As we stated last week, announcing the intention, Mr Cobden and Mr Bright visited Oxford on Wednesday, for the purpose of addressing the freeholders and farmers of the county on the subject of the corn laws. Very considerable excitement had prevailed in the city and the surrounding districts in consequence of the proposed visit of Mr Cobden, but it does not appear that the landowners on the present occasion, through the medium of the farmers' clubs and agricultural associations, thought fit to get up an organised opposition, similar to that at Colchester, or interfere to prevent their tenants from attending, as at Reading. The consequence was a very large number of farmers were present at the meeting, although it is well known that the harvest is not in such a state of forwardness as to allow them to absent themselves from their ordinary occupations without considerable inconvenience. It is a circumstance worthy of notice, and strongly indicative of the present state of public feeling upon the subject, that in a purely agricultural district, at a county meeting regularly convened by the High Sheriff, the whole of the county members being present, two of whom spoke in favour of protection, supported by many influential men of their own party, no person ventured to propose a resolution in favour of the present corn law, and that even the resolution for a low fixed duty made by two of the most popular men and largest landed proprietors in Oxfordshire, Lord Camoys and Mr Langston, was supported by only three or four individuals out of a meeting of nearly 3,000 persons. Early in the morning, a protectionist champion presented himself, not in the guise either of a freeholder or farmer of the county, but in the person of a good-humoured, though somewhat eccentric printer, named Sparkhall, who had come from the celebrated locale of John Gilpin—Cheapside, and who having armed himself with a large blue bag fitted with elaborate treatises upon the corn laws, and among other pamphlets a recent number of Punch, forthwith travelled to Oxford, and by the kind permission of the meeting was permitted to essay a speech, about what nobody could divine, and in a manner truly original. It is, however, due to the monopolists of Oxfordshire to state that they did not accredit their volunteer champion, and even went so far as to request that he would "bottle up" his eloquence for some future opportunity. At two o'clock, the hour appointed for the proceedings to commence, the County hall, which is capable of containing 1,800 persons, was nearly filled. Mr Cobden and Mr Bright, who had been dining at the farmers' ordinary, held at the Roebuck hotel, arrived shortly after two, and were accompanied to the place of meeting by a large number of influential farmers and leading agriculturists, who had met the honourable members at the market table. They at once proceeded to the gallery, where, among others at this time, were Lord Camoys, of Stonor hall, Oxon; the three members for the county, Lord Norreys, Mr Harcourt, and Mr Henley; Mr Langston, M.P. for the city of Oxford; Mr Thomas Robinson, banker; Mr Charles Cottrell Dormer, Mr J.S. Browning, Mr W. Dry, Mr W. Parker, Captain Matcham, Rev. Dr Godwin, Rev. W. Slatter, Mr Richard Goddard, Mr H. Venables, Messrs Grubb, Sadler, Towle, Weaving, Harvey, &c. On the motion of Lord Cambys, seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., Mr Samuel Cooper, of Henley-on-Thames, under-sheriff for the county, was, in the absence of the high sheriff, called to the chair. The Chairman said he regretted very much that the high sheriff was prevented from attending the meeting, which had been convened in consequence of a requisition presented to the sheriff by several freeholders of the county. Having read the requisition, he introduced Mr Cobden, who proceeded for some time to address the meeting on the fallacy of the present corn law as a protection to the farmer, amid frequent cries for adjournment, in consequence of the crowded state of the hall, and Mr Sadler having intimated that several hundred persons were waiting at the Castle green, at which place it had been generally expected the meeting would ultimately be held, moved its adjournment to that spot, which was immediately agreed to. Several waggons had been brought to the green, for the purpose of forming a temporary platform, and the meeting being again formed, Mr Cobden resumed, and, in his usual powerful manner, explained the influence of the corn law upon the tenant, farmer, and farm-labourer, urging the necessity of free trade as the only remedy for agricultural as well as manufacturing distress. The honourable member was loudly cheered during the delivery of his address, which evidently made a deep impression on the large proportion of his auditory. Mr Sparkhall then came forward. Mr Cobden having kindly interceded to obtain him a hearing, and having duly arranged his books and papers, he at once commanded the serious attention of the meeting, by stating broadly as the proposition he was about to prove—that the repeal of the corn laws would plunge the nation into such a state of depression as must ultimately terminate in a national bankruptcy. After quoting from the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel, Mr Gregg, and other passages, the relevancy of which to his proposition no one could discover, he bewildered himself in a calculation, and gladly availed himself of a slight interruption to make his bow and retire. Lord Camoys next addressed the meeting. He said Mr Cobden came among them either as a friend or an enemy. If he came as a friend, it was the duty of all to receive him as such; but if as an enemy, then it behoved the farmers of Oxfordshire to meet him boldly, and expose the fallacy of his arguments. For himself he (Lord Camoys) believed Mr Cobden came as a friend. He was not one of those who were afraid of the Anti-Corn-law League; but he was afraid of that class who designated themselves the farmers' friends. He thought if they were to give the Anti-Corn-law League 50,000l. a year for fifty years, it would never do half the mischief to agriculture that the farmers' friends themselves had done. (Hear, hear.) It was this impression that had induced him to sign the requisition that had been laid before him, for he was anxious that the farmers of Oxfordshire should have the benefit of any information that could be given to them on the subject. There were three courses open for discussion. The first was the sliding scale (cries of "no, no"); the second a low fixed duty; and the third, a total and immediate repeal of the corn law. (Hear, hear.) He believed the sliding scale was already on its last legs; indeed, it was only defended by a few country gentlemen and fortunate speculators, who had by a lucky chance contrived to realise large fortunes. He was himself for a low fixed duty, and Mr Cobden advocated free trade. There was not so much difference, after all, between them; but he considered that to apply the principles of free trade to England, would be to apply the principles of common sense to a deranged country, suffering under the pressure of an enormous debt. He thought the English farmer should be placed on a level with the continental corn-grower; but he did not think the mere expense of transit would have the effect of securing this as argued by Mr. Cobden. With this view he should propose to the meeting the following resolution:—"That the agricultural interest being the paramount interest in this country, to depress that interest would be injurious to the entire community; that suddenly to adopt free trade in corn must produce that effect, and that, therefore, it is the opinion of this meeting that a moderate fixed duty upon the importation of foreign grain is the one best adapted to the present position of the agricultural interest and the welfare of the country." This resolution was seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., but this gentleman gave way for Mr Bright, who, upon presenting himself, was received with load cheering. In an eloquent address he clearly demonstrated that the only way in which the corn laws could benefit the farmer was by making food dearer, which could only be done by making it more scarce. That the advantage of such high prices invariably went to the landlord in the shape of rent, in consequence of the immense competition for farms, arising from the increase in the agricultural population, and the difficulty of providing for them in commerce and manufactures, owing to the depressed condition to which they had been reduced by the operation of the corn laws. High prices could only be obtained by the farmer from the prosperity of his customers. In reply to the resolution of Lord Camoys, the honourable gentleman stated, that with regard to agriculture being the paramount interest of the country, there could be no doubt in every country there must be land for the people to live on, and so far it was the paramount interest; but he denied that anything like half the population of England were engaged in agricultural pursuits. The agricultural interest would not be depressed, nor would the community be injured by free trade. He would put it to the meeting whether they would have a low duty or no duty at all. (Loud cries of "no duty.") A fixed duty of 6s. would raise the price that amount, and the whole would go into the pockets of the landlord. The honourable gentleman concluded his address amid loud cheers. Lord Norreys next spoke in favour of the existing corn laws, attributing the distress under which all classes at present laboured to the over-production of the manufacturers. Mr Langston, M.P., having replied to his lordship, Mr Henley, M.P., addressed the meeting at some length, in favour of the present restrictive duties on the importation corn. The honourable member concluded by observing that he had attended the meeting because it had been convened by the high sheriff; and he thanked them for the patience with which they had listened to his observations, though neither he nor his colleagues considered it to be properly designated as a farmers' meeting, the majority present being composed of other classes. Mr Cobden briefly replied; and Mr Towle (a tenant farmer) moved the following amendment, "That in the opinion of this meeting the principles of free trade are in accordance with the laws of nature and conducive to the welfare of mankind, and that all laws which interfere with the free intercourse of nations, under the pretence of protection to the agricultural, colonial, or manufacturing interests, ought to be forthwith abolished." The motion having been seconded, was put, and declared to be carried, with only three dissentients. Mr Henley then proposed, and Mr Cobden seconded, a vote of thanks to the chairman, who briefly acknowledged the compliment, and three cheers having been given for free trade the meeting separated, having lasted nearly five hours. Free Trade.—We are glad to learn, from a correspondence in the Liverpool Albion, that W. Brown, Esq., the head of the eminent house of Brown, Shipley, and Co., of Liverpool, has declared his adherence to the cause of perfect freedom of trade, contributing, at the same time, 50l. to the funds of the Liverpool Anti-Monopoly Association. Corn Trade of France.—The Moniteur publishes the return of the corn trade in France during the month of July, from which it appears that the imports were—wheat, 45,896 metrical quintels; other grain, 23,389; and flour, 613. The exports—wheat, 14,318; other grain, 11,506; and flour, 2,435. The quantities lying in the government bonding stores on the first of August were—wheat, 28,405 metrical quintals; other grain, 9,378; and flour, 11,051. |