THE POLICY OF SIR BARTLE FRERE—SLOW ADVANCE OF THE BRITISH COLUMNS—APPOINTMENT AND ARRIVAL OF SIR GARNET WOLSELEY—BATTLE OF ULUNDI—RESIGNATION AND DEPARTURE OF LORD CHELMSFORD.

The policy of Sir Bartle Frere received the hearty and most earnest support of those people who were best qualified to judge of it, the colonists of Natal and the Cape Colony. At large and enthusiastic public meetings held in every town of any consequence unanimous votes of approval and sympathy were passed. In the city of Cape Town a great mass meeting declared unanimously for Sir Bartle Frere. Graham's Town expressed itself in the same manner. Port Elizabeth notified its fullest confidence in his Excellency the High Commissioner, "being persuaded that the policy he is seeking to carry out in South Africa is eminently calculated to secure the permanent tranquillity of the country and the welfare of its inhabitants. King William's Town heartily sympathizes with his Excellency, and expresses its entire confidence." Graaff-Reinet, "having heard with the greatest satisfaction the manner in which the metropolis has come forward to approve of the policy of his Excellency Sir Bartle Frere, cordially endorses the Cape Town resolution." Swellendam recorded its "satisfaction with the well-timed movement in Cape Town;" George Town notified its approval; Queen's Town expressed its cordial sympathy and confidence; Kimberley declared strongly in favour of Sir Bartle Frere, and, of course, so did Pietermaritzburg, D'Urban, and other towns in Natal. In fact, from east to west, from north to south, all classes, all creeds, all nationalities, were unanimous in upholding the only policy which they considered could serve South Africa. Bishop Colenso in Natal, and several other able men in Cape Town, held different views, but then their number was so very small as to detract in a very small measure from the unanimity of the expression of feeling. At these public meetings hearty votes of thanks were also passed to her Majesty's Government for having sent out reinforcements.

There can be no doubt whatever that during April, May, and June, there was a very dissatisfied feeling in the colonies, as well as at home, with regard to the exceeding tardiness of operations. The small irritating raids made at different times upon Zululand cannot be styled successful, and resulted in reprisals which were calculated to have a demoralizing effect upon our own natives. If Colonel Wood had been reasonably reinforced and allowed to go forward, there is good reason to believe that he could have finished the war. Up to the 18th of May his troops had been successful in seven skirmishes and one pitched battle. They had burnt the great Maquilizine military kraal, and captured 9000 head of cattle. This light brigade was admirably adapted for Zulu warfare. Pearson's column on the coast had also performed admirable service. The extraordinary difficulties and delays of transport under the new organization in the second campaign have been already referred to. Lord Chelmsford, writing to the Secretary of State from Newcastle, Natal, on the 14th of May, states that the troops are in position, only waiting for sufficient supplies and transport to advance. From what the general commanding had learnt from General Clifford,[42] he feared that it would be out of his power to advance until the 1st of June. Major-General Crealock, commanding the first (coast) division, reported that he hoped to have two months' supplies in three weeks' time on the Inyezane river. The posts on the northern line had all been visited, and head-quarters fixed at Utrecht, until such time as the second division, under General Newdigate, was ready to advance. Shortly afterwards, information was received that the border tribes were massing at Babincinqu and Inyayene, two points near the Blood river, and that the Zulus had sent for reinforcements to Ulundi. Rest and security for two entire months had now been given to the enemy, and their determination to continue the war was perfectly evident, in spite of the illusory messages, asking for conditions of peace, which were periodically sent to the British camps. On the 26th of May, General Wood advanced his column eight miles, and General Newdigate proceeded a distance of twelve miles towards the Blood river. Lord Chelmsford established his head-quarters at Kopje Alleen. Not until the middle of June could Port Durnford be used for sending supplies to General Crealock's coast column. Great additional transport facilities were by this means secured. On June 3rd a belief prevailed at the Lower Tugela that an advance would be made as soon as the supply of cattle for transport purposes was sufficient. During all the operations the percentage of sickness was not very great. In the early part of the war a large number of men were invalided, particularly from the coast column. The D'Urban hospitals were full, but the number of deaths was not large, and as the cold season advanced sickness became less. Zululand, during May, June, and July, is, in fact, as healthy as any country in the world.

The two northern columns moved on slowly. On the 7th of June Lord Chelmsford was at Nondanai river, where a fortified post had been established. The 5th of June was the date of Colonel Buller's skirmish, already referred to, in which Lancers and Dragoons were engaged. On the 17th of June a correspondent reports that Newdigate's forces were constantly occupied patrolling and shelling kraals and dongas, with no appreciable result. At this time the Zulus appeared in great force within sight of the camp at Luneberg. Newdigate's column then marched to join that of General Wood. The utmost possible precautions were taken against surprise, both on the march and in camp. At one place the rocks, which would have offered excellent cover for an attacking force, were mined. The mines could be fired by means of electricity from the laager. Lines of galvanized wire were also placed round the camp, which the soldiers styled "Cetywayo catchers." The heliograph was used for signalling by means of flashes, and turned out extremely useful. On the 26th of June[43] the 1st Brigade, with the Naval Brigade, moved from Fort Napoleon, and the long-expected junction of the columns appeared at last likely to be effected. It was certainly high time. The English imported horses in Newdigate's[44] brigade were beginning to suffer from the severity of weather and a scarcity of food, the Zulus had abundance of time to collect a large army, and the immense delay in striking a decisive blow discouraged our troops, encouraged the enemy, and caused immense dissatisfaction to the public at home and in the colony. The Imperial Ministry at last seemed to partially yield to public pressure and public opinion. Sir Garnet Wolseley was appointed Commander-in-Chief and her Majesty's High Commissioner for the Natal, Transvaal, and Zululand. In connection with the burning questions of the day and the blame so lavishly bestowed upon the civil and military leaders in South Africa, the following despatch from the Secretary of State ought to be read with careful attention. Sir Michael Hicks Beach says (28th May, 1879):—

"After full consideration of the condition of affairs in South Africa, her Majesty's Government have decided that the arrangements under which the chief civil and military authority in the neighbourhood of the seat of war is distributed among four different persons can no longer be deemed adequate to the requirements of the present juncture.

"2. In the number of imperial troops engaged, and the expenditure incurred, the Zulu war has assumed dimensions far exceeding those of any that has been carried on for many years in South Africa; and it appears but too evident that military operations have been seriously impeded by a want of harmony between the civil and military authorities, of which the difference that has arisen between the Lieutenant-General commanding the forces and the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, with regard to the disposal of a portion of the native levies called out for service, has furnished a striking example.

"3. In such a matter the High Commissioner has no power to interfere, but were it otherwise you would be unable, in present circumstances, to interfere with any practical effect. For the prompt action requisite in time of war would entirely preclude the satisfactory reference to Cape Town of this or any other of the numerous questions requiring the decision of the High Commissioner; while, on the other hand, your own presence at the seat of war has become impossible. After an unavoidable protracted absence from Cape Town (during which you have laboured with singular zeal and energy to discharge all the duties which have devolved upon you) you will be entirely occupied with many important matters necessarily postponed until your return.

"4. The union of Griqualand West with the Cape, to the settlement of which your recent visit to the province will have largely contributed, has to be completed; the financial questions jointly concerning the colony and this country demand immediate attention; and important work remains to be done in carrying out the recent legislation of the Cape Parliament for the defence of the colony. But above all her Majesty's Government are anxious that the larger and more complicated questions connected with confederation, on which I shall shortly address you, should be considered, under your guidance, during the approaching session of the Cape Parliament, and they attach special importance to the advantages which may be derived from your exertions in promoting this great work.

"5. Under these circumstances, Her Majesty's Government have determined to place the chief military and civil command in the eastern portion of South Africa in the hands of one officer, and they have selected Lieutenant-General Sir Garnet Wolseley, G.C.M.G., for this duty. His high professional standing and his varied and distinguished services preclude any question as to the fitness of placing him for the time in supreme authority over the able men now commanding her Majesty's troops in South Africa and administering the Governments of Natal and the Transvaal, and it is equally beyond question that he will receive their most loyal and cordial support. Sir Garnet Wolseley will, in addition to his military command, be commissioned as Governor of Natal and of the Transvaal, and High Commissioner for Native and Foreign Affairs to the northward and eastward of those colonies. In the latter capacity he will assume for the time that portion of your functions which, at a crisis of such gravity as the present, could not be performed by any High Commissioner acting at a distance of more than 1000 miles from the scene of operations. You will, I am confident, be the first to recognize the necessity of the arrangement, and will readily assist Sir Garnet Wolseley, should you have returned to Cape Town by the time of his arrival there on his way to enter upon the duties of his office, with all the valuable information which your knowledge and experience enable you to afford."

The Under-Secretary for War, writing to Lord Chelmsford (29th May), says:—

"I have now to convey to you the intimation that her Majesty's Government, having carefully considered the information at their command, have come to the conclusion that the satisfactory administration of affairs in that part of South-Eastern Africa in the immediate neighbourhood of the seat of war can at the present moment only be carried out by placing that administration in the hands of one person holding plenary powers, both civil and military, and that they have selected Sir Garnet Wolseley to discharge these duties.

"The Colonial Office will by this mail have informed Sir Bartle Frere of this decision, and of its effects so far as he himself is concerned.

"With respect to the military command though I have the satisfaction of informing you that it is not intended that the supersession caused by the appointment as High Commissioner of an officer senior to yourself should be considered as conveying censure on your proceedings, it will nevertheless be your duty, as in the ordinary course of service, to submit and to subordinate your plans to his control. This decision was communicated to you by telegram sent yesterday vi St. Vincent, of which I enclose a copy.

"Sir Garnet Wolseley, being qualified to act in a political as well as in a military capacity, will be in possession up to the latest date and in the fullest detail of the views of her Majesty's Government; the responsibility placed upon you by Sir Bartle Frere with regard to the enforcement of his demands upon Cetywayo will therefore terminate upon the arrival of the High Commissioner, and any overtures for peace will henceforward be transmitted for decision by him."

The news of Sir Garnet Wolseley's appointment was received with the greatest satisfaction in South Africa. The campaign had reached a very critical stage, and the most contradictory and blundering reports about the attitude of the Zulus were constantly circulated. Cetywayo had been trying to deceive and gain time by sending in messages for peace. Lord Chelmsford as a preliminary, had asked that the guns taken at Isandhlwana[45] should be returned. At the same time that Cetywayo pretended to desire peace, his people raided over our border at Middle Drift, swooped down upon the friendly natives near Luneberg, and endeavoured to enter into an alliance with rebellious Boers. The impi that had been occupying the Intombe valley was withdrawn into Zululand, and it was clear that a concentration of forces was about to take place at Ulundi.

Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived at Natal on the 27th of June. His staff comprised Colonels Colley, Russell, and Brackenbury; Major McCalmont; and Captains Lord Gifford, Bushman, Yeatman Biggs, Maurice, Brathwaite and Doyle. The Mayor and Corporation of D'Urban presented an address to his Excellency, in which, after heartily welcoming him, it is stated that British South Africa had unanimously endorsed the consistent policy adopted and pursued by Sir Bartle Frere, as the only means open for securing a lasting and honourable peace. Sir Garnet Wolseley, in returning thanks, expressed a hope that a strong and stable peace might be gained, as a means to secure lasting immunity from external discord and hostility. "Severe as is this stress upon you, you must, I feel confident, see cause for satisfaction in the patriotic and successful exertions with which your volunteers have laboured to avert peril from your country, and to maintain the prowess of English arms in battle." The new General and High Commissioner then proceeded to Pietermaritzburg, and shortly afterwards returned and went by sea to Port Durnford, but being unable to land there, was compelled to return to D'Urban, and to proceed thence overland to the front.

A difference of opinion existed from the first as to the necessity of the Zulu war, and with reference to the character of Cetywayo. This became much more pronounced after the disaster at Isandhlwana. It is a significant fact that a very small minority of those who knew the Zulus and lived in Natal shared the sentiments of the British philanthropists, who lived securely at home, and took upon themselves to condemn a policy with the reasons for which they were only imperfectly acquainted. The Bishop of Natal, Dr. Colenso, was, in South Africa, the leader of the party who denounced the war. In the Blue Books laid before Parliament interesting letters from his able pen are published, in which he argues the Zulu case exactly as if the race were a civilized one, which could be expected to observe treaties, and with whom perfidy and deceit were unknown. In a despatch from Sir Bartle Frere, written from Pretoria, in the Transvaal, and dated the 18th of April, the High Commissioner sums up the arguments for war. These reasons utterly and completely exclude any feeling or desire for vengeance, and all intention to advance civilization, commerce, and Christianity by the sword. It was absolutely necessary, however, that the Zulu king should cease to reign, the military power of that nation be broken up, and his people made to feel themselves subject to the British power. Sir Bartle Frere says:—

"I believe that this is in the interests of the Zulus, no less than of their neighbours.

"It is in the interest of the European population of Natal and the Transvaal, because they cannot possibly live in peace and quiet with the Zulus in their present state as neighbours.

"The events of the last few months have rendered it unnecessary to prove by argument that the Zulus have been made into a great military power; that they can destroy an English regiment, with artillery to support it; or shut up or defeat a brigade six times as strong as the ordinary garrison of Natal, unless our troops are very carefully posted and very well handled.

"The open declarations of their king, no less than the fundamental laws of their organization, proclaim foreign conquest and bloodshed as a necessity of their existence.

"They are practically surrounded by British territory. Except the Portuguese, there is now no foreign territory they can reach for purposes of bloodshed without passing through British territory.

"It is, therefore, clear that they cannot continue in their present condition, with their present form of government and present military organization, without attacking British subjects, or, at best, unoffending neighbours, who believe themselves safe as British subjects or allies.

"They make no prisoners save, occasionally, young women and half-grown children. They show no quarter, and give no chance to the wounded or disabled, disembowelling them at once.

"They are separated from Natal by a river easily fordable for the greater part of the year, and not too wide to talk across at any time.

"The boundary between them and the Transvaal is even more easily passed.

"All these, I submit, are incontrovertible facts, proved by the well-known events of the past few months.

"I know that there are educated men to be found, of great ability, who claim to be lovers of liberty and of right, and of their own species, who have lived long near the Zulus, and who say there is no danger to be apprehended from them if we let them alone; that Cetywayo is a well-meaning prince, quite within his own right in massacring his own subjects, and our soldiers, too, if they enter his territory; that all that is necessary to our own safety is to let the Zulu king alone, or if the English do not like that, to leave his neighbourhood.

"Having lived now for many weeks within a couple of Zulu marches of the Zulu border, among sensible Englishmen, many of them men of great sagacity, coolness, and determination, and reasonably just and upright in all their dealings, who never went to sleep without having their arms within reach, and being prepared to take refuge with wives and families at a minute's warning within a fortified post; having learnt from 'voortrekkers' and their children, who had witnessed the massacres of Weenen and Blauwkrantz, and who could thus testify that the present peculiarities of Zulu warfare are no recent innovation; I may be allowed to doubt the possibility of making life within reach of a Zulu 'impi' permanently tolerable to ordinary Englishmen and Dutchmen.

"Nor does it seem to me that we can justly say to colonists, either in Natal or the Transvaal, that if they do not like the situation they may go elsewhere.

"The Zulu right to be where the Zulus now are is, with the exception of a small and remote tract towards Delagoa Bay, simply one of recent conquest by devastation and massacre.

"I have never heard the historical fact questioned that the earlier Zulu 'impis' into what is now Natal and Transvaal territory preceded by a very few years, if they preceded at all, the first appearance of Dutch and English adventurers in the same lands; and the Zulus certainly cannot claim, as the Dutch and English may, any right of occupation from having civilized or improved the land.

"Hence it seems to me no more than natural justice that if either party is to make way for the other, the Zulus should yield, and not the English or Dutch.

"But I submit that in the interests of the Zulus themselves we have no right to leave them to their fate.

"The present system of Cetywayo is no real choice of the nation. It is simply a reign of terror, such as has before now been imposed on some of the most civilized nations of the world. The people themselves are everything that could be desired as the unimproved material of a very fine race. They seem to have all the capacities for forming a really happy and civilized community, where law, order, and right shall prevail, instead of the present despotism of a ruthless savage.

"I can imagine but three ways of their being so improved:—

"1st. They might, living alongside a civilized community, gradually imbibe civilized ideas and habits.

"But for this it is necessary that their civilized neighbours should be able to live in security, which, as I have already said, seems to me hopeless, unless the military organization and power of Cetywayo be broken down.

"2nd. There are the means of improvement which may follow conquest and the breaking down of Cetywayo's military system; and this seems to me the only reasonable mode of doing our duty by these people. In the cases of Abyssinia and Ashantee we were compelled by circumstances to retire after conquest, and wash our hands of all further responsibility for the future of those countries; but there is no such necessity in the case of Zululand—there is nothing to prevent our taking up and easily carrying the burden of the duty laid upon us to protect and civilize it.

"There is yet a third plan, which I have seen advocated by high authority.

"The Zulus are, it is truly said, a nation of fine national characteristics. They have qualities which might enable them to become the regenerators and the foremost in civilization of all the nations in South Africa.

"So far I can agree with those who hold the opinions I refer to, but not in their further belief that Cetywayo is the Attila of the Zulus, and that if we only let him alone he will develop into a Charlemagne or an Alfred.

"How far this process might be rendered tolerable to the present civilized inhabitants of Natal and the Transvaal, I will not stop to inquire. It is quite possible that Zulus, overrunning their now civilized neighbours, might in due time imbibe some of their civilization, settle down, and become civilized themselves, absorbing through their captives and subjects the germs of a better system of national existence.

"I may doubt the probability of such a result, but I will not contest its possibility, and will only say that I am quite sure the countrymen of the present settlers in Natal and the Transvaal will never leave the colonists there to be made the subjects of any such experiment.

"I can, as I started by saying, see no alternative compatible with our duty but effectually to subdue the Zulus, and govern them as other South African races subject to the British Crown are governed.

"It seems to me that no terms can possibly be made with Cetywayo which can be compatible with such a result, save with the indispensable preliminary of his entire submission."

In the beginning of July Lord Chelmsford's column was within ten miles of the king's kraal at Ulundi. Messengers again arrived from Cetywayo, and on this occasion they brought the sword of the Prince Imperial as a peace offering. The amanuensis of Cetywayo was a Dutchman, named Vogel, who took the opportunity of marking in pencil on the envelope of the letter, that the king had 20,000 men with him. The reply of Lord Chelmsford was as follows:—"If the induna, Mundula, brings with him the 1000 rifles taken at Isandhlwana, I will not insist on 1000 men coming in to lay down their arms, if the Zulus are afraid to come. He must bring the two guns and the remainder of the cattle. I will then be willing to negotiate. As he has caused me to advance by the great delay he has made, I must now go to the Umvolosi to enable my men to drink. I will consent, pending negotiations, to halt on the further bank of the river, and will not burn any kraals until the 3rd of July, provided no opposition is made to my advance to the position on the Umvolosi, by which day, the 3rd of July, at noon, the conditions must be complied with. If my force is fired on, I shall consider negotiations are at an end, and to avoid any chance of this, it is best that Mundula come to my camp at daybreak or to-night, and that the Zulus should withdraw from the neighbourhood of the river to Ulundi. I cannot stop the general in command of the coast army until these conditions are complied with."

Of course, nothing more was seen or heard of Mundula. On the 2nd of July an impi, 20,000 strong, advanced from Ulundi as if to attack. Newdigate and Wood, at a short distance from each other, immediately laagered their waggons, and these preparations seemed to check the enemy. It is possible that Cetywayo had personally some idea of surrendering, as it is stated that a large herd of white cattle (the royal colour) was seen coming towards the camp from the direction of Cetywayo's new stronghold at Mahize Kanye. A number of men came out and drove the cattle back. A sudden scare or panic had just taken place at the camp. Men of the Native Contingent, having become alarmed, rushed in over a portion of the 2-4th Regiment; our short-service red jackets, seeing naked black men rushing in past them, assegai in hand, imagined that the Zulus were upon them, and fled in terror within the laager. So demoralized did the men become, that it required the exertion of physical force on the part of their officers to induce them to return to their posts.

On the 3rd of July a large force of mounted men, under Colonel Buller, crossed the river at a drift commanded by a rocky hill, from which the enemy were gallantly and quickly dislodged by Baker's Irregular Horse. Buller moved forward to Nodwengu kraal, and on the way several stragglers were killed. One of them was "stuck" by Lord William Beresford, with the exclamation, "First spear, by Jove!" Shortly afterwards this force was nearly trapped, by means of the decoy of a man with a number of goats, who moved forward in front. The nonchalance of this fellow was so suspicious, that the force was suddenly wheeled to the right in the direction of Ulundi; and no sooner was this done than a crowd of Zulus, who had been in ambush, rose out of a donga at a hundred yards distance, and poured in a heavy volley.[46] Preparations for battle were made during the night of the 3rd of July. War-dancing took place among the enemy, while on our side the waggons were carefully formed into laager, and at 6 a.m. on the 4th of July, the British army, leaving this camp, crossed the Umvolosi river, and ascending to the high ground, formed upon it in order of battle. It was here that the Zulus had defeated the Boers, and it was, therefore, fitting that upon the field where the white men had met with disaster their crowning triumph should take place. A victory sufficient to repair and efface the stains of all previous calamities was absolutely required, and it was obtained in the most complete and satisfactory manner.

The leaders of the Zulu army were named Tyingwayo, Manyamane, Dabulamanzi, Mondula, Sirayo, Mehkla Ka Zulu. The force under their command numbered more than thirteen corps of regiments, was larger than that at Kambula, and comprised more than 20,000 men. One of the prisoners, named Undungunyanga, son of Umgegane, declared that it was true the king had wanted to make peace, and previous to the battle, in an address to the army, said that as the Inkandampeonvu regiment would not let the white cattle go to the British as a peace offering, and as the white army was now at his home, they could fight. The battle was to take place on the open plain between the Nodwengu and Ulundi kraals. The king then personally placed the different regiments, gave final orders, and retired to a kraal at a short distance to witness the battle.[47] The place in which the British army was drawn up had many advantages. A broad open country was around, almost free from bush. The Nodwengu kraal, distant about 1000 yards, offered some cover to the enemy, and it would have been burned had not Colonel Buller suggested that if this were done the Zulus would be enabled to creep up under cover of the smoke.

Very shortly after a halt had been made, and while the solemn duty of burying one of our men, killed on the previous day, was taking place, it was observed that the enemy was approaching from the direction of Ulundi, and from the bush on the right. Our troops were formed up in a hollow parallelogram. In the centre was the Native Contingent, with ammunition waggons. The four sides of the parallelogram were formed by eight companies of the 13th Regiment, five companies of the 80th Regiment, the 90th, 58th, and 34th Regiments, together with the 17th Lancers and the mounted irregulars. At the corners and centres artillery was placed—Gatlings,[48] 7-pounders, and 9-pounders. At half-past 8 a.m., as the enemy were advancing, Buller's mounted men were thrown out on the front, left, and rear. As the right was left uncovered by cavalry, Cochrane's Mounted Basutos were sent out from this direction to make the enemy advance nearer. As they retired the right face of the square commenced the action by a brisk fire. At ten minutes to nine o'clock the attacking army was so near the British as to make the fire from the latter become general. Silently and steadily the horns of the Zulu army came on in their usual manner; without a word or cry, the warriors of Cetywayo continued to press forward in spite of the deadly fusillade. As at Ghinghelovo and Kambula, so now at Ulundi, their extraordinary bravery and contempt of death was the chief feature in the attack. During this time the British infantry were formed in four ranks, of which the front knelt, while the rear rank was reversed. Inside the square every means of obtaining ammunition swiftly was provided. The continuous and tremendous fire poured upon the advancing enemy had no perceptible effect at first. On, like a wave of the sea which cannot be stopped, poured the human tide; but when it had advanced to a distance of seventy yards, flesh and blood could no longer stand the awful destruction which poured from the British lines. The main body hesitated and stopped. A few, more intrepid than the others, rushed on; but the wavering feeling spread throughout the Zulu host, and now was the exact moment to take advantage of it. The dogs of war were suddenly slipped. Out rushed the Lancers, and bore down like a hurricane upon the disheartened and discouraged multitude. Shells were breaking in all directions among their masses, the incessant "pings" of rifle bullets were doing deadly execution; and when the cavalry plunged in among them, the Zulu army was literally torn asunder and broken. The flower of these warriors of Zululand made yet one wild effort, when Captain Edgell, of the Lancers, was shot dead, and Captain Drury-Lowe, Lieutenant James, and other officers had a narrow escape. Nine men were killed, and no fewer than seventy-five were wounded. But all was in vain; Cetywayo's great army was forced to turn and fly. They had met the white man upon the open plain, and, though more than 20,000 to 5000, were totally and completely defeated. Away went the mounted men in pursuit, and before the slaughter ended, fully 1000 of the Zulu army bit the dust. The Lancers, with the Irregular Horse, did very good work, as it is estimated 450 of the enemy were killed in the pursuit. The Zulus ran with surprising swiftness. The Lancers drove a crowd into a donga, and working round, pursued a mass of fugitives, who, being overtaken and at bay, made an unavailing stand, when 150 of their number were killed.

A rest was ordered after the battle; and then the mounted force rode on to Ulundi, which was found wholly deserted, and was at once given to the flames. Subsequently all the forces fell back upon the laagered camp which had been left in the morning. Ulundi, the great place of the great monarch of Southern Africa, was wholly destroyed. The king's palace consisted merely of a thatched building of four rooms with a verandah. A Spartan absence of all furniture and of all luxuries was perceptible, but the numerous huts and kraals indicated that this place had been the head-quarters of a powerful army. Lord William Beresford was the first to enter. It was a grand sight to see the flames mounting to the skies, and to know that in their smoke the prestige and influence of the greatest savage power in Southern Africa had ended. Mr. Archibald Forbes, the correspondent of the Daily News, although suffering from a wound, galloped to the colony with the news of this victory. He carried an important despatch from the general, and was the first to telegraph the news to Natal and to the world. Starting early in the forenoon, immediately after the battle of Ulundi, he rode in fourteen hours a distance of 110 miles to the nearest telegraph station at Landman's Drift, on the Buffalo river. Twice he lost his way in the midst of dense mist, and during the entire journey he was exposed to attack by scattered parties of the enemy. It was a daring ride, which will live in history, and deserved special and generous recognition.

The following is Lord Chelmsford's telegraphic despatch giving a description of the battle:—

"Cetywayo not having complied with my demands by noon yesterday, July 3rd, and having fired heavily on the troops at the water, I returned the 114 cattle he had sent in, and ordered a reconnaissance to be made by the mounted force under Colonel Buller; this was effectually made, and caused the Zulu army to advance and show fight.

"This morning, a force under my command, consisting of the second division, under Major-General Newdigate, numbering 1870 Europeans, 530 natives, and eight guns, and the flying column under Brigadier-General Wood, numbering 2192 Europeans, 573 natives, four guns, and two Gatlings, crossed the Umvolosi river at 6.15, and marching in a hollow square, with the ammunition and entrenching tool carts and bearer company in its centre, reached an excellent position between Nodwengu and Ulundi, about half-past 8 a.m. This had been observed by Colonel Buller the day before.

"Our fortified camp on the right banks of the Umvolosi river was left with a garrison of about 900 Europeans, 250 natives, and one Gatling gun, under Colonel Bellairs.

"Soon after half-past seven the Zulu army was seen leaving its bivouacs and advancing on every side. The engagement was shortly afterwards commenced by the mounted men.

"By nine o'clock the attack was fully developed. At half-past nine the enemy wavered; the 17th Lancers, followed by the remainder of the mounted men, attacked them, and a general rout ensued.

"The prisoners state that Cetywayo was personally commanding and had made all the arrangements himself, and that he witnessed the fight from Qikarzi kraal, and that twelve regiments took part in it. If so, 20,000 men attacked us.

"It is impossible to estimate with any correctness the loss of the enemy, owing to the extent of country over which they attacked and retreated, but it could not have been less, I consider, than 1000 killed. By noon Ulundi was in flames, and during the day all military kraals of the Zulu army and in the valley of the Umvolosi were destroyed. At 2 p.m. the return march to the camp of the column commenced.

"The behaviour of the troops under my command was extremely satisfactory; their steadiness under a complete belt of fire was remarkable. The clash and enterprise of the mounted branches was all that could be wished, and the fire of the artillery very good. A portion of the Zulu force approached our fortified camp, and at one time threatened to attack it. The Native Contingent, forming a part of the garrison, were sent out after the action, and assisted in the pursuit.

"As I have fully accomplished the object for which I advanced, I consider I shall now be best carrying out Sir Garnet Wolseley's instructions by moving at once to Entonganini, and thence to Kwamagaza. I shall send back a portion of this force with empty waggons, for supplies, which are now ready at Fort Marshall."

The last paragraph of this despatch requires comment. A great victory had been gained, and certainly should have been improved upon. It was known that Cetywayo was with the army, and subsequent intelligence proved that a very little effort would have resulted in his capture. The new kraal of the king was only twelve miles distant, and if a forward movement had been made to that place, an enormous advantage, which was merely a logical sequence of the battle, could have been secured. Sir Garnet Wolseley's instructions about retiring to Entonganini are quoted, and he is apparently made responsible for a retrograde step. Thus was the war still further protracted in an unnecessary manner. As regards the battle of Ulundi itself, Lord Chelmsford did not attack, but was attacked. Both at home and in the colonies, throughout the Empire, there was a generous thrill of joy among all classes, not only for the decisive victory, but because it had been gained by a general who had been previously so unfortunate.[49]

The beginning of the end had now arrived, and evident signs were not wanting that the Zulus accepted their defeat at Ulundi as a settlement of the question of supremacy. Lord Chelmsford resigned, and proceeded with a large staff from Entonganini to Pietermaritzburg. On this long journey he met not the slightest attempt at interruption or any sign of hostility. No enemy lurked in the Umhlatusi Bush, and in every direction the Zulus could be seen rebuilding their huts and cultivating their fields. The sword was turned into the ploughshare, and the ruling of fate was submitted to. Still serious doubts filled the minds of old colonists, who ranked above all their other qualities the supreme cunning and dissimulation of the Zulu race. It was felt as a calamity that no forward move had been made after Ulundi, and that there was no real finality to the war, until Cetywayo was either killed or captured.

Lord Chelmsford arrived at the capital of Natal on the 21st of July, and was received there with an enthusiasm which completely surprised him. Powerful reactions are common in the public mind, and the general who had yesterday been severely criticized, was to-day lauded to the skies. The Corporation presented an address in which it was made a source of special gratification that, after the numerous unforeseen difficulties which had to be overcome, his lordship's arms had obtained a brilliant and decisive victory. At D'Urban a grand public banquet was given, when Sir Garnet Wolseley, Sir Henry Bulwer, General Clifford, Sir Evelyn Wood, Colonel Buller, and all distinguished officers and citizens were present. Lord Chelmsford on this occasion said, "There is a saying very frequently quoted now-a-days, that 'nothing succeeds like success,' but, gentlemen, if I thought that you asked me to dinner simply because I had been successful, it would be as water from the Dead Sea placed to my mouth; but from what the Mayor has said, it is clear you sympathize with me not because I succeeded, but because under circumstances of extreme difficulty I endeavoured to do my duty. There have been many painful incidents connected with the war, so that it is impossible to look back upon it without mingled feelings of satisfaction and regret. On this I will not further touch; but there is one point on which I can look back with pure and unalloyed satisfaction, already alluded to by my gallant friend General Wood—I mean the loyal and efficient assistance given to me by all ranks in the army, which is such that the satisfaction and pride that I feel will be remembered as long as I live. I never could have believed it possible for any general to receive such assistance and devotion as I have experienced from my men. I could always feel that, whether I was present or absent, they were striving to do their best to get out of difficulties, and this was not confined to one rank, but was common to all ranks; and I believe I may say that I had the confidence and sincere support of all ranks of the army, from the lowest to the highest. It would be invidious to particularize individuals and services, but when I look back eighteen months, two names stand out in broad relief—those already alluded to, the one by the Mayor, and the other by General Wood—the names of Wood and Buller. I can say that these two have been my right and left supporters during the whole of my time in this country. They came out with me in the same steamer; in every position I have been in they have been in the fore-front, and now I feel proud to think they return with me to their native land again. The Mayor asked one question, namely, whether the war was over or not. I think I can best answer this by saying that these two men are going back to England; depend upon it, if there were any great work to be done, these two men would never have left the forces. I again thank you for the manner in which you have drank this toast, and desire to include in my thanks all those who met me on Monday night. I shall carry back a grateful remembrance of this place; and if in the public position I shall hold it is ever possible for me to render any assistance towards the prosperity of the colony, you may depend upon it I shall do so."

In concluding this chapter, it seems right to quote fully from the London Gazette the official reasons for placing five brave men on the "roll of fame" for gallant deeds performed in the Zulu war.

"War Office, June 17th.

"The Queen has been graciously pleased to signify her intention to confer the decoration of the Victoria Cross on the undermentioned officers and soldier of her Majesty's army, whose claims have been submitted for her Majesty's approval, for their gallant conduct during the recent operations in South Africa, as recorded against their names, viz.:—

"Captain and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Redvers H. Buller, C.B., 60th Rifles, for his gallant conduct at the retreat at Zlobane on the 28th of March, 1879, in having assisted, while hotly pursued by Zulus, in rescuing Captain C. D'Arcy, of the Frontier Light Horse, who was retiring on foot, and carrying him on his horse until he overtook the rear-guard. Also for having, on the same date and under the same circumstances, conveyed Lieutenant C. Everitt, of the Frontier Light Horse, whose horse had been killed under him, to a place of safety. Later on Colonel Buller, in the same manner, saved a trooper of the Frontier Light Horse, whose horse was completely exhausted, and who otherwise would have been killed by the Zulus, who were within eighty yards of him.

"Major William K. Leet, 1st Battalion, 18th Regiment, for his gallant conduct on the 28th of March, 1879, in rescuing from the Zulus Lieutenant A. M. Smith, of the Frontier Light Horse, during the retreat from the Zlobane. Lieutenant Smith, while on foot, his horse having been shot, was closely pursued by the Zulus, and would have been killed, had not Major Leet taken him upon his horse and rode with him, under the fire of the enemy, to a place of safety.

"Surgeon-Major James Henry Reynolds, Army Medical Department, for the conspicuous bravery, during the attack at Rorke's Drift, on the 22nd and 23rd of January, 1879, which he exhibited in his constant attention to the wounded under fire, and in his voluntarily conveying ammunition from the store to the defenders of the hospital, whereby he exposed himself to a cross fire from the enemy, both in going and returning.

"Lieutenant Edward S. Browne, 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment, for the gallant conduct on the 29th of March, 1879, when the Mounted Infantry were being driven in by the enemy at Zlobane, in galloping back and twice assisting on his horse (under heavy fire and within a few yards of the enemy) one of the mounted men, who must otherwise have fallen into the enemy's hands.

"Private Wassall, 80th Regiment, for his gallant conduct in having, at the imminent risk of his own life, saved that of Private Westwood, of the same regiment. On the 22nd of January, 1879, when the camp at Isandhlwana was taken by the enemy, Private Wassall retreated towards the Buffalo river, in which he saw a comrade struggling and apparently drowning. He rode to the bank, dismounted, leaving his horse on the Zulu side, rescued the man from the stream, and again mounted his horse, dragging Private Westwood across the river, under a heavy shower of bullets."

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