143. SIGNIFICANCE OF BOLSHEVISM.-The term "bolshevist" is used to designate a group of militant socialists that seized power in Russia in the fall of 1917. Strictly speaking, the bolshevists were purely a Russian group, nevertheless, they are of interest to students of American democracy. Until the outbreak of the World War socialism was primarily a theory, the claims of which could not definitely be settled for the reason that it had never been applied on a large scale. Bolshevism is significant because it is the only instance in the history of the world where nation-wide socialism has actually been put into operation. The peculiar conditions surrounding the Russian experiment may prevent any detailed conclusions as to the availability of bolshevist experience for other countries; on the other hand, the general results of that experiment must throw some light upon what we might expect if a socialist experiment were made in other countries. It is important, therefore, that we inquire into the nature of the Russian socialist state.

144. ORIGIN OF THE BOLSHEVISTS.—There is a popular impression that since the word bolshevist means "majority" in the Russian language, the bolshevists represented or constituted a majority of the Russian people. This is not true, as the history of the group shows. The origin of the bolshevists dates from a convention of the Russian Social-Democratic party in 1903, at which time a majority (bolshinstvÓ) took an extreme stand upon the policies then being discussed in convention. In the years that followed the bolshevists became known as the radical or extreme wing of the Russian Social- Democratic party, as opposed to the menshevists, or moderate wing.

It appears that as early as 1905 the bolshevists planned to secure control of the Russian government. The opportunity presented itself during the World War, which Russia had entered early in August, 1914. In March, 1917, a non-bolshevist group initiated a revolution, which overthrew the government of the Czar and established a provisional government under the leadership of Alexander Kerensky. This government immediately instituted a number of democratic reforms, including the extension of the suffrage to all men and women who were Russian citizens. These citizens elected delegates to a constituent assembly, but at this point the bolshevists, seeing that the voters of Russia were overwhelmingly against bolshevism, attacked the new government. The constituent assembly was forcibly dissolved, its defenders slaughtered, and on November 7, 1917, the bolshevists seized the reins of government. Thus bolshevism as a government came into being as the result of suppressing the lawfully expressed will of the Russian people.

145. THE BOLSHEVIST CONSTITUTION: LIBERAL ELEMENTS.—On July 10, 1918, the bolshevists adopted a constitution. This remarkable document was a strange compound of liberal and despotic elements. It made a number of important promises to the people of Russia, announcing, for example, that the new government would "put an end to every ill that oppresses humanity." In pursuit of this ideal, the church was separated from the state, and complete freedom of conscience was accorded all citizens of Russia. Citizens were to enjoy complete freedom of speech and of the press. For the purpose of "securing freedom of expression to the toiling masses," provision was made for the free circulation throughout the country of newspapers, books, and pamphlets. Full and general education to the poorest peasantry was also promised. Capital punishment was declared abolished, and a solemn protest against war and violence of every kind was adopted.

146. THE BOLSHEVIST CONSTITUTION: RESTRICTED SUFFRAGE.—These liberal provisions were offset, however, by a number of important restrictions upon the voting rights of the people. Article IV of the bolshevist constitution declared that the right to vote should not be extended to the following groups: all persons employing hired laborers for profit, including farmers who have even a single part-time helper; all persons receiving incomes from interest, rent, or profits; all persons engaged in private trade, even to the smallest shop-keeper; all ministers of religion of any kind; all persons engaged in work which was not specifically defined by the proper authorities as "productive and useful to society"; members of the old royal family; and individuals formerly employed in the imperial police service. The constitution further provided that representation in the various deliberative assemblies (called soviets, or councils) should be arranged so that one urban bolshevist would be equal, in voting strength, to five non- bolshevist peasants. Lastly, the constitution significantly neglected to provide any machinery whereby the voters, either as individuals or in groups, could make nominations for any governmental office. The power of nomination was assumed by various bolshevist officials.

147. THE BOLSHEVIST CONSTITUTION: PROVISION FOR A DESPOTISM.—The bolshevist constitution frankly provided for a despotism. "For the purpose of securing the working class in the possession of complete power," reads the concluding section of chapter two of the constitution, "and in order to eliminate all possibility of restoring the power of the exploiters, (the capitalist or employing class), it is decreed that all workers be armed, and that a socialist Red Army be organized and the propertied class disarmed." These steps, the constitution goes on to state, were to be taken for the express purpose of introducing nation-wide socialism into Russia.

148. "DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT."—Shortly after the publication of the constitution, Lenin and Trotzky, the two bolshevist leaders, established what was called the "dictatorship of the proletariat." The word proletariat refers vaguely to the working classes, but the bolshevists interpreted the term to cover only that portion of the workers which was pledged to the support of socialist doctrine. Lenin admitted that a small number of bolshevized workingmen, the proletariat, was maintaining, by force of arms, a despotic control over the masses of the people. "Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Czarism dominated the 130,000,000 of Russian peasants," he once declared, "so 200,000 members of the bolshevist party are imposing their will on the masses." According to these figures, the controlling element in Russia included less than one sixth of one per cent of the people.

From the first, the great majority of the peasants stolidly resisted the socialization of the country, but this did not discourage the bolshevist leaders. "We have never spoken of liberty," said Lenin early in 1921. "We are exercising the dictatorship of the proletariat in the name of the minority because the peasant class in Russia is not yet with us. We shall continue to exercise it until they submit. I estimate the dictatorship will last about forty years."

149. SUPPRESSION OF DEMOCRACY.—The democratic tendencies evidenced under the Kerensky regime, and apparently encouraged by some of the provisions of the bolshevist constitution, were quickly checked by the dictatorship. It became the policy of the government to deprive "all individuals and groups of rights which could be utilized by them to the detriment of the socialist revolution." The semblance of a representative system was retained, but voting power was so distributed as to allow an oligarchic group to control the government's policies. This group had the power to disallow elections which went against it, as well as the power to force the dismissal from local Soviets of anti-bolshevist members. The right to vote could be arbitrarily withdrawn by order of the central authorities. Free speech and the right to enjoy a free press were suppressed. Lenin admitted that bolshevism "does not represent the toiling masses," and declared that "the word democracy cannot be scientifically applied to the bolshevist party." Both Lenin and Trotzky declared that they had no fixed policy except to do whatever at the moment seemed expedient, regardless of previous statements or promises.

150. ABOLITION OF THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM.—Socialism, so long a theory, became a practical concern at the moment that the bolshevists secured control of the government. Private property in land was abolished, the arable land of Russia being apportioned among agriculturists without compensation to the former owners. All mines, forests, and waterways of national importance were taken over by the central government, while the smaller woods, rivers, and lakes became the property of the local Soviets. Banking establishments were seized and looted by bolshevist forces. Factories, railroads, and other means of production and transport were taken over. Inheritance was abolished. Private initiative in business was forbidden. Members of the capitalist or employing classes were imprisoned, murdered, or driven from the country. In a word, the capitalistic system was destroyed, and the economic and political machinery of the country came under the full control of a small socialist group, maintained in power by armed force.

151. PARALYSIS OF INDUSTRY UNDER SOCIALISM.—The substitution of socialism for capitalism in Russia was followed by disaster. The workers were unable to carry on the industries which had been handed over to them. Discouraged by repeated errors in administration, and demoralized by their sudden rise to power, they neglected their work and pillaged the factories and shops in which they had formerly been employed. The elimination of the managing employers resulted in a decrease in output, and to aggravate the situation the laborers continued to insist upon a shorter and shorter working day. In desperation the government attempted to keep the people at their tasks by force. The workers were exploited to a degree previously unknown, even in Russia. They worked longer hours and for less pay than formerly. In many places they were attached to their tasks like medieval serfs, and even harnessed to carts like beasts of burden. The trade unions were abolished, and the workers were forbidden to strike, on pain of imprisonment or death. Yet despite these measures the output of factories, mills, and mines steadily decreased. Industry stagnated, and business fell away. The millions of Russia were starving in a land of plenty.

152. RETURN TO CAPITALISTIC METHODS.—To save the country from economic ruin, Lenin turned to capitalism. Free initiative and open competition in trade were again allowed. The socialization of railroads, mills, and natural resources was halted. The arable land, which under socialism had not grown enough food to support even the peasants living upon it, was again cultivated under the wage system. The capitalists and managing employers who were alive and still in Russia, were gathered together and placed in charge of industry. The laborers, who had been promised an eight- or six-hour day and complete control of industry, were now forced by the bolshevist government to work long hours under their former employers for practically no pay. By 1919 the essential features of the capitalistic system had been accepted by Lenin and Trotzky, the bolshevists continuing in power as a despotic group which maintained authority over the laborers and the employers by armed force. The theory that all except the laborers are parasites had been exploded.

153. WAS SOCIALISM GIVEN A FAIR TRAIL IN RUSSIA?—To point out that an experiment has failed is one thing; to prove that it has been attempted under fair conditions is quite another. We cannot, therefore, condemn the bolshevist experiment without some regard for the conditions under which it was conducted.

Undoubtedly, the bolshevists had to contend against several important difficulties. The majority of the Russian people are illiterate peasants, who had had, at the time of the overthrow of the Czar in 1917, little or no training in self-government. In 1917, Russia was, moreover, in a state of political demoralization, the result of three years of war, concluded by a military debacle and a disorderly peace. The suddenness with which socialism was introduced was also a factor which handicapped the bolshevists.

On the other hand, many favorable conditions were present. With respect to natural resources, Russia is one of the richest countries in the world. She has practically everything necessary to a healthy and self-sufficing industrial life. Over this wealth the bolehevists had full control. Lenin, the bolshevist chief, is conceded to have been a remarkable executive, so that the socialist experiment was conducted by a man not only well versed in Marxian doctrine, but capable of exercising an intelligent and authoritative control of the government. The bolshevist territory was blockaded by Great Britain, France, and the United States, but trade connections between Russia and the two last-named countries had been unimportant. Trade connections with Germany and Sweden on the west, and China on the east, were not broken off.

It is clear that the socialist experiment in Russia was attended by important advantages and disadvantages. Whether or not bolshevism had an absolutely fair trial is as yet impossible to say. On the other hand, the disastrous failure of the experiment would seem to indicate that it could not have met with any great degree of success under fairly favorable conditions. The admissions of the bolshevist leaders themselves, together with the conclusions of the most impartial investigators of the experiment, justify the conclusion that socialism in Russia failed because it was based upon false principles. The bolshevists have been accused of having instituted a reign of terror, bringing in its train lawlessness, murder, desecration of the church, and the most brutal savagery. Into these charges we cannot go; it is enough that the most reliable evidence goes to show that bolshevism, as a nation-wide application of socialist doctrine, was a failure.

154. FAILURE OF BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA BEYOND RUSSIA.—Bolshevism, in common with other varieties of socialism, sought to break down national barriers and to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat in all of the countries of the world. Some of the milder socialists in western Europe and America disavowed the acts of the Russian group, but the majority of socialists beyond Russia appear to have at least secretly sympathized with the bolshevists. Encouraged by this attitude, Lenin and Trotzky frankly admitted their intention of fomenting world-wide revolution. The bolshevist government appropriated large sums for propaganda in countries beyond Russia, and socialist sympathizers everywhere advocated an attempt to overthrow "world capitalism." In the period of unrest immediately following the World War there was some response to bolshevist propaganda in a number of countries, but sounder opinion prevailed, and in 1920 Lenin admitted that the workingmen of Europe and America had definitely rejected his program. The one case of nation-wide socialism had proved too great a failure not to impress the laboring classes in the more advanced countries of the world as a visionary and unworkable scheme.

QUESTIONS ON THE TEXT

1. Why is bolshevism of interest to students of American democracy?

2. Explain the origin of the bolshevists.

3. How did the bolshevists come into power?

4. To what extent was the bolshevist constitution liberal?

5. To what extent did it restrict the suffrage?

6. What did the bolshevist constitution say concerning a "red" army?

7. Explain the phrase, "dictatorship of the proletariat."

8. How did the bolshevists suppress democracy in Russia?

9. Outline the steps by which the bolshevists destroyed capitalism.

10. What were the effects of this destruction?

11. Why did Lenin return to capitalism?

12. Was bolshevism given a fair trial?

13. What was the fate of bolshevist propaganda beyond Russia?

REQUIRED READINGS

1. Williamson, Readings in American Democracy, chapter xv.

Or all of the following:

2. Bloomfield, Modern Industrial Movements, pages 295-302.

3. Bolshevist constitution, reprinted in the above reference, pages 243-258; copies may also be secured by writing to The Nation, New York City.

4. Brasol, Socialism versus Civilisation, chapter iii.

QUESTIONS ON THE REQUIRED READINGS

1. What occurred in Russia on October 28, 1917? (Brasol, page 113.)

2. What was the substance of the bolshevist announcement of the overthrow of the Kerensky government? (Brasol, page 114.)

3. What was the attitude of the menshevists toward the bolshevists after the latter had seized control in Russia? (Brasol, pages 120- 122.)

4. What opinion did the bolshevists express with regard to world civilization? (Bolshevist constitution, chapter iii.)

5. In what body did the constitution vest supreme control over the bolshevist government? (Bolshevist constitution, chapter v.)

6. What was the food situation in bolshevist Russia? (Brasol, page 129.)

7. Discuss the output of coal and iron under bolshevist rule. (Brasol pages 132-133.)

8. Describe agricultural conditions under the bolshevists. (Brasol, pages 133-135)

9. Describe the condition of transportation in bolshevist Russia. (Brasol, pages 135-141.)

10. What were the results of the bolshevist attempt to fix prices by governmental decree? (Brasol, pages 154-155.)

11. What was the attitude of bolshevism toward the peasants? (Bloomfield, page 297.)

12. What was the relation between bolshevist theory and bolshevist practice? (Bloomfield, pages 299-300.)

TOPICS FOR INVESTIGATION AND REPORT

I

1. Make as thorough a study as the time allows of material appearing in newspapers and magazines, between November, 1917, and the present time, on the subject of bolshevism. (Consult newspaper files, and also the Readers' Index to Periodical Literature.)

(a) Classify the material according as it consists of direct quotations from bolshevist leaders, or of indirect quotations.

(b) Classify the material according as it is favorable to bolshevism, unfavorable, or neutral.

(c) Classify the material according as it consists of reports of persons who had themselves actually investigated the situation in Russia, or reports based upon hearsay evidence.

(d) What conclusions do you draw from this study?

II

2. The essential elements of the bolshevist constitution.

3. Bolshevist propaganda in the United States. (Hearings before a sub-committee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. Senate. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1919.)

4. Attitude of the United States government toward bolshevism. (Memorandum on certain aspects of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia, Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1919.)

5. Bolshevism and the Russian trade unions. (Current History Magazine, published by the New York Times, September, 1920.)

6. The character of Lenin. (Bloomfield, Modern Industrial Movements, page's 203-271.)

7. Return of the bolshevists to capitalism. (Bloomfield, Modern Industrial Movements, pages 291-295.)

8. Socialist attempts to explain or justify the failure of bolshevism. (Brasol, Socialism versus Civilisation, chapter iv.)