematician, who has quickness to seize a hint, and sagacity to apply it, might avail himself greatly of these scantlings. It is extremely probable, that Savery took from the Marquis the hint of the Steam Engine, for raising water with a power made by fire, which invention alone would entitle the author to immortality."—Granger's Biog. Hist. vol. v. p. 278.

"Here it may not be amiss to recommend to the attention of every mechanic the little work entitled a 'Century of Inventions,' by the Marquis of Worcester, which, on account of the seeming improbability of discovering many things mentioned therein, has been too much neglected; but when it is considered that some of the contrivances apparently not the least abstruse, have, by close application been found to answer all that the Marquis says of them, and that the first hint of that most powerful machine, the Steam Engine, is given in that work, it is unnecessary to enlarge on the utility of it."—Trans. of the Society of Arts, vol. iii. p. 6.

L O N D O N:
PRINTED BY C. ROWORTH, BELL YARD,
TEMPLE BAR.


THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS

OF THE
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

FROM THE ORIGINAL MS.

WITH

HISTORICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES AND
A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR.

BY
CHARLES F. PARTINGTON,

AUTHOR OF A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF THE STEAM ENGINE,
AND LECTURER AT THE
LONDON, RUSSEL, SURREY, AND METROPOLITAN INSTITUTIONS,
MECHANICS' INSTITUTE, &c. &c.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
MDCCCXXV.


TO
DOCTOR GEORGE BIRKBECK,
PRESIDENT OF THE LONDON MECHANICS' INSTITUTION
AND OF THE CHEMICAL AND METEOROLOGICAL
SOCIETIES, FOUNDER AND PATRON OF THE
GLASGOW MECHANICS' INSTITUTE,
&c. &c. &c.

Dear Sir,

As a connecting link in the History of the Steam Engine, I know that your attention has been directed to the Marquis of Worcester's Century of Inventions, and that its merits were duly appreciated by you at a very early period of Life.—That these Illustrations of one of the most valuable scientific productions of the seventeenth century, may deserve your favourable notice, and prove an acceptable present to the extensive class of Readers which your patriotic exertions are now so rapidly adding to the Scientific World, is the sincere wish of,

Dear Sir,
Your faithful and obliged
humble Servant,
Charles F. Partington.

London Institution,
Feb. 6th, 1825.


BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF

E D W A R D
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.


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[ix]

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF

E D W A R D
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

There are few persons who have suffered more from party zeal, or gained less from historic candour, than the noble subject of the following brief memoir. Indeed no regular biographer has yet appeared to do justice to his zealous exertions in the cause of his unfortunate but misguided master, or his still more patriotic efforts for the advancement of scientific knowledge. All, however, who have in any shape alluded, either to the political principles, religious tenets, or scientific acquirements of the Marquis of Worcester, appear to have been guided rather by a spirit of fanatic intolerance, or a wish to clear King Charles from the heavy responsibility which attached to instructions given under his own hand and seal, when the Marquis was employed in Ireland. These then appear to have been the concurring causes, that have so long withheld from the noble Author the veneration his memory so justly merits; and we now proceed to follow him through his short but active career in public life.

Edward, sixth earl and second Marquis of Worcester, was born at Ragland near Monmouth; and his family, who had long been distinguished for the most devoted loyalty, possessed the largest landed estate of any nobleman attached to the British court. His grandfather Edward, fourth Earl of Worcester, enjoyed in a most distinguished degree the favour of Queen Elizabeth, and her successor King James. In 1593, he was instituted Knight of the Garter, and received a pension of fifteen hundred pounds per annum for life. Sandford describes him as "a great favourer of learning and good literature:" he died in the 79th year of his age, at Worcester House, in the Strand; and was buried in Ragland church.

Henry, the fifth earl, and father of the Marquis, succeeded to the title and estates in 1628: the family revenue derived from those in Monmouthshire alone, at this period amounting to upwards of twenty-thousand pounds per annum. In 1642, the year in which he was created Marquis of Worcester, he raised and supported an army of 1500 foot, and near 500 horse-soldiers, which were placed under the command of his son Lord Herbert, the subject of this Memoir.

During the civil commotions, Charles made several visits to Ragland castle, where he was entertained with the greatest magnificence,[1] and on those occasions particularly distinguished the young Lord Herbert. On an open rupture taking place between the King and Parliament, his Majesty invested Lord Herbert with the command of a large body of troops then raising in his native country, and an opportunity was soon offered for calling his military talents into action. Prince Rupert, shortly after the battle of Marston Moor, directed his attention towards the Marches of Wales, which awakening the jealousy of the Parliamentary General Massey, he by a feigned counter-movement surprised the city of Monmouth, which had always been considered as the key of South Wales, and thus threw the inhabitants of Ragland into the greatest confusion and alarm.

On the first intelligence of the fall of Monmouth reaching the Marquis, he despatched Lord Herbert with a considerable body of forces, who joining a troop of cavaliers from Godridge, lodged themselves undiscovered behind a rising ground near that city. A party of about forty men, who volunteered for the occasion, were headed by Lord Herbert, and proceeded to reconnoitre the town. Having climbed an earthen redoubt which had been thrown up by the Parliamentary forces, they passed the ditch and fell upon the guard, who were immediately put to the sword, and a few seconds more sufficed for breaking the port-chain and forcing an entry for the horse, who, having by this time joined their brave comrades, entered the town at full gallop; surrounding the main guard, the whole of whom they took prisoners. The result of this brilliant and chivalrous enterprise was the capture of Colonel Broughton, four captains, as many lieutenants and ensigns, the committee, all the private soldiers, and a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition.

So signal a display of bravery and devotedness to the royal cause in the young cavalier procured from his Majesty the warmest commendations; and in the month of January, 1644, he had the honour to receive his first commission to negotiate with the Irish Catholics; while at the same time he was recommended by the king to the Earl of Ormonde, as one whose loyalty might be relied upon. With regard to his Lordship's fitness for this appointment, there can be but one opinion: educated among Catholics, and as such not likely to excite the same suspicions as would naturally attach to any negotiation with their avowed enemy, the Earl of Ormonde, and possessing considerable influence at the court of Rome, he seemed peculiarly qualified to fill the office of mediator; and having become popular with the people at home by his known liberality and patriotism, the appointment was not likely to excite much dissatisfaction on the part of the Puritans.

The deranged state of his Majesty's affairs, which were now growing desperate from the continued advantages of the rebels in Ireland, and his still more violent and fanatic subjects at home, rendered it necessary that some sacrifices should be made to conciliate the Irish Catholics; as he would thus procure a powerful and efficient force to aid him against the Covenanters. In proof of his anxiety on this subject, there were no less than eight letters written by the king himself, beside those of his secretaries, pressing for a speedy adjustment of the differences that had so long agitated the sister kingdom.

The first commission under the great seal was dated the sixth of January, and furnished the Marquis with full power to levy any number of men in Ireland or elsewhere; to make governors of forts, &c.; and to receive the king's rents. Upon the twelfth of March following, the Marquis received another commission, equally as extensive as the preceding; a copy of which is preserved by Rushworth, in his Collections, which we here subjoin.

"Charles R.

"Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and well beloved cousin, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom and fidelity, do by these presents, as firmly as under our Great Seal, to all intents and purposes, authorise, and give you power to treat and conclude with the confederate Roman Catholics in our kingdom of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be conscended unto, wherein our lieutenant (the Earl of Ormonde) cannot so well be seen in, as also not fit for us at present publicly to own. Therefore we charge you to proceed according to this our warrant with all possible secrecy; and for whatsoever you shall engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as you in your judgment shall deem fit, we promise, upon the word of a king and a Christian, to ratify and perform, the same that shall be granted by you and under your hand and seal; the said confederate Catholics having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service: and this shall be in each particular to you a sufficient warrant.

"Given at our Court at Oxford, under our Signet and Royal Signature, the twelfth of March, in the twentieth year of our reign, sixteen hundred and forty-five."[2]

Who, it may be asked after perusing this document, will be hardy enough to pronounce with Hume that "the king was incapable of dissimulation?" especially when coupled with his Majesty's subsequent declaration to both Houses of Parliament; in which he expressly says, that the Marquis, having made an offer to raise forces in Ireland and conduct them into England for his service, had a commission to that purpose; "but then," adds the king, "it was to that purpose only, and not to treat of any thing else without the privity and direction of the Lord Lieutenant."

What degree of credit ought to be given to the latter part of his Majesty's declaration, is pretty plainly shewn by the following letter to the papal legate, which fully accords with the instrument we have just quoted of the twelfth of March:

Sir,

Hearing of your resolution for Ireland, we do not doubt but things will go well, and that the good intentions began by means of the last pope, will be accomplished by the present, by your means in our kingdoms of Ireland and England, you joining with our dear cousin the Earl of Glamorgan; with whom whatever you shall resolve we shall think ourselves obliged to, and perform it at his return. His great merits oblige us to this confidence, which we repose in him above all, having known him above twenty years; during which time, he hath always signally advanced himself in our good esteem, and by all kind of means carried the prize above all our subjects. This being joined to the consideration of his blood, you may well judge of the passion which we have particularly for him, and that nothing shall be wanting on our part to perfect what he shall oblige himself to in our name, in consideration of the favours received by your means. Confide therefore in him: but in the meanwhile, according to the directions we have given him, how important it is that the affair should be kept secret, there is no occasion to persuade you, since you see that the necessity of the thing requires it. This is the first letter which we have ever wrote immediately to any Minister of State of the Pope, hoping it will not be the last; but that after the said earl and you shall have concerted your measures, we shall openly shew ourself, as we have assured him.

Your Friend,
Charles R.

From our Court at Oxford,
30th April, 1645.

The earl's negotiation had hitherto gone on prosperously, and there was good reason to suppose that he would shortly have brought the rebels to a complete concurrence with his Majesty's views, when a most unexpected accident disconcerted the whole of his schemes. An attempt having been made by the Irish upon Kilkenny about the end of October, 1645, in which the titular Archbishop of Tuam had a command; the rebels were beaten and the prelate killed, in whose baggage was found a copy of the treaty which his Lordship had entered into with the confederate Catholics and the pope's nuncio. Of this discovery immediate information was furnished to the Parliament, then sitting, which had invariably expressed the greatest aversion to any concession being made to the Catholics; and the matter became so public, that the Lords Ormonde and Digby found it necessary to do something towards the vindication of his Majesty's honour, and to preserve appearances with the Parliament.

The council having met on the twenty-sixth, Lord Digby appeared at the board, and accusing the Earl of Glamorgan of high treason, moved that he should be immediately committed to the castle. On the following day he was examined by a committee of the council, when he exonerated his Majesty, and requested that the whole blame of the matter might be attributed to him; as he had consulted with no one on the subject, but the parties with whom he had made the agreement.[3]

When the intelligence of his lordship's imprisonment reached Kilkenny, where the supreme council then held their sittings, the Catholics were thrown into the greatest confusion, and some insisted on an immediate recourse to arms for his enlargement. These proceedings, however, were soon stayed by the friends of the Earl of Ormonde, and his lordship was shortly afterwards released on bail. As soon as this was effected he repaired to Kilkenny, in order to expedite the embarkation of a force amounting to about three thousand men, which had been raised for the relief of Chester; and, had there been a sufficient co-operation on the part of the general council, they might have sailed time enough to have afforded the most essential service to the royal cause; but after repeated delays on their part, intelligence was brought of the loss of that important city; and the Marquis, finding that his further stay in Ireland was attended with considerable hazard to his own life, without any commensurate benefit to his Majesty, resolved on embarking for France, where he was soon after joined by the exiled queen.

Immediately after his lordship's departure for the continent, the parliamentary forces under Sir Thomas Fairfax appeared before Ragland; and being refused admission by the venerable old Marquis, their hostile approaches were carried on with great vigour, in spite of repeated sallies from the fortress. The gallant veteran, however, finding the garrison, which at first consisted of only 800 men, reduced to less than half that number, surrendered on honourable terms on the 17th August. Notwithstanding the pledge given by Sir Thomas Fairfax, the conditions of capitulation were most disgracefully violated, and the Marquis was committed to the custody of the Black Rod, where he languished till the December following; when he expired in the eighty-fifth year of his age, and was buried in St. George's Chapel at Windsor.

In the mean time the fortifications of Ragland were destroyed, and all the timber in the parks was cut down, and sold by the committee of sequestrations. The lead alone that covered the castle was sold for 6,000 pounds, and the loss to the family in the house and woods, has been estimated at not less than 100,000 pounds!

From the destruction of Ragland castle by the Parliamentary forces, till the beginning of 1654, the earl's name scarcely occurs in the political history of those times; but about that period, we find him attached to the suit of Charles II., who then resided at the court of France: and in the following year he was dispatched by the exiled monarch to London, for the purpose of procuring private intelligence and supplies of money, of which the king was in the greatest need. He was, however, speedily discovered and committed a close prisoner to the Tower, where he remained in captivity for several years.

Some idea of the state of indigence to which the Marquis was now reduced may be formed from a perusal of the following Letter, directed to the celebrated Colonel Copley, who was, it appears, one of the noble Author's supporters.

"Dear Friend,

"I knowe not with what face to desire a curtesie from you, since I have not yet payed you the five pownds, and the mayne businesse soe long protracted, whereby my reallity and kindnesse should with thankefullnesse appeare; for though the least I intende you is to make up the somme allready promised, to a thousand pownds yearly, or a share ammounting to farr more, (which to nominate before the perfection of the woorke were but an "Your most thankful friend
Worcester.

28th of March, 1656.

"To my honored friend
Collonell Christopher Coppley,
These."

On the king's restoration, the Marquis of Worcester was one of the first to congratulate his Majesty on the happy event, though the situation of the unfortunate nobleman was little bettered by the change; indeed it appeared but as the signal for new persecutions, as one of the earliest public acts of that ungrateful monarch may be characterized as an invidious attempt to set aside the just claims of his earliest and best friend.

In 1660 the House of Lords appointed a committee to consider of the validity of a patent granted to the Marquis of Worcester in prejudice to the Peers, upon the first intimation of which his Lordship sent a messenger to the committee then sitting, stating his willingness to surrender it, and it was shortly afterwards presented to the House by his son Lord Herbert.

In 1663 appeared the first edition of the noble Author's Century of Inventions, and on the 3d of April in the same year, a bill was brought in for granting to him and his successors the whole of the profits that might arise from the use of an engine, described in the last article in the Century.[4]

Of the merits of the Century of Inventions as a literary composition but little can with justice be said; whether, however, as a scientific production, it deserves the character that has been given of it by men more celebrated for their literary attainments, than for scientific knowledge, the reader, after a perusal of the work, will readily determine.[5]

The Marquis likewise published a work entitled "An Exact and true Definition of the most stupendous Water-commanding Engine, invented by the Right Honourable (and deservedly to be praised and admired) Edward Somerset Lord Marquis of Worcester, and by his Lordship himself presented to his most excellent Majesty Charles II., our most gracious Sovereign." This was published in a small quarto volume consisting of only twenty-two pages, and is now become extremely rare.

His lordship survived the publication of this work but two years; as he died in retirement near London upon the third of April 1667. His remains were conveyed with funeral solemnity to the cemetery of the Beaufort family in Ragland church; where he was interred on Friday the nineteenth of the same month, near the body of his grandfather, Edward Earl of Worcester. The coffin was placed in an arched stone vault, with the following inscription on a brass plate:

"Depositum Illustrissimi Principis Edwardi Marchionis et Comitis WigorniÆ, Comitis de Glamorgan, Baronis Herbert de Raglan, Chepstow et Gower, nec non serenissimo nuper Domino Regi Carolo primo, SouthwalliÆ locum tenentis: qui obiit apud Lond. tertio die Aprilis, An. Dom. MDCLXVII."


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