The Tank Corps :: CHAPTER XVII

CHAPTER XVII

THE BATTLE OF AMIENS, OR BATTLE OF AUGUST 8

I

The ambitious offensive which the Germans had launched on July 15 had collapsed. Our somewhat tentative counter-offensive at Hamel had been surprisingly successful, and there had been a complete change in the general military situation.

The German reserves were, it would seem, nearly used up, while ours—fresh troops which had become available during the spring and early summer—had now been incorporated and trained. Better still, the American Army was growing rapidly.

We were at last ready again to take the offensive on a grand scale.

On July 23, when the success of the battles of the 18th was well assured, a conference was held in which General Foch asked that the British, French, and American Armies should each simultaneously take the offensive.

Their assaults were to be immediate.

On the British front, after some consideration of the rival merits of various battle sites, it was decided that the attack was to be delivered to the east of Amiens on a front extending from Albert to Montdidier, and was to have for its immediate object the freeing of the Paris-Amiens railway, whose proximity to the German lines had proved so exceedingly hampering to our transport arrangements.

If the battle was successful, our advance could be exploited in a second attack directed towards the St. Quentin-Cambrai line. This line was one whose integrity was of vital importance to the enemy, as he had long ago confessed in the labour and money which he had poured out upon the vast elaborations of the Hindenburg defences.

For, twenty miles behind the Hindenburg Line lay the great railway centres round Maubeuge, the key position of his whole system of lateral communication.

If we could once penetrate so far, we should cut the only communications by which the German forces to the south in Champagne could be supplied and maintained, and should sever these troops completely from the group of German Armies operating in Flanders.

Of this great enterprise the first step was the ever memorable Battle of Amiens.

II

Preparations for the great attack were instantly begun. The battle plans were first made known in the last days of July to the commanders who were to take part, “Z” day being fixed for August 8.

The three Brigades of Tanks which were to fight, (the 5th, 3rd, and 4th) had their first intimation of what was afoot on July 27, and their orders were confirmed on August 4.

Briefly, these were the general lines on which the battle was to be fought.

Preparations were to be rushed through. They were to be as secret as brief.

The battle itself was to be in two phases.

First, an attack without artillery preparation, but under the protection of a creeping barrage. The whole action was to be very much on the lines of the First Battle of Cambrai, save that this time (1) an even larger number of Tanks—about 430 including Whippets—were to head the battle; (2) that light skirmishing lines of infantry were to be used; and that (3) as at Hamel we were this time attacking a more or less improvised defence line. The second phase of the attack, which was to be made by a fresh wave of troops, was to start about four hours after zero, that is, after the first objective had been taken.

During this second phase, the artillery was to be moved up and we were to advance without a barrage.

On the right was to be the Canadian Corps, and with them the 4th Brigade67 of Tanks was to fight.

In the centre, with the Australian Corps its usual battle partner, the 5th Tank Brigade,68 was again to operate.

On the left, north of the Somme, two Divisions of the 3rd Corps were to have the 10th Tank Battalion attached to them.

Behind these three bodies three cavalry Divisions, the 3rd Brigade of Whippet Tanks, and the 17th Battalion of Armoured Cars, were to be concentrated.

Their work was chiefly the exploitation of the second phase. The Armoured Car Battalion had only just returned from operations with the French.

69“When the 6th French Cavalry Division was withdrawn to rest, the 17th Battalion proceeded to Senlis, and at 9 a.m., having just entered this town, it received orders to proceed forthwith to Amiens and report to the Headquarters of the Australian Corps. Amiens, which was nearly 100 miles distant, was reached the same night.

“On arriving, Lieut.-Colonel Carter was informed that his unit was to take part in the projected attack east of that town. The chief difficulty foreseen in an armoured car action in this neighbourhood was the crossing of the trenches. Although only one day was available wherein to find a solution to this difficulty, it was accomplished by attaching a small force of Tanks to the Battalion. These Tanks were used to tow the armoured cars over the obstacles, or rather along the tracks the Tanks formed through them. This solution proved eminently successful.”

Short as was the time for preparations, an elaborate deceptive scheme was planned and carried out, to make it seem that we intended to fight in Flanders. Canadians were put into the line on the Kemmel front, where in due course the enemy identified them. Ostentatious Headquarters and Casualty Clearing Stations were conspicuously disposed about the area. Throughout the 1st Army sector our wireless stations hummed with messages about the concentration of troops, and arrangements were made to make it seem that a great assembling of Tanks was taking place near St. Pol. Here, indeed, Tanks elaborately trained with infantry on fine days—days, that is to say, on which the enemy’s long-distance reconnaissance and photographic aeroplanes were likely to be at work behind our lines.

The ruse was perfectly successful and—as we found out afterwards—the news of our “great projected attack in Flanders” soon spread, and by the time we were ready to strike on the Somme the enemy was momentarily expecting to be attacked in force in the north.

III

Meanwhile, hectic days and still more hectic nights were being passed near Amiens.

The reader is to imagine that elaborate preparations such as were described as the preliminaries to Cambrai and which took a month to carry out, had now to be executed in a little over a week.

Reconnaissance had to be carried out, details of plans and liaison arranged, and dumps had to be made, the last on an unprecedentedly large scale, so great a number of Tanks never having gone into action together before.

In the centre (the Australian sector) certain units in the 5th Brigade had been newly equipped with Mark V. star infantry-carrying Tanks. No one was very familiar with these machines, and so, in addition to other preparations, such units had infantry-carrying to practise with their Australians. One circumstance greatly added to the fraternal feeling of the 5th Brigade towards their familiar battle partners. As soon as the final conference was ended, General Monash laid down the principle that on no consideration should any alteration be allowed in the plans as then approved. It was therefore possible for all the Tank units to work out the details of their schemes in perfect confidence.

The battlefield lay on either bank of the river Somme, which ran to the north of the area of attack, and as far as PÉronne, almost at right angles to the lines of the two armies.

South of it, a number of gullies, roughly parallel to the battle front, ran down to the river from high ground which formed the watershed between the Somme and the small river Luce.

Two of these steep gullies, the CÉrisy Valley, and another which ran from Morcourt almost to HarbonniÈres, were to be great features in the battle, forming as they did admirable cover for the concealment of batteries or for the assembling of troops for a counter-attack.

The following notes on the Luce were given to the author by Major Hotblack:—

“The river Luce, though only a small marshy stream, formed the great difficulty of the plan of operations.

“Part of it was in the French lines, and as to put up fresh bridges would have attracted the enemy’s attention, the attacking troops had to cross it in a few places and deploy afterwards in the dark.

“In that sector where the Luce flowed within the enemy’s lines, it ran diagonally across the front of attack of the Canadian Division.

“A great deal of trouble was taken in finding out all possible details of this little river, and it caused anxiety to every one concerned from the Field-Marshal himself downwards.

“The Luce sector of the front lay within the lines then held by the French, and in addition to various Reconnaissance Officers, Major-General Lipsett, commanding the 3rd Canadian Division, and Brig.-General Hankey, commanding the 4th Tank Brigade, carried out personal reconnaissance of the river in general and Domarat Bridge in particular.

“Both these General Officers had great reputations for personal gallantry, and always endeavoured to see for themselves what the conditions really were before committing their troops.

“The French troops then holding the line, knowing nothing beyond the fact that they were to be relieved by the British, expressed the greatest astonishment and admiration for our thoroughness and for the remarkable conscientiousness and pertinacity of our Generals and General Staff Officers, in so frequently visiting the forward positions of an unhealthy sector. We had no choice but blandly to assure them that this was their unvarying practice whenever a relief of any sort was contemplated.”

As another result of the great secrecy that had been imposed, no officer knew who else was in the secret, and on one occasion Major Hotblack and another British officer met on the banks of the Luce and each made lengthy explanations which explained everything except the real reason why they were there. Two days later these officers met at a conference on the operations, and congratulated each other on the plausibility of their several explanations. It had been no easy matter to pretend that it was quite a normal thing for them to paddle in the Luce in close proximity to the enemy.

On the day all went well, however, and the information about the river proved to be correct to the last detail, and as had been anticipated, though the bridges in the enemy lines had been blown up, the gaps were sufficiently small for Tanks to cross on the abutments.

Generally speaking, the going was good, and the fact that the weather had been reasonably fine for some time before the day of attack made our preparations the easier.

All night, for four or five nights before the battle, the carrying Tanks had plied up and down, forming dumps of tens of thousands of gallons of petrol and water and millions of rounds of ammunition.

At last the time came for the final moving up of both the fighting and supply Tanks to their assembly positions, about two miles behind the lines.

No. 1 Gun Carrier Company of Tanks had been allotted to the 5th Australian Division, and lay up in an orchard north of Villers-Bretonneux.

All went well till the late afternoon of August 7, when a chance shot from the enemy set one of these Tanks blazing.

The enemy promptly began to shell the area heavily, and destroyed nearly the whole Company of Tanks and their loads. It was on this occasion that Second Lieutenant Henderson Smith was awarded the Military Cross.

The following account of his action appears in the list of “Honours and Awards”:—

“As soon as the first Tank was hit, Second Lieutenant Smith rushed to the scene and collected men to aid him, and so initiated the work of rescuing the Tanks. He showed the utmost skill in organising the withdrawal of Tanks from the blaze.

“Although several of his helpers were men from other units and inexperienced in Tank work, this gallant officer succeeded in moving two Tanks away from the heart of the fire. This bold action undoubtedly enabled the people on his right to save three Tanks. Unfortunately these two Tanks were hit and set on fire by the explosions on other Tanks. On each occasion Second Lieutenant Smith was the last to leave the blazing machine. The Tanks were loaded with explosives for the infantry, gun-cotton, bombs, trench mortars, etc., besides two fills of petrol each.”

The shelling was an uncomfortable incident, not only because of the loss at the last moment of the machines and of the masses of stores which they carried, but because such a bombardment might be an indication that the enemy suspected the presence of Tanks.

However, as at Cambrai, there was nothing to be done, and it remained only to try to hurry forward more stores to replace those which had been burnt. This was successfully accomplished.

Final lying-up places for the 300 heavy Tanks had been arranged all along the front at about 4000 yards from the front line.

At about the time when the Tanks were moving up to these “jumping-off places” the enemy may have been somewhat puzzled to observe that a number of large aeroplanes with exceedingly noisy engines kept flying about between the lines. In any case, what he did not observe was the noise made by 300 advancing Tanks.

IV

The night of the 7th-8th was damp and still, and at about four o’clock on the 8th a dense ground mist had begun to drift up the river valley. Soon the whole air was one silent white sea of vapour. So thick was it that the assaulting infantry and Tanks had immediately to prepare to move entirely by compass, for it was impossible to see a yard ahead through the dense silent blanket.

Nothing, it would seem, was further from the Germans’ thoughts than that the steaming quiet of the early autumn morning was to be so terribly broken. At a quarter past four his lines were perfectly silent. He was far from being in a truculent mood in this sector, and for a week his attitude had been unobtrusive. Here and there a German sentry, his grey greatcoat silvered like gossamer by the pearls of the mist, would cough, stamping his feet as he peered listlessly through the fog for stray trespassers in No Man’s Land.

Suddenly at 4.20 our massed artillery opened an intense fire along the eleven miles of front.

The German front line was drenched in a hurricane of shells, and behind, his unprepared batteries were for some time completely smothered by the violence of our fire.

Before the Germans had had time to recover their wits, all along the line the Tanks emerged by tens and twenties upon them out of the fog.

The forward positions were completely overwhelmed, the Tanks not so much destroying the enemy with their fire as simply running down his machine-gun emplacements and crushing crews and guns beneath them.

Our first wave was soon out beyond the enemy’s lightly held front-trench system, and the survivors and the second wave were fighting their way through his scattered machine-gun emplacements towards the first phase objective.

With the Australians in the centre, a Company of the 13th Battalion advanced rapidly over undulating country, apparently “swallowing the ground” of both first and second phases at a run.

70“The method of attack was adapted to suit the ground; leaving the infantry established on a crest, Tanks would go forward across the valley, maintaining fire on isolated machine-gun posts, and gain positions on the forward ridge. In all cases this induced the enemy to give themselves up, and enabled the infantry to advance to the next crest. On the right of this sector ‘B’ Company quickly placed their infantry in their final first phase objective north of the main road. ‘C’ Company on the left had more trouble; a field gun placed on the high ground across the river near Chipilly was in position to enfilade the advance, and knocked out three Tanks. This for some time caused a withdrawal by the infantry. By noon, however, the remaining Tanks had placed their infantry in the required final positions, and all active opposition had ceased. Throughout the operation there was abundant evidence of the hasty retreat of the enemy. In the gully south-east of Morcourt a transport-park, complete with wagons and harness, was left behind, and at the southern end of the same gully a field canteen was found well stocked with light wines and German beer.”

With the Canadians also the advance was rapid, but here the mist was so thick that Tank sections got completely mixed up and fought cheerfully all over each other’s areas.

The carefully planned and methodical assault had to give place to a more or less primitive mÊlÉe in which each Tank generally sought out and slew Germans wherever they might happen to find them.

Though far from scientific, this method when allied with the Élan of the Canadian infantry proved highly successful.

With the 3rd Corps the fighting was heavier, and more difficulty was experienced in advancing. The heavy Tanks and infantry, however, soon everywhere held the line whose capture was to mark the end of the first phase (i.e., Marcelcave, and the CÉrisy Valley to south of Morlancourt).

V

The second phase of the attack, which started four hours after zero, was very different from the first. The mist which had hampered but concealed our approach had now given place to brilliant sunshine. The enemy had had ample warning and had time to dispose his “stout-hearted artillery and machine-gunners” to meet the advance. In these conditions his resistance stiffened. With the Australians,71 “Enemy field batteries firing over open sights engaged and knocked out Tanks, some in the neighbourhood of Bayonvillers and near CÉrisy Village. The crews were, however, in many cases able to move forward with their Hotchkiss guns and put the hostile batteries out of action. The surviving Tanks pressed on to the final objective, the Australian infantry being quick to seize the openings that had been made.”

The final objective allotted to the 2nd Tank Battalion was HarbonniÈres Village.

The machine-gun and artillery fire had been heavy. However, the first-wave Tanks rallied at the CÉrisy Valley and with the rest of the Battalion launched the attack on the second objective.

Lieut.-Colonel Bryce led his Tanks triumphantly to the successive capture of all the objectives allotted to them—WarfusÉe, Lamotte, Bayonvillers, and a number of other villages.

At last they reached HarbonniÈres, their last objective, and, still on foot, Colonel Bryce entered the place with his leading Tanks and ran up an Australian flag over the village.

In the naÏve words of “Honours and Awards,” “This had a most stimulating effect on every one.”

In the same sector, Lieutenant Percy Eade and his Tank (of the 2nd Battalion) appear to have captured a village single-handed, and, best of all, to have solemnly demanded a receipt upon handing it over to the Australians.

72“During the attack on the 8th inst. this officer showed great initiative, skill and bravery in dealing with unexpected resistance by the enemy.

“On being informed by the infantry that Marcelcave was still holding out and was endangering their right flank, he arranged a scheme of attack with the infantry commander and proceeded to quell the opposition. He destroyed at least six machine-guns with their crews, besides taking many prisoners. He then handed over the village to the infantry, from whom he took a receipt. After regaining his position and during the second phase of the attack, he heard opposition coming from Bayonvillers, so he proceeded towards that village. As he was approaching it from the south-west he discovered a group of three light field guns, two of which were firing at him at short range. These guns had already knocked out several Tanks. With great gallantry and determination he manoeuvred his Tank in their direction, and so directed the fire of his own guns that he dispersed the gunners. After running over one of the field guns, he proceeded into the village, where his Tank was directly responsible for capturing at least forty of the enemy.

“Throughout the whole of the operation, this Tank Commander set his crew a magnificent example of courage and determination. (Immediate Reward.)”

The 13th Battalion History is particularly full of allusions to the excellence of their relations with their battle partners, the Australians.

All Tanks of this Battalion displayed on a painted board the colours of their own infantry, of whom one N.C.O. stayed with each crew and rode as an observer in the Tank on the day of battle. It may here be noted that these Australian N.C.O.’s were of the greatest use in keeping touch with the infantry, and incidentally returned to their units with a largely enhanced opinion of the courage and endurance of the Tank Corps personnel.

In the second phase one Tank was of service in keeping touch between two Companies of infantry, until a gap in the line could be closed.

With the Canadians, the second phase was equally hot. A typical action was fought by a machine belonging to the 14th Battalion.

73“Second Lieutenant Gould’s Tank was pushing on towards the Red Line, which overlooked the valley running south. Here the enemy were found to be organising for a counter-attack. Enemy transport with a large number of stragglers, estimated at 1000, was in full retreat up the road, and in the valley itself a force estimated at half a battalion was forming up and being reinforced by other parties coming over the hill in rear. All the time this Tank was under heavy fire from machine-guns and snipers from the left flank and rear. Fire was opened with 6-pounders on the transport and direct hits observed. M.G. fire was also directed with good effect on the excellent targets in the valley, causing confusion and disorganisation in the enemy ranks. With the prolonged running at high speed the interior of the Tank rapidly became unbearable through heat and petrol fumes, and the crew were forced to evacuate it and to take cover underneath. At this moment two of the crew were wounded, one was sick, one fainted and one was delirious. Fortunately, before the enemy could take advantage of the lull, two Whippet Tanks and a body of cavalry came up, and the enemy in the valley began to retreat over the hill.”

The 1st Tank Battalion, with the Canadians, suffered extremely severely.

74“Owing to the French having been held up, the British were subjected to a heavy enfilade fire from the villages of Beaucourt and Le Quesneu and nine of the eleven Tanks belonging to ‘A’ Company received direct hits from a field battery firing over open sights from Le Quesneu. The majority caught fire and were burnt out, and very severe casualties resulted, three out of the four Section Commanders being killed and the remaining one wounded and captured. This disaster was followed by a particularly heroic action on the part of Second Lieutenant Cassell, who observed the destructive fire of the battery, and, passing through the burning victims of its shells, steered straight on to it, in an attempt to avenge the destruction of his comrades. His heroism was in vain, for before he had proceeded many yards he received a shell through the front of his Tank which put it out of action and killed Second Lieutenant Cassell and most of his crew.”

Meanwhile, the Whippets and the cavalry had pushed forward.

They and the armoured cars were to press on beyond the limits of the infantry and heavy Tank attack.

Generally the Whippets were to precede the cavalry, in order to silence machine-guns, deal with wire, if any, and generally to pave the way.

In practice, however:

75“Difficulty was found in maintaining touch with cavalry owing to the impossibility of keeping up with galloping horsemen on the one hand, and to the impossibility of a mounted advance in the face of heavy machine-gun fire on the other hand. Thus, two sections of ‘C’ Company, 3rd Battalion lost touch with their cavalry in climbing a steep hill out of Ignaucourt Valley.”

There were, in fact, innumerable instances of liaison difficulties.

“Another Company was ordered to obtain touch with 3rd Cavalry Brigade, but on reporting to the rendezvous, no cavalry was seen.

“Zero hour had been postponed three hours, but this was not known till later.

“Being unable to obtain touch with the cavalry, assistance was rendered about noon to Canadian infantry attacking Beaufort and Warvillers. This attack was successful and Whippets rendered great assistance.”

Far happier was the lot of certain Whippets which played an independent part. The following is a first-hand account of the adventures of one such machine, the ever-to-be-remembered Whippet, “Musical Box.”

SMOKE SCREEN AND SEMAPHORE

A TANKADROME

As the story will show, for many months no news was obtained of the fate of the machine or of her crew of one officer, Lieutenant C.B. Arnold, and two men, Gunner Ribbans and Driver Carney, and it was not till January 1919 that the following amazing tale appeared in Weekly Tank Notes:—

“On August 8, 1918, I commanded Whippet ‘Musical Box’ in ‘B’ Company, 6th Battalion. We left the lying-up point at zero (4.20 p.m.) and proceeded across country to the south side of the railway at Villers-Bretonneux. We crossed the railway, in column of sections, by the bridge on the eastern outskirts of the town. I reached the British front line and passed through the Australian infantry and some of our heavy Tanks (Mark V.), in company with the remainder of the Whippets of ‘B’ Company. Four sections of ‘B’ Company proceeded parallel with the railway (Amiens-Ham) across country due east. After proceeding about 2000 yards in this direction I found myself to be the leading machine, owing to the others having become ditched, etc. To my immediate front I could see more Mark V. Tanks being followed very closely by Australian infantry. About this time we came under direct shell-fire from a 4-gun field battery, of which I could see the flashes, between Abancourt and Bayonvillers. Two Mark V. Tanks, on my right, were knocked out. I saw clouds of smoke coming out of these machines and the crews evacuate them. The infantry following the heavy machines were suffering casualties from this battery. I turned half-left and ran diagonally across the front of the battery, at a distance of about 600 yards. Both my guns were able to fire on the battery, in spite of which they got off about eight rounds at me without damage, but sufficiently close to be audible inside the cab, and I could see the flash of each gun as it fired. By this time I had passed behind a belt of trees running along a roadside. I ran along this belt until level with the battery, when I turned full-right and engaged the battery in rear. On observing our appearance from the belt of trees, the gunners, some thirty in number, abandoned their guns and tried to get away. Gunner Ribbans and I accounted for the whole lot. I cruised forward, making a detour to the left, and shot a number of the enemy, who appeared to be demoralised, and were moving about the country in all directions. This detour brought me back to the railway siding N.N.W. of Guillaucourt. I could now see other Whippets coming up and a few Mark V.’s also. The Australian infantry, who followed magnificently, had now passed through the battery position which we had accounted for and were lying in a sunken road about 400 yards past the battery and slightly to the left of it. I got out of my machine and went to an Australian full Lieutenant and asked if he wanted any help. Whilst talking to him, he received a bullet which struck the metal shoulder title, a piece of the bullet-casing entering his shoulder. While he was being dressed, Major Rycroft (horse) and Lieutenant Waterhouse (Tanks) and Captain Strachan of ‘B’ Company, 6th Battalion, arrived and received confirmation from the Australian officer of our having knocked out the field battery. I told Major Rycroft what we had done, and then moved off again at once, as it appeared to be unwise for four machines (Lieutenant Watkins had also arrived) to remain stationary at one spot. I proceeded parallel with the railway embankment in an easterly direction, passing through two cavalry patrols of about twelve men each. The first patrol was receiving casualties from a party of enemy in a field of corn. I dealt with this, killing three or four, the remainder escaping out of sight into the corn. Proceeding further east, I saw the second patrol pursuing six enemy. The leading horse was so tired that he was not gaining appreciably on the rearmost Hun. Some of the leading fugitives turned about and fired at the cavalryman when his sword was stretched out and practically touching the back of the last Hun. Horse and rider were brought down on the left of the road. The remainder of the cavalrymen deployed to right, coming in close under the railway embankment, where they dismounted and came under fire from the enemy, who had now taken up a position on the railway bridge, and were firing over the parapet, inflicting one or two casualties. I ran the machine up until we had a clear view of the bridge, and killed four of the enemy with one long burst, the other two running across the bridge and on down the opposite slope out of sight. On our left I could see, about three-quarters of a mile away, a train on fire being towed by an engine. I proceeded further east, still parallel to the railway, and approached carefully a small valley marked on my map as containing Boche hutments. As I entered the valley (between Bayonvillers and HarbonniÈres) at right angles, many enemy were visible packing kits and others retiring. On our opening fire on the nearest, many others appeared from huts, making for the end of the valley, their object being to get over the embankment and so out of our sight. We accounted for many of these. I cruised round, Ribbans went into one of the huts and returned, and we counted about sixty dead and wounded. There were evidences of shell-fire amongst the huts, but we certainly accounted for most of the casualties counted there. I turned left from the railway and cruised across country, as lines of enemy infantry could be seen retiring. We fired at these many times at ranges of 200 yards to 600 yards. These targets were fleeting, owing to the enemy getting down into the corn when fired on. In spite of this, many casualties must have been inflicted, as we cruised up and down for at least an hour. I did not see any more of our troops or machines after leaving the cavalry patrols already referred to. During the cruising, being the only machine to get through, we invariably received intense rifle and machine-gun fire. I would here beg to suggest that no petrol be carried on the outside of the machine, as under orders we were carrying nine tins of petrol on the roof, for refilling purposes when well into the enemy lines (should opportunity occur). The perforated tins allowed the petrol to run all over the cab. These fumes, combined with the intense bullet splash and the great heat after being in action (by this time) nine to ten hours, made it necessary at this point to breathe through the mouth-piece of the box respirator, without actually wearing the mask.

MOVING UP. BATTLE OF AMIENS

THE ARMOURED CARS GOING UP

“At 2 p.m. or thereabouts I again proceeded east, parallel to the railway and about 100 yards north of it. I could see a large aerodrome and also an observation balloon at a height of about 200 ft. I could also see great quantities of motor and horse transport moving in all directions. Over the top of another ridge on my left I could see the cover of a lorry coming in my direction; I moved up out of sight and waited until he topped the bridge, when I shot the driver. The lorry ran into a right-hand ditch. The railway had now come out of the cutting in which it had rested all the while, and I could see both sides of it. I could see a long line of men retiring on both sides of the railway, and fired at these at ranges of 400 to 500 yards, inflicting heavy casualties. I passed through these and also accounted for one horse and the driver of a two-horse canvas-covered wagon on the far side of the railway. We now crossed a small road which crossed the main railway, and came in view of large horse and wagon lines—which ran across the railway and close to it. Gunner Ribbans (R.H. gun) here had a view of south side of railway and fired continuously into motor and horse transport moving on three roads (one north and south, one almost parallel to the railway, and one diagonally between these two). I fired many bursts at 600 to 800 yards at transport blocking roads on my left, causing great confusion. Rifle and machine-gun fire was not heavy at this time, owing to our sudden appearance, as the roads were all banked up in order to cross the railway. There were about twelve men in the middle aisle of these lines. I fired a long burst at these. Some went down and others got in amongst the wheels and undergrowth. I turned quarter-left towards a small copse, where there were more horses and men, about 200 yards away. On the way across we met the most intense rifle and machine-gun fire imaginable from all sides. When at all possible, we returned the fire, until the L.H. revolver port cover was shot away. I withdrew the forward gun, locked the mounting and held the body of the gun against the hole. Petrol was still running down the inside of the back door. Fumes and heat combined were very bad. We were still moving forward and I was shouting to Driver Carney to turn about, as it was impossible to continue the action, when two heavy concussions closely followed one another and the cab burst into flames. Carney and Ribbans got to the door and collapsed. I was almost overcome, but managed to get the door open and fell out on to the ground, and was able to drag out the other two men. Burning petrol was running on to the ground where we were lying. The fresh air revived us, and we all got up and made a short rush to get away from the burning petrol. We were all on fire. In this rush Carney was shot in the stomach and killed. We rolled over and over to try to extinguish the fumes. I saw numbers of the enemy approaching from all round. The first arrival came for me with a rifle and bayonet. I got hold of this, and the point of the bayonet entered my right forearm. The second man struck at my head with the butt end of his rifle, hit my shoulder and neck, and knocked me down. When I came to, there were dozens all round me, and any one who could reach me did so and I was well kicked. They were furious. Ribbans and I were taken away and stood by ourselves about twenty yards clear of the crowd. An argument ensued, and we were eventually marched to a dug-out where paper bandages were put on our hands. Our faces were left as they were. We were then marched down the road to the main railway. There we joined a party of about eight enemy, and marched past a field kitchen, where I made signs for food. We had had nothing since 8.30 p.m. on the night previous to the action, and it was 3.30 p.m. when we were set on fire. We went on to a village where, on my intelligence map, a Divisional Headquarters had been marked. An elderly stout officer interrogated me, asking if I was an officer. I said ‘Yes.’ He then asked various other questions, to which I replied, ‘I do not know.’ He said, ‘Do you mean you do not know or you will not tell me?’ I said, ‘You can take it whichever way you wish.’ He then struck me in the face, and went away. We went on to Chaulone to a canvas hospital, on the right side of the railway, where I was injected with anti-tetanus. Later I was again interrogated, with the same result as above, except that instead of being struck, I received five days’ solitary confinement in a room with no window, and only a small piece of bread and a bowl of soup each day. On the fifth day I was again interrogated, and said the same as before. I said that he had no right to give me solitary confinement, and that unless I were released, I should, at first opportunity, report him to the highest possible authority. The next day I was sent away, and eventually reached the camp at Freiburg, when I found my brother, Captain A.E. Arnold, M.C., Tank Corps. The conduct of Gunner Ribbans and Driver Carney was beyond all praise throughout. Driver Carney drove from Villers-Bretonneux onwards.

“(Signed) C.B. Arnold, Lieut.,
“6th Tank Battalion.

“January 1, 1919.”

The Tank was found close to the small railway on the eastern side of the HarbonniÈres-RosiÈres Road.

VI

The final stage of the day’s battle had been reached by early afternoon.

The armoured cars, moving rapidly east along the main roads, did much to complete the demoralisation of the enemy.

76“The enemy, once in retreat, became completely demoralised. One heard from the commanders of the armoured cars which were returning on the main Villers-Bretonneux road, how they chased excited German Staff cars and officers through the ruined village of Faucourt, and eventually had been held up, because the enemy’s traffic was so congested on the roads behind his lines that they could penetrate no further. The Air Force were then reported to have completed this confusion, by obtaining some excellent results in flying low over these roads....

“The cars which had turned northwards entered Proyart and Chuignolles, two moving up to the river Somme. At Proyart the cars found the German troops at dinner; these they shot down and scattered in all directions, and then moving westwards met masses of the enemy driven from their trenches by the Australians. In order to surprise these men who were moving eastwards, the cars hid in the outskirts of Proyart and only advanced when the enemy was between fifty and one hundred yards distant, when they moved forward, rapidly shooting down great numbers. Scattering from before the cars at Proyart, the enemy made across country towards Chuignolles, only to be met by the cars which had proceeded to this village, and they were once again fired on and dispersed. Near Chuignolles one armoured car obtained ‘running practice’ with its machine-guns at a lorry full of troops, and kept up fire until the lorry ran into the ditch. There were also several cases of armoured cars following German transport vehicles, without anything unusual being suspected, until fire was opened at point-blank range.

“Although more than half the cars were out of action by the evening of the 8th, there were no casualties amongst their personnel sufficiently serious to require evacuation.”

The Mark V. star Tanks successfully reached the day’s final objective and delivered their infantry machine-gunners on the line which was to be the limit of our advance.

That they were duly “delivered” is, however, about as much as can be said of many of these unfortunates.

The motion, the heat, and the fumes of the inside of a Tank closed for action, almost invariably proved too much for all but the Tank’s own well-salted crew.

Consequently where little fire had been met with, the machine-gunners had come up either riding or walking behind it.

Where the fire had been heavy and they had been sternly ordered in and the Tank closed up, they had been delivered flushed, feverish, and either vomiting or extremely faint and quite unfit for duty until they had been given at least a couple of hours’ rest.

The Australian Corps and their Tanks had alone taken about 7900 prisoners, and our total captures amounted to over 13,000 prisoners, and more than 300 guns, besides all kinds of stores and ammunition. Along the eleven miles of attack we had advanced to a depth of nearly seven miles, and (except Le Quesnoy, which we captured before dawn on the 9th) the whole of the outer defences of Amiens had been taken. The armoured cars and some of the cavalry had, as we have seen, been in action far beyond. It was north of the Somme that our advance had been most hotly contested, but even here we had pushed forward considerably and the enemy’s casualties had been particularly heavy.

The Paris-Amiens railway was completely disengaged, and the Despatch characterises the first day’s fighting as a “sweeping success.”

VII

All night, to the east beyond the limit of our advance, we could hear the enemy blowing up his ammunition dumps.

All night his transport and limbers streamed eastwards, and all night our airmen hung upon his retreating columns.

Next morning we attacked again along the whole line, no less than 155 Tanks being actually engaged.

The Australians advanced upon Lihons, Framerville and Vauxvillers, while on their right the Canadians continued the attack south of the Amiens-Chaulnes railway.

In the attack on Framerville, out of thirteen Tanks engaged, only one was hit.

This fact was attributable to the admirable co-operation between the infantry and Tanks.

77“Riflemen working hand in hand with the machines picking off the enemy’s field gunners, as soon as the Tanks came into observation. At Vauxvillers, seven Tanks went into action just before noon, unaccompanied by infantry and without artillery support. After the Tanks had gone forward a little way, the 5th Australian Division followed up and not only captured the high ground, but the village itself, which was not included in their original objective.”

Near RosiÈres the opposition stiffened, and here no less than eight Tanks were knocked out by a German battery which came into action near Lihons. It was not until 5 p.m. that this battery was silenced, and we did not reach Lihons that night.

78“The day’s operations were especially interesting through the rapidity with which the enemy got his field batteries into action from commanding positions against Tanks advancing in broad daylight. He also employed a number of low-flying aeroplanes against the infantry, but as these did not carry bombs their fire had no effect upon the Tanks. The resistance put up by his riflemen and machine-gunners was feeble, and showed clearly the moral effect of the victorious advance of the previous day.”

With the Canadians as many Tanks as possible were rallied and about fifty-five went into action. They went forward, as before, in waves, the same Tank Battalions working with the same Infantry Divisions as on the previous day.

North of the Somme, with the 3rd Corps (which included the 33rd American Division) the 10th Tank Battalion put sixteen Tanks into action.

They had a hard task round Chipilly, where the enemy had a large number of machine-guns cleverly concealed in woods and gullies. By the early evening, however, all the objectives were taken, and our positions advanced in line with those which we held south of the river, an advance achieved at a cost of five casualties to the sixteen machines engaged.

The Whippets’ action, in as far as they were billed to act with the cavalry, was disappointing. By some fault of liaison they were kept too long at Brigade Headquarters.

At Beaufort and Warvillers, however, they were able to give great help to the infantry by chasing hostile machine-gunners out of the standing corn and shooting them down as they fled.

On the whole August 9th was a successful day, for we continued to push forward steadily all along our line.

VIII

We had, in fact, pushed forward so far that all along the line during the next day’s fighting we reached the old trench systems of the First Battle of the Somme. And it was this fact, combined with the usual and inevitable petering out of all attacks which are not supported by immense reserves, that now slowed our rate of advance down to nothing. Two days later we left off hammering.

The 10th proved an unfortunate day for the Tanks, for though we advanced, the eighty-five Tanks engaged suffered heavily in every sector.

With the Canadians, owing to orders having been issued late, the hour of attack had to be altered, and it finally took place in daylight without smoke.

A stubborn resistance was encountered, and of the forty-three Tanks engaged no less than twenty-three received direct hits.

Before Warvillers the cavalry and Whippets had a particularly poor time of it, the old trench systems and the old shelled area, of which the enemy had taken ingenious and thorough advantage, proving too much for both arms.

With the Australians a rather remarkable night attack was arranged.

During the three previous days’ fighting it had been found very inconvenient to have the Somme Valley as an inter-corps boundary, and General Monash was allowed to extend his territory northward in such a way that the Australians should hold both sides of the valley.

An encircling movement was, therefore, undertaken, of which Captain Denny, M.C., M.P., gives the following account in his article on the work of the Australians which appeared in the Daily Telegraph of April 1919:

“The 3rd and 4th Australian Divisions were ordered to carry out an encircling operation on the night of August 10–11 in order to cut off the Etinehem spur north of the Somme and the ridge east of Proyart, south of the Somme. The general lines of the operation both to the north and the south of the river were similar. Columns were to move along defined roads leaving the objectives well to the flanks, and then encircle the enemy positions. Each column was accompanied by Tanks, and was to move in an easterly direction, and then to wheel inwards towards the Somme. It was recognised that this action involved certain risks, as Tanks had never been tried by night in this way, but in view of the condition of the enemy’s moral at this stage it was considered that the effect of the advance of the Tanks and infantry would lead immediately to the collapse of the defence.

“The action north of the river was entirely successful. South of the river the enemy bombed the forward area heavily early in the night, causing considerable delay in the preparations for the attack. Progress was at first slow owing to heavy enemy artillery and machine-gun fire and the disorganisation caused by the bombing. Two of the Tanks allotted for the operations were destroyed or put out of action very soon after zero hour.”

Almost from the outset of the attack heavy enemy machine-gun fire was encountered from the large enemy dump by the side of the main road. Tanks were unable in the dark to locate these machine-guns, and could not do much to assist the infantry. It was therefore decided to abandon the operation and withdraw the infantry under cover of unaimed fire from the Tanks, who were themselves recalled when the infantry had got clear away.

It was not till the evening of August 12 that Tanks and infantry were able to advance in this sector, and that we gained the positions east of Proyart.

By August 11 the Tank Corps reserves were used up, and the Tanks and their crews were almost fought to a standstill. They had had three days of continuous fighting and marching, and of the thirty-eight Tanks which went into action on the 11th there was not one but badly needed overhauling. The crews were completely exhausted. We have already described the conditions under which the men fought in the Mark V. Tank, and how after an average of three hours in a closed Tank whose guns are in action, all men begin to suffer from severe headache and giddiness, and most from sickness, a high temperature and heart disturbance.

After the Battle of Amiens the crews of most of the surviving Tanks had fought for three days, not three hours, and 50 per cent. of them were on the verge of collapse. However, as we have said, thirty-eight machines and crews were scraped together, and on August 11 ten Tanks of the 2nd Battalion helped in the taking of Lihons by the Australians. These Tanks had an approach march of eight miles before they reached their jumping-off places.

With the Canadians, Tanks attacked Domeny and twice entered the village, but the 4th Canadian Division could not get forward to consolidate, owing to lack of support on the right.

On the 12th, while six Tanks were still thrashing out the Proyart affair north of the Somme, the 4th and 5th Brigades were withdrawn, to be followed next day by the remainder of the Tanks.

IX

We called a halt, and the Battle of Amiens was at an end, for it was again at last the Allies who chose the time and the place where they would offer battle.

Commanders who had the bitter taste of the forced actions of the March retreat in their mouths, must have savoured this easy choice extraordinarily. There is something thrilling in the assured words of the Despatch. We did not care for the new battle site! We would change it and fight elsewhere!

“The derelict battle area which now lay before our troops, seared by old trench lines, pitted with shell-holes, and crossed in all directions with tangled belts of wire, the whole covered by the wild vegetation of two years, presented unrivalled opportunities for stubborn machine-gun defences....

“I therefore determined to break off the battle on this front, and transferred the front of attack from the 4th Army to the sector north of the Somme, where an attack seemed unexpected by the enemy. My intention was for the 3rd Army to operate in the direction of Bapaume so as to turn the line of the old Somme defences from the north.”

We struck at once. Only four days were given to the Tanks for overhauling machines and patching up the crews, for on August 21 we opened the new battle.

Meanwhile it was hard to realise how great was the moral and physical blow which we had dealt the Germans. The July attacks had been tentative, but the Battle of Amiens was the decisive victory, the sure proof that the Germans had lost all hope of winning the War by force of arms.

But at the time we could not read the thundering sign of our deliverance with certainty. We could see only what were the more immediate results of the battle.

79“Within the space of five days the town of Amiens and the railway centring upon it had been disengaged. Twenty German Divisions had been heavily defeated by thirteen British Infantry Divisions and three Cavalry Divisions, assisted by a regiment of the 33rd American Division and supported by some 400 Tanks. Nearly 22,000 prisoners and over 400 guns had been taken by us, and our line had been pushed forward to a depth of some twelve miles in a vital sector. Further, our deep advance, combined with the attacks of the French Armies on our right, had compelled the enemy to evacuate hurriedly a wide extent of territory to the south of us.

“The effect of this victory—following so closely after the Allied victory on the Marne—upon the moral both of the German and British troops was very great. Buoyed up by the hope of immediate and decisive victory, to be followed by an early and favourable peace, constantly assured that the Allied reserves were exhausted, the German soldiery suddenly found themselves attacked on two fronts and thrown back with heavy losses from large and important portions of their earlier gains. The reaction was inevitable and of a deep and lasting character.

“On the other hand, our own troops felt that at last their opportunity had come, and that, supported by a superior artillery and numerous Tanks they could now press forward resolutely to reap the reward of their patient, dauntless, and successful defence in March and April.”

We knew, however, that we had still hard fighting before us, and we were careful to analyse every phase of the action to see if we could not learn some practical lesson from it that should help us in the coming months.

The Tank Command noted several points “for reference.” In the first place, the battle would have been ended the quicker if the Tanks had had a larger general reserve.

Then neither the Mark V. nor the Whippet was fast enough for open warfare.

Had we then possessed machines such as we have now,80 of double the speed of the Mark V., and having a radius of action of 100 miles and more, we should, at a modest estimate, have finished the battle on the first day.

Last, we had not used our Whippets to the best advantage.

The 3rd (Light) Brigade Commander, Brig.-General Hardress-Lloyd, thus admirably summarised the lessons of the battle, and laid down alternative principles upon which the light machines might be used:

“I do not think it advisable to attempt to use the present Whippet in conjunction with cavalry. Better results would have been obtained during these operations if Whippets had been working in close liaison with Mark V. Tanks and infantry.

“The Whippet is not fast enough to conform to cavalry tactics in the early stages of a battle.

“The Whippets’ rÔle should be to push on amongst the retreating enemy and prevent him from reorganising, engage reinforcements coming up, eventually enabling the infantry to make a further advance, capture prisoners, guns, etc.

“... They must move forward in close touch with the heavy Tanks so as to be near enough up to go though when required. If kept back with the cavalry the speed of the Whippet is not sufficient to enable the machine to be in the forward position at the required moment, and its offensive power will be seriously diminished.”

But it was not for us that the battle of August 8 had its chief lessons.

The German High Command waxed eloquent with indignant exhortation, and demanded passionately that the experiences of the German Army should be utilised, and that such things as had occurred on the 8th should never happen again.

On August 11 General Ludendorff issued a secret Order:

“Troops allowed themselves to be surprised by a mass attack of Tanks, and lost all cohesion when the Tanks suddenly appeared behind them, having broken through under cover of a mist, natural and artificial. The defensive organisation, both of the first line and in the rear, was insufficient to permit of a systematic defence.... As a weapon against Tanks, the prepared defence of the ground must play a larger part than ever, and the aversion of the men to the pick and shovel must be overcome at all hazards.... Especially there must be defences against Tanks. It was absolutely inadmissible that the Tanks, having penetrated into our advance line without meeting with obstacles or anything, should be able to push on along the roads or beside them for miles.... The principle that a body of troops even when surrounded must defend their ground, unless otherwise ordered, to the last man and the last cartridge, seems to have fallen into oblivion ... a large proportion of our ranks fight unskilfully against Tanks. A Tank is an easy prey for artillery of all calibres....”

An account follows of measures for the proper disposition of artillery against Tanks, and the rest of the Order is occupied with directions to the infantry concerning the question at what range the anti-Tank rifle and gun are most effective. The consideration of these points is long and exhaustive. Ludendorff further hopes much from “the active and inventive genius of the lower ranks of the non-commissioned officers to arrange Tank traps, and demands that every encouragement should be shown to those who show any inventive talent.”

These were but peddling remedies. When, as at Amiens, the understanding between infantry and Tanks is almost perfect, and when the magnificent Élan of an assault by Australians and Canadians is supported by the weight of 400 Tanks, not even the troops of what was the best-trained Army in the world can stand the concerted shock of their attack.

A Special Order was issued on August 16 by General Sir Henry Rawlinson, the 4th Army Commander:

“Tank Corps.—The success of the operations of August 8 and succeeding days was largely due to the conspicuous part played by the 3rd, 4th and 5th Brigades of the Tank Corps, and I desire to place on record my sincere appreciation of the invaluable services rendered both by the Mark V. and the Mark V. star and the Whippets.

“The task of secretly assembling so large a number of Tanks entailed very hard and continuous work by all concerned for four or five nights previous to the battle.

“The tactical handling of the Tanks in action made calls on the skill and physical endurance of the detachments which were met with a gallantry and devotion beyond all praise.

“I desire to place on record my appreciation of the splendid success that they achieved, and to heartily congratulate the Tank Corps as a whole on the completeness of their arrangements and the admirable prowess exhibited by all ranks actually engaged on this occasion. There are many vitally important lessons to be learned from their experiences. These will, I trust, be taken to heart by all concerned and made full use of when next the Tank Corps is called upon to go into battle.

“The part played by the Tanks and Whippets in the battle on August 8 was in all respects a very fine performance.

“(Signed) H. Rawlinson, General,
“Commanding 4th Army.

“Headquarters, 4th Army,
“August 16, 1918.”

Nor were the Australians less generous.

The following message is typical of many. It was sent to Brig.-General Courage (commanding 5th Tank Brigade) by the 4th Australian Divisional Commander:

“G.O.C. 5th Tank Brigade.

“I wish to express to you and the command associated with us on August 8 and following days, on behalf of the 4th Australian Division, our deep appreciation of the most gallant service rendered during our offensive operations by the Tank Corps. The consistent skill and gallantry with which the Tanks, individually and collectively, were handled during the battle, was the admiration of all ranks of the infantry with whom they were so intimately associated, and our success was due in a very large measure to your efforts.

“We hope sincerely, that in future offensive operations in which we may take part, we shall have the honour to be associated with the same units of the Tank Corps as during the operations on August 8 and following days.

“(Signed) E.G. Sinclair McLagan,
“Major-General,
“Commanding 4th Australian Division.”

Finally, in a congratulatory telegram after the battle, the Commander-in-Chief paid a high tribute to the skill and bravery displayed by the Tank Corps in the gaining of this signal victory.

Clyx.com