[1] Od. IV. 691.

[2] Il. II. 101.

Cf. l. 205, and Soph. Phil., 137-140.

[3] Winckler, The Tel-el-Amarna letters, p. 99.

[4] Wellhausen’s emendation ?????????? ‘the bracelet’ for ???????? ‘the testimony’ is very tempting. If ‘testimony’ stands, it probably refers to some document containing the laws and customs of the kingdom.

[5] Agathias, Hist., IV. 25.

[6] In 1 Sam. xviii. 10, where the A.V. reads ‘there was a javelin in Saul’s hand,’ ‘a javelin’ should be ‘the spear,’ which seems to imply that the spear in question was a special weapon. The word used here ???????? is the same as in 1 Sam. xxvi. 7, 22, is translated ‘spear.’

[7] Vopiscus, Tacitus, 3-9.

[8] Herodian, Hist., II. 3.

[9] Ammianus Marcellinus, XX. 4. 17, and XXI. 1. 4.

[10] Tacitus, Hist., IV. 15.

[11] De caerim., I. 91.

[12] Nicephorus, H. E., XV. 15, Theodorus Lector, H. E., II. 65, Theophanes, Chronographia, I. 170 (ed. Bonn, 1839).

[13] Constant. Porphyr., de caerimoniis, I. 92. These accounts of early inaugurations are probably taken by Constantine from contemporary accounts.

[14] Theophanes, Chron., I. p. 210.

[15] De caerim. I. 94, pp. 431 ff.

[16] J. Th. St., II. p. 375.

[17] Theoph., Chronograph., I. 695 f.

[18] De caerimoniis, I. 38.

[19] Goar, Euchologion (1647), pp. 924 ff. The text given is that of the Grotta Ferrata codex, showing the variations between it and the Barberini text.

[20] De caerimoniis, I. 39.

[21] Goar, Euchologion (1647), pp. 924 ff.

[22] J. Th. St., II. p. 383 and n. 2.

[23] De officiis Constantinopolitanis, c. xvii. (Bonn, 1839).

[24] The Thomaite triclinium was a part of the imperial palace adjoining St Sophia.

[25] It is to be noticed that some of the imperial insignia have changed their names. The d??d?a was once equivalent to the st?a; it is now synonymous with the ????.

[26] Probably the badge of his office as Deputatus.

[27] See Maltzew ‘Die heilige KrÖnung’ in Bitt-Dank- und Weihe-Gottesdienste der orthodox-katholischen Kirche des Morgenlandes (Berlin 1897) pp. 1-60; E. Metallinos, Imperial and Royal Coronation (London 1902).

[28] Voyage historique d’Abissinie du R. P. Jerome Lobo, traduite du Portugais, continuÉe et augmentÉe de plusieurs dissertations, etc. par M. Le Grand (Paris MDCCXXVIII) p. 252 f.; The travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, by F. Balthasar Tellez (London 1710), pp. 49 f., 184. The former of these writers has made use of the latter, and so the two authorities are not independent.

[29] I am using here the account given by Tellez of two different coronations.

[30] c. 4 (P. L. XCVI. 766).

[31] Reginonis Chron., s.a. 749. Pertz, M. G. Hist. Script., I. 556.

[32] Ibid. s. a. 753. Dom Cabrol, DACL, ‘Bretagne (grande-),’ col. 1238, thinks that it was from England that the custom of unction passed into France, and that it was imported there by Boniface, himself an Englishman. But this is a very precarious theory in view of the scanty evidence for English coronations during this period. See pp. 58-60.

[33] Regin. Chron., s.a. 752. (Pertz, l.c.)

[34] See p. 58 f.

[35] Gildas, de excidio Britanniae, c. XIX.

[36] Adamnan, Vit. S. Columbani, III. 5.

[37] Chron. Moiss., s.a. 801 (for 800), Pertz, M. G. H. Script., I. 305.

[38] Duchesne, Lib. Pontificalis, II. p. 7.

[39] ‘Plures sanctos invocantes,’ i.e. the Laudes spoken of in the Chron. of Moissac. “Les ‘Laudes’ sont une sÉrie d’acclamations dans lesquelles on invoque le Christ, les anges, et les saints pour la personne qui est l’objet de la cÉrÉmonie.” Duchesne, op. cit. II. 37, n. 33. The Laudes were not exclusively a feature of the coronation rite, but had a place in any public function of which any great personage was the centre. Laudes in very much the same form as usual here had been used on a previous occasion in honour of Charles as King of the Franks and Roman Patrician. See Dom Leclercq, DACL, ‘Charlemagne,’ col. 786. An example of the Laudes will be found on p. 43.

[40] Einhard, Vita Caroli, c. XXVIII.

[41] Poeta Saxo, de gestis Caroli.

[42] Regin. Chron., s.a. 801, ‘Leo Papa coronam capiti imposuit; et a cuncto Romanorum populo ter acclamatum est,’ etc. (Pertz, l.c. 562.)

[43] Chronographia, I. p. 733.

[44] Compend. Chron., P. G. CXXVII. 389.

[45] De antiquis rit. ecclesiae, II. p. 207. (Ed. 1763.)

[46] See p. 38, n. 2.

[47] See below, p. 114.

[48] Melchior Hittorp, De divinis cath. eccles. officiis (Paris 1610), p. 153. Cp. the Ordo I of A. Diemand, Das Ceremoniell der KaiserkrÖnungen von Otto I bis Friedrich II, pp. 124, 125. Almost identical with this is the Ordo ad benedicendum imperatorem quando coronam accipit, of O. R. XII., P. L. LXXVII. coll. 1101, 1102.

[49] MartÈne’s Ordo VI, op. cit. II. p. 211.

[50] MartÈne’s Ordo VII, ibid. p. 212; Pertz, M. G. Legg., II. 97. Diemand (op. cit. p. 30) thinks that the title of this order ‘Incipit Ordo qualiter rex Teutonicus’ etc. shews that this order is not official. But the ‘Exercitus Teutonicus’ is prayed for in the Laudes of the Gemunden Codex. See above.

[51] G. Waitz, Die Formeln der Deutschen KÖnigs- und der RÖmischen Kaiser-KrÖnung (GÖttingen, 1872), pp. 67, 68.

[52] Diemand (op. cit.) divides the whole period from Otto I (962)—Frederick II (1220) into three recensions only, in the first of which he classes all those orders in which the anointing takes place before the ‘Confessio’ of St Peter.

[53] Hopf, Chroniques, p. 73 f.

[54] Pertz, M. G. Legg. II. 187 ff.

[55] So Pertz, l.c., but Diemand (op. cit. p. 35) takes it to be the Order used in the coronation of Henry III by Pope Clement II. This is without doubt an official Order.

[56] In nomine domini nostri Jesu Christi. Ego N. rex, et futurus imperator Romanorom, promitto, spondeo, polliceor, atque per haec evangelia iuro coram Deo et beato Petro apostolo, tibi N. beati Petri apostoli vicario fidelitatem, tuisque successoribus canonice intrantibus; meque amodo protectorem ac defensorem fore huius sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, et vestrae personae, vestrorumque successorum in omnibus utilitatibus, in quantum divino fultus fuero adiutorio, secundum scire meum ac posse, sine fraude et malo ingenio. Sic me Deus adiuvet et haec sancta Dei evangelia.

[57] There is no mention of the place where the Emperor is anointed, but as he is invested before the altar of St Maurice it seems probable that here too he was anointed by the Bishop of Ostia as in the last recension. Diemand seems not to have noticed where the investitures took place, and assumes that the unction was made before the Confessio of St Peter.

[58] Pertz, M. G. Legg. pp. 528 ff.

[59] P. L. LXXVIII. coll. 1238 ff. Almost identical is Muratori’s Order. See Lit. Rom. Vetus, Vol. II. p. 455.

[60] Pontificale Romanum (1520). De coronatione Romani Imperatoris.

[61] Rex Teutonicorum occurs often in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Rex Germanicorum occurs once or twice in early times. Maximilian I first added the title Rex Germaniae. Bryce says that there is reason to think that in later times ErwÄhlter began to acquire the meaning of ‘elective’ in the place of ‘elect.’ See Roman Empire, p. 531, note b. (Ed. 1910.)

[62] The first reference to the consecration of a Saxon king is found in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle under the year 785, when Ecgferth was associated as king by his father Offa.

[63] DACL, art. Bretagne (grande-), col. 1238.

[64] Dom Cabrol, loc. cit., giving the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as his authority, most unjustifiably states that Ecgferth was ‘couronnÉ et oint.’ In the case of Ecgferth the A.-S. Chronicle account goes back to the compiler of the Winchester Annals drawn up under Alfred. What his sources were we do not know. In the case of Eardwulf of Northumbria we have the contemporary Northumbrian Annals embedded in Simeon of Durham and known through him and certain passages common to him and the A.-S. Chronicle, extending from the death of Bede to 802.

[65] Rich. de Cirencestria, Speculum Historiale (Rolls Series), II. p. 27. We have the evidence of a charter of Burgred and Aethelswyth to show that crowns were among the regalia of the Mercian kings in the ninth century, but this does not necessarily imply any religious ceremony of coronation. J. M. Kemble, Codex Diplom., II. 94.

[66] See Stubbs’ Introd. to William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series), II. p. xlii, n. 4. ‘Filium vestrum Erfred quem hoc in tempore ad sanctorum apostolorum limina destinare curastis, benigne suscepimus et quasi spiritalem filium consulatus cingulo, honore, vestimentisque, ut mos est Romanis consulibus, decoravimus, eo quod in nostris se tradidit manibus.’

[67] Henderson, Pontificale of Egbert (Surtees Soc., Vol. XXVII.), pp. 100 ff. Another text of the same Order is printed from the Pontificale Lanalatense by L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, Westminster, 1901, pp. 3 ff., who also gives the unimportant variations of the text of the Order as it appears in the Leoffric Missal.

[68] Reference is made in this rite to seven prayers used, and In diebus is therefore evidently regarded as an alternative. Sometimes it is very uncertain whether Alia means ‘or,’ or ‘also.’

[69] This detail follows the text of the Leoffric Missal. In the other two texts it is apparently stated that the people kiss the king, but the rubric is in all three texts confused and probably corrupt.

[70] ‘For the nation of the West-Saxons does not allow a queen to sit beside the king, nor to be called a queen, but only the king’s wife.’ Asser, De rebus gestis Aelfredi, s.a. 856 (Petrie, Mon. Hist. Brit. p. 471). The Annales Bertiniani, which s.a. 856 recount the coronation of Judith in France, definitely state that the coronation of a queen was not practised among the Saxons. See Pertz, M.G.H. Script. I. 450. For the position accorded to the consorts of Anglo-Saxon kings, see Liebermann, Gesetze der Angelsachsen, II. s.v. ‘KÖnigin.’

[71] Haec tria populo Christiano et mihi subdito in Christi promitto nomine. In primis ut ecclesia Dei et omnia populus Christianus veram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore servet. Aliud ut rapacitates et omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus interdicam. Tertium ut omnibus iudiciis aequitatem et misericordiam praecipiam, ut mihi et vobis indulgeat suam misericordiam clemens et misericors deus. Qui vivit.

[72] In the text of this recension given in Dr Wickham Legg’s Three Coronation Orders (H. B. S. 1900), p. 59, the form with which the verge is delivered is followed by a prayer, Ineffabilem misericordiam tuam; and then the pallium is given with the form, Accipe nunc vestem summi honoris, and a prayer, Omn. Deus cuncti honoris iustus dispositor. None of these forms appear elsewhere.

[73] In this prayer occur the words, quae per manus nostrae impositionem hodie regina instituitur. These words have been regarded by some as evidence, lingering on only in the forms for the crowning of a queen, that originally there was a laying on of hands at the consecration of a king. The ‘ordinatio’ of King Aidan by St Columba is adduced as further evidence, and the expression of Photius ?e????es?a as??e?a? might also be adduced. Both, if they have any other than a general meaning, doubtless refer to the laying on of hands always anciently observed in blessing. But in this particular passage the words evidently refer simply to the setting of the crown on the queen’s head.

[74] See L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, pp. 30 ff.

[75] L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, pp. 81 ff. For other forms of this fourth recension cp. J. Wickham Legg, Missale Westmonasteriense (H. B. S.), II. coll. 673 ff., and Maskell, Monumenta Ritualia, III. pp. 1-81.

[76] In this recension the words ‘quem in huius regni regem pariter eligimus’ in this prayer are altered to ‘quem ... consecramus.’ The change was never made in the same prayer in the French rite.

[77] J. Wickham Legg, The Order of the Coronation of King James I (Russell Press, London, 1902).

[78] The miraculous chrism first appears in the fourteenth century. It was given by the Virgin to St Thomas Becket. Probably the miraculous chrism of England owes its existence to the desire of the English not to be outdone by the French who possessed a chrism supplied by an angel for the coronation of Clovis.

[79] Chr. Wordsworth, Coronation of King Charles I, 1626, pp. xix, xx.

[80] Faciendo signum crucis is struck out, but the queen is anointed ‘in the manner of a cross.’

[81] The MS. copy of the order which the king himself used is now in the library of St John’s College, Cambridge. Prynne (Canterburie’s Doome, p. 70) accuses Abp Laud of having inserted divers prayers into the order from the Roman Pontifical, an assertion due to either his ignorance or his malice, for the examples which he gives are all in the old English rite. Heylin (Cyprianus Anglicus, ed. 1668, p. 142) states that there was used at the coronation of Charles I a prayer ‘which had been intermitted since Henry VI and was that that followeth: “Let him obtain favour for the people like Aaron in the tabernacle, Elisha in the waters, Zacharias in the temple; give him Peter’s key of discipline and Paul’s doctrine,” which clause had been omitted in times of Popery, as intimating more ecclesiastical jurisdiction to be given to our kings than the Popes allowed of.’ But this prayer does not occur in any of the extant copies of Charles’ rite, nor does it occur in any English order whatsoever, but it does occur in the Roman rite. Heylin seems to have confused this prayer with some other actually in the order.

[82] See Chr. Wordsworth, Coronation of King Charles I, 1626 (H. B. S. 1892), pp. lx ff., 18 ff.

[83] L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, pp. 240, 241.

[84] Sir Harris Nicolas, Chronology of History (London, 1833), pp. 272 f.

[85] Chr. Wordsworth, op. cit., p. 36, n. 5.

[86] L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, pp. 287 ff.

[87] L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, pp. 317 ff.; J. Wickham Legg, Three Coronation Orders, pp. 3 ff.

[88] P. L. CXXXVIII. coll. 737-742.

[89] P. L. CXXXVIII. coll. 783 ff.

[90] MartÈne’s Ordo III; II. p. 216.

[91] P. L. CXXXVIII. coll. 639-642.

[92] Ibid., coll. 727-731.

[93] P. L. LXXVIII. coll. 255 ff.

[94] II. pp. 622-634.

[95] The word ‘tria’ is omitted because with the addition there are now four promises.

[96] It will be remembered that Louis, then the Dauphin, was offered the English Crown and then driven out of England on John’s death. He always afterwards claimed to be King of England.

[97] De ant. rit. II. 219 ff.

[98] Godefroy, Le cÉrÉm. FranÇois, I. 13 (1649). Professor Hans Schreuer thinks that this order was never actually used. See Über altfranzÖsische KrÖnungsordnungen (Weimar, 1909), pp. 2 ff.

[99] The conflation of three distinct forms of unction is self-evident. They can hardly have all been used, but here as elsewhere the meaning of Alia is not clear.

[100] De ant. rit., II. pp. 227-229.

[101] The Coronation Book of Charles V of France, by E. S. Dewick, M.A., F.S.A. (H.B.S.)

[102] The English kings however only communicated in one kind previous to the Reformation.

[103] ProcÈs-verbal de la CÉrÉmonie du sacre et du couronnement de LL. MM. L’Empereur NapolÉon et l’ImpÉratrice JosÉphine. Paris, An XIII, 1805. F. Masson, Le sacre et le couronnement de NapolÉon, Paris, 1908.

[104] M. Hittorp, De divinis ecclesiae officiis, etc., in Biblioth. Vet. Patrum, x (Paris, 1610), pp. 147-152.

[105] See below p. 114.

[106] G. Waitz, Die Formeln der deutschen KÖnigs- und der rÖmischen Kaiser-KrÖnung (GÖttingen, 1872), pp. 87 ff. The order is from a Munich MS. of 1409.

[107] The rubric of the Pontifical of 1520 says ‘etiam dicunt omnes pontifices ... dicunt etiam alias benedictiones.’

[108] A rubric in the Rite contained in O.R. XIV takes into consideration national sentiment by allowing also the anointing of hands, breasts, shoulders, and bends of arm.

[109] Waitz only gives the beginning and end of this prayer, but it is evidently this prayer that he indicates.

[110] M. Magistretti, Pontificale in usum ecclesiae Mediolanensis necnon Ordines Ambrosiani (Milan, 1897), pp. 62-64.

[111] Whether there was any anointing or not in this rite depends on whether Charlemagne was anointed or not. If he was, then an unction, though not mentioned, certainly had a place in the Gemunden Order, and in this. See pp. 30 ff.

[112] M. Magistretti, op. cit., pp. 112 ff.

[113] Pertz, M. G. Legg., II. pp. 503 ff.

[114] Magistretti, op. cit., pp. 121 ff.

[115] Res gestae Saxonicae in Pertz, M.G.H. Script. III. 437-438.

[116] Possibly this means the ‘Laudes.’

[117] Pertz, M.G.H., Legg. II. pp. 384 ff.

[118] The Ita is almost certainly a scribal error for Sta. But error or not this form is found also in the orders by which Maximilian I and Charles V were crowned, though subsequently Sta et retine is restored in German Rites.

[119] See Panvinius and Beuther, Inauguratio, coronatio, etc., pp. 8 ff., 81 ff., 180 ff. The ‘Order’ of the coronation of Maximilian II (1562), pp. 102 ff., is simply an account of the rite written down from memory.

[120] The form however of enthronisation at the Coronation of Matthias II begins Sta et retine.

[121] Comte de Bray, MÉmoires (Paris, 1911), pp. 97-117

[122] II pp. 234 ff. Ritus benedicendi et coronandi reges Hungariae qui obtinuit dum Albertus V Dux Austriae in regem Hungariae coronaretur.

[123] Op. cit., pp. 154 ff.

[124] Lib. de Hist. Gall., P.L. XCVI. coll. 765-766.

[125] Liber Ordinum. Ed. M. FÉrotin (Paris, 1904). App. III. pp. 499 ff.

[126] de Blancas, CoronaÇiones, pp. 117 ff. (ÇaragoÇa, 1641.)

[127] de Blancas states that Dom Pedro swore fidelity to the Pope (p. 5), but this does not appear in the oath in the coronation order of Dom Pedro.

[128] Cf. Constantine Porphyr. de caer. I. 91 (coronation of Leo the Great), ‘He was adored by all and held the spear and shield.’

[129] JosÉ Maria Yanguas y Miranda, Cronica de los Reyes de Navarra (Pamplona, 1843), pp. 192-199; MartÈne, II. pp. 236 ff.

[130] Geronymo Çurita, Los cinco libros primeros de la segunda parte de los anales de la corona de Aragon. (ÇaragoÇa, MDCX.) Tomo tercero, Libr. XIII. c. li. pp. 185, 186.

[131] J. Cooper, Four Scottish Coronations. (Aberdeen, 1902.)

[132] John Marquess of Bute, Scottish Coronations, pp. 140 ff.

[133] Actus Coronationis seren. Dn. Frederici Com. Pal. Rheni ... et Dom. Elisabethae ... in regem et reginam Bohemiae. (Prague, 1619.) Acta Bohemica ([Prague], 1620), pp. 139 ff. The two documents do not always agree in detail.

[134] The Actus Coronationis does not mention Veni Creator, but the Acta Bohemica definitely state that the hymn was sung.

[135] The Ring is not mentioned in the Acta Bohemica.

[136] This benediction is not mentioned in A.B.

[137] In the Actus Coronationis the benediction is spoken of as following Te Deum, but it is evidently out of place. The A.B. (which omit all reference to the Queen) state that the Te Deum was sung at the close of the ceremony.

[138] An account of the anointing of the First King of Prussia in 1701. J. Wickham Legg, F.R.C.P., F.S.A. Archaeol. Jour. LVI. pp. 123 ff.

[139] Regis Friderici Coronatio descripta carmine ab Hieronymo Hosio, in Schiardius Redivivus sive Rerum Germanarum scriptores varii, T. III. pp. 65 ff.

[140] The metre requires that the hymn should be paraphrased and it is not clear which of the two is meant. Though Veni Creator is used in most orders, the other is found in the later Danish and Swedish orders.

[141]

Probably this means that Te Deum is sung.

[142] Allernaadigst approberet Ceremoniel ved Deres MajestÆter Kong Christian den Ottendes og Dronning Caroline Amalias forestaaende, hÖie Kronings-og Salvings-Act paa Frederiksborg Slot, etc. A. Seidelin, Copenhagen [1840].

[143] Kurtze Beschreibung wie Ihr. KÖnigl. Majest. zu Schweden Carolus XI zu Upsahl ist gekrÖnet worden. Aus dem Schwedischen verdeutschet, 1676. Unfortunately none of the forms are given in this account.

[144] Ordning vid Deras MajestÄter Konung Carl den Femtondes och Drottning Wilhelmina Frederika Alexandra Anna Lovisas KrÖning och Konungens Hyllning vid Riksdagen i Stockholm, 1860.

[145] Ceremoniel ved deres MajestÆter Kong Haakon den Syvende’s og Dronning Maud’s Kroning i Trondhjem’s Domkirke Aar 1906. Steen’ske Bogtrykkeri, Kr. A., 1906.

[146] I. p. 390.

[147] P.L. cxxx. 250.

[148] P.L. LXXVIII. 1006, 1007.

[149] The description is not clear, but the above probably represents its meaning. The text is ‘et tenent evangelium super caput vel cervicem ipsius. Et accedit unus episcopus et dat orationem super eum et recedit, et alter similiter. Accedit tertius et consecrat illum.’ The word ‘consecrat’ is curious, but these are evidently the three special prayers said for the Pope, of which the text is given in the later descriptions.

[150] P.L. LXXVIII. pp. 1098, 1099.

[151] P.L. LXXVIII. pp. 1127 ff.

[152] The Caerimoniale Romanum adds that this prayer is from the Order of the Consecration of a Bishop.

[153] Sacrarum caerimoniarum sive rituum ecclesiasticorum S. Rom. Ecclesiae Libri tres (Venetiis, MDLXXXII). Various details are given more fully here than in the older accounts. For the Rite as used at the present day see Grissell, Sede Vacante, Parker, 1903.

[154] It is quite possible that the Laudes at the Papal Coronation may originally have been the development of the ceremonial reception of a new Bishop, such as obtained in France in early times—see MartÈne, II. p. 29. If so, the forms have been assimilated to the Imperial ‘Laudes.’

[155] Reginonis Chronicon, s.a. 750. (Pertz, M. G. H. Script. I. 556.)

[156] Reginonis Chronicon, s.a. 752. (Pertz, l.c.)

[157] J.Th.S. II. pp. 383 ff.

[158] Chronicon Anonymum in Guidi, Chronica Minora, p. 21.

[159] In I Reg. Expos. iv. 5 (P. L. LXXIX. 278).

[160] St Gregory’s expression ‘qui in culmine ponitur’ is somewhat unusual, and it may be noted that a similar expression is found in Can. 1 of the 12th Council of Toledo (681) ‘etenim sub qua pace vel ordine serenissimus Ervigius princeps regni conscenderit culmen regnandique per sacrosanctam unctionem susceperit potestatem,’ etc.

[161] Photius, Epp. I. 16.

[162] Brightman considers that the language of Photius is metaphorical only and gives later instances of the figurative use of such words as ???sa and ???e??. Loc. cit., pp. 384, 385.

[163] Brightman, Byzantine Imp. Coronation, in J. Th. St. II. pp. 391 f. and The Coronation Order and the Regal Vestments, in The Pilot, VI. p. 136.

[164] See the various English orders, most of which are given in L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records.

[165] See below, p. 187.

[166] Bock, Die Kleinodien des heil. rÖmischen Reiches deutsch. Nation. In the plate of the Emperor Charles V the Dalmatic has been omitted. Also it is to be doubted whether the Emperor wore the Armill crosswise like a stole as there represented.

[167] Dewick, The Coronation Book of Charles V of France.

[168] de Blancas, CoronaÇiones.

[169] It is usually held that the Orb is another form of the Sceptre. In rites in which it is referred to it is generally given without any accompanying form. It is variously named the Orb, Pome, Apfel or Reichsapfel.

[170] Tertull., Apol. XXXII.; Ad Scap. II.

[171] Eusebius, Vit. Constant., IV. xxiv.

[172] Cf. the statement of Aphraates (c. 350) who holds that the unction of Saul and David imparted the Holy Spirit. (Demonstr. VI. 16.)

[173] Roberti Grosseteste episcopi quondam Lincolniensis Epistolae, (Rolls Series, 1861), p. 350.

[174] Heylin, Cyprianus Anglicus, p. 145. 1668.