APPENDIX.

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AFRICA.

EXTRACTS FROM THE OLDER AUTHORS.

From Travels of the Sieur d’ ElbÉe, sent by the French W. I. Company to Ardrah, in 1670.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. iii.

Depredatory Acts occasioned by the Slave Trade.

Though the king has a great number of wives, yet but one has the title of queen; who is she that bears him the first son. Her authority over the rest, whom she treats rather as her servants, than as her companions, is so great, that she sometimes sells them for slaves, without consulting the king, who is forced to wink at the matter. An affair of this kind happened while the Sieur d’ ElbÉe traded here. The queen, having been refused by the king some goods or jewels she had an inclination for, ordered them up privately, and in exchange sent eight of his wives to the factory, who were immediately stamped with the Company’s mark, and sent on board.

These poor princesses had sunk under so severe a stroke, if the Sieur d’ ElbÉe had not shewn them some distinction, by treating them in a kind manner; so he carried them in good health to Martinico.—(p. 72.)

Extract from a Voyage to Congo, and other countries, in 1682, from Astley’s Voyages, vol. iii. by Jerom Merolla, &c.

He, said he, was sure it was not the intention of the duke (the Duke of York) that christians should be bought and sold as slaves; nor that such as he (meaning the captain) should be allowed not only to trade, but to rob and infest the shores wherever they came, in the same manner as another English captain had done there the year before; who, as soon as he had taken in all his lading, fell to wasting the country, and forced away many of the natives into slavery, and killed many others whom he could not get away.—(p. 174.)

Bosman’s description of Guinea, about 1690 to 1700, in Astley’s voyages, vol. iii.

Coto Coast.—Their trade is that of slaves, of which they are able sometimes to deliver a good number, but never enough to load a ship. These they chiefly steal from the inland country. But this commerce is uncertain; in some years there are no slaves to be had, the Europeans having no settlement here. (p. 2.)—Their most profitable trade is stealing men inland, whom they sell to the Europeans.—(p. 3.)

The same author says, that the people of little Popo depend chiefly on plunder, and the slave trade, in both which they exceed those of Coto; for, being endowed with a much larger share of courage, they rob more successfully; although to freight a ship with slaves, requires some months attendance. In 1697, the author could get only three slaves here in three days time, but they promised him two hundred in three days more; which not caring to trust to he sailed to Whidah. There he learnt that they had succeeded so well in their incursions, as to bring down above two hundred; which, for want of other ships, they were obliged to sell to the Portuguese.—(p. 4.)

Philips informs us that the Whidah blacks are constantly at war with the Ardrah and Allampo men, the Quamboors and Achims. All the plunder is men and women, to sell for slaves.—(p. 53.)

Sieur BrÜe’s (many years Director General of the French Senegal Company, and who resided in Africa eleven years) Voyage to the Isles of Bissas and Bissagos, on the Western Coast of Africa, in 1701;—from Astley’s Voyages, Vol. ii.

The Sieur BrÜe having received an assortment of goods by a fleet from France, sent notice to the Damel, or king of Kayor, between the rivers Senegal and Gambia, as he had promised, and wrote him word, that if he had a sufficient number of slaves, he was ready to trade with him.—This prince, as well as the other negro monarchs, have always a sure way of supplying this deficiency, by selling their own subjects; for which they seldom want pretensions, of some kind or other, to justify their rapine. The Damel had recourse to this method: knowing the Sieur BrÜe would give him no credit, as he was already in the Company’s debt, he seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word to the Sieur BrÜe, that he had slaves to deliver for his goods, if he would come to Rufisco, where he waited to receive him.—(p. 29, 30.).

The Damel wishing for more goods than his slaves would purchase, the Sieur BrÜe proposed having a licence to take so many of his people; he refused to consent, saying, it might occasion a disturbance amongst his subjects; and so he was forced to want the goods he desired for that time.

The chief sometimes penetrated far into the country, always returning well loaded with slaves and spoil.—(42.).

This is the negro manner of making war—it is a great chance if they come to a pitched battle. Their campaigns are usually mutual incursions, to plunder and carry off slaves, which they sell to the traders on the coast.—(p. 42.)

The isle of Bassao is very populous, and would be much more so, if it were not for the frequent incursions made by the Biafaras, Balantes, and Bissagos negroes, who often infest the coasts.

The Europeans are far from desiring to act as peace-makers among them, which would be contrary to their interest; since the greater the wars are, the more slaves. These wars of theirs are never long; generally speaking, they are incursions, or expeditions, of five or six days.—(p. 98.)

He then describes the mode of their warfare: When the emperor of Bassao judges proper to invade his enemies, he sounds his bonbalon, and immediately the officers of his troops repair with their soldiers, armed, to the place directed; there they find the king’s canoe of war, of which he has a fleet of twenty-nine or thirty. They put twenty men in each canoe:—they embark them, full of hope, and order matters so as to reach the enemy’s country by night. They land without noise; and if they find any lone cottage without defence, they surround it; and after forcing it, carry off all the inhabitants and effects to their boats, and immediately reimbark.

If the villages be strong, they are not fond of attacking them, but rather plant themselves in ambuscade on the ways to some river or spring, and endeavour to surprise and carry off the natives. On the least advantages of this kind gained, they return in as great a triumph as if they had obtained a complete victory. The king has, for his duties and the use of his fleet, the half of the booty. The rest is divided among the captors. All these slaves in general are sold to the Europeans, unless they be persons of some rank, whose friends can redeem them, paying two slaves, or, five or six oxen.—(p. 98).

Of the Bissagoes he says: They are passionate lovers of brandy. Whenever a ship brings any, they strive who shall be the first, and stick at nothing to get it. The weaker becomes a prey to the stronger. They forget the laws of nature; the father sells his children; and, if they can seize their parents, they serve them in the same manner. Every thing goes for brandy.”—(p. 104.)

Barbot’s Travels, about 1700.—Astley, vol. ii.

Barbot, speaking of the blacks, says, rather than work they will rob and murder on the highway, or carry off those of a neighbouring village, and sell them for slaves.—(p. 255.)

They go farther yet; for some sell their own children, kindred, or neighbours. This, Barbot tells us, has often happened. To compass it, they desire the person they intend to sell, to help them in carrying something to the factory, by the way of trade; and when there the person so deluded, not understanding the language, is sold and delivered up as a slave, notwithstanding all his resistance and exclaiming against the treachery.

Le Maire tells an odd story on this occasion, which Barbot says he heard in Africa. A man, it seems, had formed a design of selling his son, who, suspecting his intention, when they came to the factory, went aside to the storehouse and sold his father. When the old man saw them about to fetter him he cried out, he was his father; but the son denying it, the bargain held good. The son met his desert, for, returning with his merchandize, he met a negro chief, who stripped him of his ill-gotten wealth, and sold him at the same market.

Abundance of little blacks, of both sexes, are also stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the roads, or in the woods, or else in the lugaus, or corn-fields, where they are kept all day, to scare the small birds that come in swarms to feed on the millet.—(p. 256.)

Labat.—Astley’s Voyages. vol ii. p. 259.

The French have been forced sometimes to make use of violent means, when they cannot get the princes to discharge these forced loans, by pillaging some village, and making slaves of the inhabitants; after which they have balanced accounts with his majesty, and paid for as many as they had taken above their due. But these measures, says the author, don’t always succeed; and even though one was sure of getting paid this way, yet that it would be better not to make a practice of it, for fear of drawing the resentment of the country upon a man, which, sooner or later he would feel to his cost—(p. 258.)

Le Maire’s Travels, about 1690.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. ii.

Sometimes the king of Senegal makes incursions on the weakest of his neighbours, driving off their cattle, or making slaves of them, which he sells for brandy. When his stock of this grows low, he locks it up in a small chest, giving the key to one of his favorites, whom he dispatches, perhaps thirty leagues off, and thus saves his liquor by putting it out of his power to get at it. If he has no opportunity of exercising his tyranny on his neighbours, he makes no scruple of living on his own subjects, staying with his court, which consists of two hundred of those who have learnt all the worst qualities of the whites, till he has eat up the inhabitants; and, if they presume to complain, selling them for slaves.—(p. 260.)

As long as the brandy bottle lasts the prince is drunk: no answer is to be expected till all the liquor is out. When he grows sober, he gives his audience of congÉe, presenting the factor with two or three slaves, which he sends to have taken up in the nearest villages. Unhappy are they who at that time fall into the hands of his guards, for they stay to make no choice.—(p. 260, 261.)

Travels (about 1730), of Francis Moore, Factor several years to the Royal African Company of England.

The king of Barsalle, so soon as he has wasted what he has gotten, either by taking an enemy’s town, or one of his own, he must look out for some new prize to give it to his men.—Astley, ii. 261.

Rohone, where the king of Barsali commonly resides, stands near the sea, about one hundred miles from Joar, which lies in the same kingdom. When he wants goods or brandy, he sends a messenger to the governor of James Fort, to desire he would send up a sloop with a cargo, which the governor never fails to do. Against the time the vessel is arrived, the king plunders some of his enemy’s towns, selling the people for such goods as he wants, which commonly is brandy or rum, gunpowder, ball, fire-arms, pistols, and cutlasses for his soldiers, and coral and silver for his wives and mistresses. If he is at war with no neighbouring king, he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own miserable subjects.

His usual way of living is, to sleep all day till sun-set, at which time he gets up to drink, and goes to sleep again till midnight, when he rises and eats; and if he has any strong liquors, will sit and drink till day-light, and then eat and go to sleep again, When he is well stocked with liquor, he will sit and drink for five or six days together, and not eat one morsel of any thing in all that time. It is to this insatiable thirst after brandy, that his subjects freedoms and families are in so precarious a situation[58]; for he often goes with some of his troops, by a town in the daytime, and returns in the night, and sets fire to three parts of it, placing guards at the fourth, to seize the people as they run out from the fire: he ties their arms behind them, and marches them either to Joar or Rohone, where he sells them.—(p. 261, 262.). The king furnishes the Europeans with slaves very easily: he sends a troop of guards to some village, which they surround; then seizing as many as they have orders for, they bind them up and send them away to the ships, where, the ship mark being put upon them, they are heard of no more.

They usually carry the infants in sacks, and gag the men and women, for fear they should alarm the villages through which they are carried; for these actions are never committed in the villages near the factories, which it is the king’s interest not to ruin, but in those up the country. It often happens, that some escape, and alarm the country, which, taking arms, join the persons injured, and pursue the robbers. If they catch them, they carry them before the king, who then denies his commission, and sells them on the spot for slaves. What is further remarkable, if any of the injured people appear as evidence still in bonds before the king, they are also adjudged to be slaves, and sold as such.[59]—(p. 268.).

Voyage of Atkins to Guinea, about 1720. Astley, vol. ii.

Panyaring is a term for manstealing, along the whole coast.—(p. 320.)

Voyage of Smith, about 1727—employed under the African Company.

December 18, they sailed from Sierra Leona, and on the 25th anchored at Gallinas; here lay the Queen Elizabeth, Captain Creighton, before mentioned, who invited Capt. Livingstone to take a Christmas dinner with him, and shewed him a letter from one Benjamin Cross (third mate of the Expedition, Capt. Mettisse) who had been panyarred by the natives of Cape Monte, three months before, and detained there by way of reprisal for some of their men carried off by an English trader. This villanous custom is too often practised, chiefly by the Bristol and Liverpool ships, and is a great detriment to the Slave Trade on the Windward coast.[60]—(p. 475, 476.)

Mons. BrÜe, (vol. iv.) relating a dispute he had with the Damel, respecting his giving in English ship liberty to trade in his dominions, on which M. BrÜe seized and confiscated the vessel, says, “Most of the Negroes on board, he found, were free fishermen of the coast, whom the king had decoyed to PotadÂlly, under the pretence of employing their canoes to transport his troops to attack Goree; but as soon as by this pretence he had assembled them, he sent them on board, and sold them as Slaves. There was not the smallest appearance that the Damel had even conceived so extravagant a project, says M. BrÜe, but it was necessary to form some scheme to entrap these men, and sell them.” Although the injustice of the king in trepanning and selling them was notorious, it mattered not; they were all sent to America, and sold as Slaves.—(p. 204.)

Labat mentions that a Captain of a French man of war, at the suggestion of a French trader, (the Captain’s name was Montorsies, and the ship’s, Lion, and Fond was the name of the trader) pillaged the Isle of Cazegat, one of the Bissagos Islands. They landed 200 men without the smallest resistance. The king, of the island, named Duquermaney, was surrounded in his houses, and he chose to burn himself rather than fall into the European hands; the natives fled to the woods and mountains, so that, of about 3,000 inhabitants, they took only about a dozen. This unfortunate enterprise, says our author, made M. Fond greatly fear, lest he should lose all trade with these people: but he managed the matter so cleverly, “il se donna tant de mouvemens, et fit jouer tant de ressorts,” says Labat, that he made them believe he had no hand at all in the affair, and assured them it was a parcel of ruffians, a set of pirates and banditti, who had made this incursion, by which their king was lost, and their country laid waste.

Depredations—Effect of Slave Trade.

In old Calabar River are two towns, Old Town and New Town. A rivalship in trade produced a jealousy between the towns; so that, through fear of each other, for a considerable time no canoe would leave their towns to go up the river for slaves. "Astley’s Voyages." In 1767, seven ships lay off the point which separates the towns; six of the captains invited the people of both towns on board on a certain day, as if to reconcile them; at the same time agreed with the people of New Town to cut off the Old Town people who should remain on board the next morning. The Old Town people, persuaded of the sincerity of the captains’ proposal, went on board in great numbers. Next morning, at eight o’clock, one of the ships fired a gun, as the signal for commencing hostilities. Some of the traders were secured on board, some were killed in resisting, and some got overboard and were fired upon. When the firing began, the New Town people, who were in ambush behind the Point, came forward and picked up the people of Old Town, who were swimming, and had escaped the firing. After the firing was over, the captains of five of the ships delivered their prisoners (persons of consequence) to the New Town canoes; two of whom were beheaded alongside the ships; the inferior prisoners were carried to the West Indies. One of the captains, who had secured three of the king’s brothers, delivered one of them to the chief man of New Town, who was one of the two beheaded alongside; the other brothers he kept on board, promising, when the ship was slaved, to deliver them to the chief man of New Town. This ship was soon slaved, from this promise, and the number of prisoners made that day; but he refused to deliver the king’s two brothers, and carried them to the West Indies, and sold them.

Natural Disposition of the Africans, and Capacity for Civilization.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. i.

James Welsh’s Voyage to Benin.—The people are very gentle, and loving.—(202.)

The inhabitants of Whidah are more polite and civilized than most people in the world, not excepting the European. (vol. iii. p. 14.)

Marchais.—There are no people on earth, says that author, more tender of their offspring, or that shew more parental affection.—(p. 20.)

Nyendael.—Kingdom of Benin. The inhabitants are generally good-natured and civil, and may be brought to any thing by fair and soft means. If you make them presents, they will recompense them doubly. If you want any thing of them, and ask it, they seldom deny it, even though they had occasion for it themselves: but to treat them harshly, or to think to gain any thing of them by force, is to dispute with the moon.

Artus says, that the people of Benin are a sincere, inoffensive people, and do no injustice either to one another, or strangers.—(p. 95.)

Although some of them be surly and proud, yet in general they carry themselves very friendly towards strangers; being of a mild conversation, courteous, affable, and easy to be overcome with reason, yet inclined to drink, especially Spanish wine and brandy. In conversation, they discover great quickness of parts and understanding, delivering themselves with so much sense and humour, that the most knowing persons take delight in hearing them.—(p. 247.)

The Negroes at Whidah are so industrious, that no spot of land, except what is naturally barren, escapes planting, though even within the inclosures of their villages and houses.—(p. 8.)

The soil is so fruitful, that as soon as one harvest is over, the ground is sowed with some other grain, so that they have two or three crops in a year. (p. 8.)

Captain Stibbs, about 1724.—The Foleys are a cleanly, decent, industrious people, very affable.—(p. 199.)

Moore’s Travels.—Their form of government goes on easily, because the people are of a quiet, good disposition, and so well instructed in what is just and right, that a man who does ill is the abomination of all. Their humanity extends to all, but they are doubly kind to their own race; so that if one of them be made a Slave, all the FÛli will join to redeem him. And as they have plenty of food, they never suffer any of their own nation to want, but support the old, the blind, and the lame; and, as far as their ability goes, supply the wants of the Mandingoes, great numbers of whom they have maintained in famines. They rarely are angry; yet this mildness does not proceed from want of courage, for they are as brave a people as any in Africa.

Winterbottom’s Travels, about 1796, &c. &c.—The Foolas impart to leather a red colour, equal to that of morocco in beauty; and by steeping it, they obtain a beautiful shining black. Another class of men are equally celebrated as blacksmiths; besides making every kind of necessary utensil, they inlay the handles, and chase the blades of swords, &c. with great neatness, and they make a variety of elegant fancy ornaments for the women, out of pieces of gold and silver dollars. A considerable degree of ingenuity in the arts with which they are acquainted must be allowed to all these nations, and is evident in the construction of their houses, and the formation of a variety of domestic and agricultural utensils. With the rudest instruments, they form canoes from a single tree, capable of carrying eight or ten tons; their mats shew much neatness and ingenuity, &c. &c.—(p. 91, 92.)

They have various substitutes for hemp and flax, of which they make fishing-lines and nets, equal in strength and durability to those of Europeans.—(p. 93.)

They make earthen pots fit for every domestic use. (p. 94.)

I have been often gratified by observing the strength and tenderness of the attachment subsisting between mothers and sons.—(p. 152.)

It is my earnest wish to divest myself of partiality, and neither to “extenuate or set down aught in malice.” They (the Africans) are in general of mild external manners; but they possess a great share of pride, and are easily affected by an insult; they cannot hear even a harsh expression, or a raised tone of voice, without shewing that they feel it. As a proof that they are not deficient in natural affection, one of the severest insults which can be offered to an African, is to speak disrespectfully of his mother. (p. 211.) The respect which they pay to old people is very great.—(p. 211.)

The hospitality of the Africans has been noticed by almost every traveller.—(p. 213.)

I have ever met with a welcome and hospitable reception on arriving at their villages; mats have been brought out for myself and friends to repose on; and if it happened to be meal time, we have been at liberty to join them without ceremony, or to wait till something better could be provided. If we intended to spend the night there, a house has been set apart for us; and, on taking leave in the morning, a guide has generally offered to shew us on our way.—(p. 213.)

As soon as a stranger is observed, all the inhabitants quit their occupations, and hasten to shake him by the hand, repeating several times the word “Senno,” welcome. Even the children who can barely lisp a welcome, when a little custom has diminished the dread attending a white face, are eager to discharge this duty of hospitality, and with a smile hold out their little hands, and seem delighted if he deigns to notice them.—(p. 214.)

Smith’s Guinea, about 1730.—These Negroes seem to be very industrious, for they all go clad with their own manufactures.—(p. 104.)

The natives of Axim industriously employ themselves either in trade, fishing, or agriculture. (p. 115.)

Whydah.—Before the king of Dahomey conquered this place, the natives were so industrious, that no place which was thought fertile could escape being planted.—(p. 199.)

The discerning natives account it their greatest unhappiness that they were ever visited by Europeans. They say that we Christians introduced the traffic of Slaves, and that before our coming, they lived in peace. But say they, it is observable, that wherever Christianity comes there come, with it a sword, a gun, powder and ball. (p. 266.)

Africans natural Qualities, and Capacity for Civilization—Commercial Intercourse practicable.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. iii.

Bosman.—Whidah.—All who have seen it allow it to be one of the most delightful countries of the world.

The number and variety of tall, beautiful, shady trees; the verdant fields, every where cultivated, and only divided by those groves, or in some places by a small footpath; together with the innumerable little agreeable villages.

The farther you go from it (the ocean) the more beautiful and populous you find the country; so that it resembles the Elysian fields.

There is also a weekly market in the province of Aplogua, which is so resorted to, that there are usually five or six thousand merchants.—(p. 11.)

Ogilby.—Kingdom of Loango.—There are many handicrafts among them, as weavers, smiths, cap-makers, bead-makers, potters, carpenters, vintners, fishermen, canoe-makers, besides merchants and other traders, (p. 221.)

There are whole mountains of porphyry, jasper, and marble, of divers colours, which in Rome are called marbles of Numidia, Africa, and Ethiopia; certain pillars whereof may be seen in the palace of Pope Gregory. (p. 299.)

Natural Qualities and Disposition of Africans.

Capt. Wilson, of the Royal Navy (in Africa about 1783–4) fully believes Africans to be equal to Europeans in capacity. They have various manufactures, chiefly for home consumption. They make cotton cloths beautifully fine, under every want of machinery: also very curious ornaments of gold, and weapons and tools of iron, which their experience makes them prefer to those sent from hence, which are made for them.

The Africans are most grateful and affectionate: they treated him most kindly, when many miles up their country, and unprotected; and numbers shed tears on his departure.

Mr. Wadstrom (in Africa, about 1787–8.) thinks the Africans very honest and hospitable; was treated by them with all civility and kindness. Is clearly convinced that the Negroes surpass such Europeans as he has known, in affection. Has been surprised at their industry in manufacturing cotton, indigo, iron, soap, wood, pottery, leather, and other articles. They work gold so well, that witness never saw better wrought trinkets and ornaments in Europe. They manufacture cloth and leather with uncommon neatness. The latter they tan and work into saddles, sandals, and a variety of useful and ornamental articles. They forge iron very dexterously on anvils of a remarkably hard and heavy wood, when they cannot get stone for the purpose.

The Negroes are particularly skilful in manufacturing iron and gold. They are equal to any European goldsmith in fillagree, and even other articles, as buckles, except the chafes, tongues, and anchors.

The Rev. John Newton:—Made five voyages to Africa, the last in 1754, as master of a slave ship. Lived ashore about a year and a half, chiefly at the island of Plantanes, at the mouth of the river Sherbro.

Always judged, that, with equal advantage, the natives capacities would be equal to ours. Has known many of real and decided capacity.

The best people he met with were on the R. Gaboon, and at C. Lopas. These had then the least intercourse with Europe. Believes they had then no Slave Trade, and has heard them speak against it. They traded in ivory and wax. One great man said, “if I was to be angry, and sell my boy, how should I get my boy back when my anger was gone?”

They are generally worse in their conduct in proportion to their acquaintance with us.

Capt. Sir George Young, Royal Navy; in Africa from 1768 to 1792.—Many Negroes he met with seemed to possess as strong natural sense as any set of people whatever; their temper appeared to be very good-natured and civil, unless where they suspected some injury; are, however, naturally vindictive, and revenge the injury done.

Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq.; in Africa 1779.—As far as he could judge, in natural capacity, the Negroes are equal to any people whatever; and in temper and disposition they appeared to be humane, hospitable, and well disposed.

James Towne; about 1760, Carpenter of his Majesty’s ship Syren.—The natives are hospitable and kind, and capable of learning quicker than white men. They differ as our own people in character; those on the coast learn to be roguish; inland, they are innocent. The intercourse with Europeans has improved them in roguery, to plunder and steal, and pick up one another to sell.

African Commercial Tendencies.

Mr. Wadstrom.—The Africans have an extraordinary genius for commerce and industry. The Slave Trade makes it dangerous for the Negroes to pass from one part of their country to another, and is the chief hindrance to the improvement of their cultivation, since they never venture into the fields, unless very well armed.

The Negroes are particularly skilful in manufacturing iron and gold; they are equal to any European goldsmith in fillagree, and even other articles, as buckles, except the chapes, tongues, and anchors.

Captain Sir George Young, Royal Navy.—He verily believes that the natives would cultivate the soil for natural productions, provided they had no other means of obtaining European commodities. He recollects some circumstances in proof of their industry. A number of people from the Bulam shore came over to Sierra Leone, and offered their services to work at a very low price; he accepted of a few (who worked very well) and might have had thousands of the same description. Further is of opinion, from observation, that Africa is capable of producing every thing of the East and West Indies, in equal perfection, with equal cultivation.

Is of opinion, that, by shewing the natives of Africa how to cultivate the land, a greater quantity of shipping and seamen would be called for in the commerce, for the natural productions of that country, without any greater inconvenience, in point of health to the seamen, than in the present West Indian trade.

Anthony Pantaleo How, Esq.; in Africa about 1785.—Saw no European commodities in the interior parts; is sure no European spirits were to be had there. The inhabitants there remarkably industrious, also hospitable and obliging. A village of several hundred houses on the Lake of Appolonia, whence in the rainy season they supply the sea coast with vegetables, grain, palm wine, &c. Thinks they have but little capacity in regard to manufactures, but quick in learning languages.

Has no doubt but spices in general, and all other tropical productions, might be cultivated with success there. The soil and climate adapted to produce the sandal wood. Has seen indigo at Apollonia in its raw state, and also manufactured, but not manufacturing; also cotton growing in great abundance; but knows not that any or either of these two articles were exported.

Cinnamon plants at St. Thomas, at the sea-side, about twenty feet high; from what he heard, grew inland to a higher size; those on the sea-side he considered only as shrubs. He saw a number of them, and, from the appearance of the bark brought down, concludes there must be a great quantity inland.

Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq.; in Africa about 1779.—They manufacture cotton cloths, almost equal in the workmanship to those of Europe; they work in gold, silver, and iron remarkably neat, also in wood, and make saddles, bow-cases, scabbards, "Golberey." grisgris, and other things of leather, with great neatness.

Richard Storey; in Africa, about 1766 to 1770.—He looks upon the natives of the Windward coast to be in general a hospitable, friendly people, always willing to sell what they have, and also to give the best provisions the country affords. The men in general are very active and industrious, and chiefly employed in fishing, and trade with the Europeans; the women chiefly in cultivating rice and other vegetables.

Has every reason to believe, that if there was nobody to purchase Slaves, they would turn themselves to cultivate their ground, and raise rice, &c. to purchase European goods. The quality of African rice is far superior to that of Carolina, bearing one-fourth more water.

Mr. James Kiernan; in Africa from 1775 to 1780; knows the Negroes manufacture cotton, leather, and metals, for they supply Senegal with cloathing, articles of leather, and ornaments of gold and silver; they die some of their cottons very finely, blues and scarlets; believes their consumption of cotton cloths is very considerable.

Africans’ Natural Dispositions—Golberey’s Travels, about 1786.

The Foulhas of the banks of the Senegal are intelligent and industrious; but, by their habitual commerce with the Moors of Zahara, they have become savage and cruel, and our convoys from Galam have more than once experienced their perfidy.

The Mandings are likewise dispersed over the western countries; they are well-informed, graceful, and active, and in their mercantile character, they are as clever as they are indefatigable.

The Jalofs are the finest Negroes of this part of Africa; they are tall, and well made; their features are regular, their physiognomy is open, and inspires confidence; they are honest, hospitable, generous, and faithful; their character is mild, they are inclined to good order and civilization, and possess an evident disposition for benevolent actions.

Vol. ii. page 40. At Senegal I was treated with a cordiality, frankness, and generosity, which will never be obliterated from my memory.

Page 93. Their character is in general, honest and sincere; hospitality is a natural virtue among them.

Page 141. Ali Sonko had governed the kingdom of Barra for seven years, with all the ability, wisdom, and prudence, of an enlightened European; his physiognomy was regular and agreeable, and there was seen in him that wisdom and experience which generally distinguish the Manding nation. His estimable character was replete with benevolence and energy; all his actions were regulated by wisdom, and every trait in this prince announced him to be a man of a superior kind.

Page 146. Mandings are very active, intelligent, and cunning, in commercial affairs; notwithstanding which, their general character is very hospitable, sociable, and benevolent; their women are also very lively, spirited, good, and agreeable.

Page 306. The Negroes have both taste and ingenuity.

Page 309. The women are always kind; attentive, and complaisant.

Page 313. The Negro race is perhaps the most prolific of all the human species that exist on our globe. Their infancy and youth are singularly happy; the mothers are passionately fond of their children.

Page 314. It ought to be understood, that in the general situation of the Negroes, on their native soil, their life passes without labour, chagrin, or even care.

Page 315. The passing almost the whole of the human life in a nearly equal and permanent state of health, is owing to the moderation the Negroes in general observe in their habits, regimen, and pleasures.

Page 326. These Negroes, whom we call Savages, respect the ashes of their relations, friends, and chiefs.

Page 336. It cannot be denied that the Negroes are extremely clever.

Page 346. Among the Negroes are to be found virtuous and sensible men, who, as well as those of the best education and information in Europe, are susceptible of attachment, respect, delicate conduct, and a noble generosity.

Page 348. These examples of delicacy and friendship are not by any means rare in Africa.

Page 382. Hospitality is in Africa a general virtue, and misers are unknown in the country.

Page 412. All that I have said of the Negroes tends to prove that they are in general good men, naturally gentle and benevolent.

Page 413. The Moors are perfidious, cruel, capable of all crimes, and are addicted to every vice; but the Negroes have many naturally good qualities, and their general character does honour to human nature.

The picture I have given of the situation of the Blacks, and of the peaceable, careless, and simple life of these favourites of Nature, is by no means exaggerated.

State of Slaves on Shipboard.

They often disagree in the night about their sleeping-places; the men linked together often fight, when one wants perhaps to obey the calls of nature, and the other is unwilling to go with him.

They often refused to eat, especially beans, when they were corrected with a cat-o’-nine-tails. He has known their refusal to eat attributed to sullenness, when owing to sickness; particularly one man, who was corrected moderately for not eating, and was found dead next morning. They were made after meals to jump, on beating a drum; this is called dancing; when they refused, they were compelled by the cat.

It is very common for the Slaves to refuse sustenance; with such, gentle means are used; but if without success; the cat is generally applied.

An instance on board induced him to believe they were as affectionate as most other people. Bouny, one of the higher class, was brought on board; he seemed to take his situation to heart, and got ill, but, from indulgencies which none of the rest had, he partly recovered. When he was convalescent, a young woman was also brought on board, who proved to be his sister. At their first meeting, they stood in silence, and looked at each other, apparently with the greatest affection; they rushed into each others arms, embraced, separated themselves again, and again embraced: the witness perceived the tears to run down the female’s cheeks.

They are made to jump in their irons; this is called dancing by Slave dealers. While a surgeon in a Slave ship, has been often desired, in every ship, to flog such as would not jump: he had generally a cat in his hand among the women.

Africans Natural Dispositions, and Capacity for Civilization.—Parke’s Travels.

Parke.

Jillifree is much resorted to by Europeans, on account of the great quantities of bees wax which are brought hither for sale: the wax is collected in the woods by the Feloops, a wild and unsociable race of people; their country, which is of considerable extent, abounds in rice; and the natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia and Cassamansa rivers, with that article, and also with goats and poultry, on very reasonable terms.—(P. 4.)

The usual beast of burthen in all the Negro territories is the ass.—(p. 12.)

Their fierce and unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalanced by many good qualities; they display the utmost gratitude and affection towards their benefactors; and the fidelity with which they preserve whatever is entrusted to them is remarkable. During the present war they have more than once taken up arms to defend our merchant vessels from French privateers; and English property, of considerable value, has frequently been left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely under the care of the Feloops, who have uniformly manifested on such occasions the strictest honesty and punctuality.—(p. 16.)

The government in all the Mandingo States, near the Gambia, is monarchical. The power of the sovereign is, however, by no means unlimited. In all affairs of importance; the king calls an assembly of the principal men, or elders, by whose councils he is directed.—(p. 19.)

In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, called the Alcaid, whose office is hereditary, and whose business it is to preserve order, to levy duties on travellers, and to preside at all conferences in the exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration of justice. These courts are composed of the elders of the town (of free condition) and are termed Palavers; and their proceedings are conducted in the open air, with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a question are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and the decisions which follow generally meet with the approbation of the surrounding audience, (p. 19.)

Professional advocates, or expounders of the law, who are allowed to appear, and to plead for plaintiff or defendant, much in the same manner as in the law courts of Great Britain.—(p. 20.)

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, sociable, and obliging disposition.—(p. 21.)

The Negroes do not go to supper till late, and, in order to amuse themselves while our beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to relate some diverting stories; in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent three hours. These stories bear some resemblance to those in the Arabian Night’s Entertainments; but, in general, are of a more ludicrous cast—(p. 31.)

It is worthy of remark, that an African will sooner forgive a blow, than a term of reproach applied to his ancestors: “Strike me, but do not curse my mother!” is a common expression among the Slaves.—(p. 47.)

We were amused by an itinerant singing-man, who told a number of diverting stories, and played some sweet airs. These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing extempore songs in praise of those who employ them.—(p. 48.)

The industry of the Foulahs, in the occupations of pasturage and agriculture, is every where remarkable.—(p. 61.)

In Bondou they are opulent in a high degree, and enjoy all the necessaries of life in the greatest profusion. They display great skill in the management of their cattle, making them extremely gentle by kindness and familiarity.—(p. 61.)

“At two o’clock we came in sight of Jumbo, the Blacksmith’s native town, from whence he had been absent more than four years. Soon after this his brother, who had by some means been apprized of his coming, came out to meet him, accompanied by a singing-man; he brought a horse for the Blacksmith, that he might enter his native town in a dignified manner; and he desired each of us to put a good charge of powder into our guns. The singing-man now led the way, followed by the two brothers; and we were presently joined by a number of people from the town, all of whom demonstrated great joy at seeing their old acquaintance the Blacksmith, by the most extravagant jumping and singing. On entering the town the singing man began an extempore song in praise of the Blacksmith, extolling his courage in having overcome so many difficulties, and concluding with a strict injunction to his friends to dress him plenty of victuals.—(p. 81.)

“When we arrived at the Blacksmith’s place of residence, we dismounted, and fired our muskets. The meeting between him and his relations was very tender; for these rude children of nature, free from restraint, display their emotions in the strongest and most expressive manner. Amid these transports, the Blacksmith’s aged mother was led forth leaning upon a staff. Every one made way for her; and she stretched forth her hand to bid her son welcome. Being totally blind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with great care, and seemed highly delighted that her latter days were blessed by his return, and that her ears once more heard the music of his voice. From this interview, I was fully convinced, that whatever difference there is between the Negro and European, in the conformation of the nose, and the colour of the skin, there is none in the genuine sympathies and characteristic feelings of our common nature.”—(p. 81.)

“With these worthy people I spent the remainder of that and the whole of the ensuing day in feasting and merriment.”—(p. 83.)

“I had a most enchanting prospect of the country. The number of towns and villages, and the extensive cultivation around them, surpassed every thing I had ever seen in Africa.”—(p. 88.)

“Feb. 4th. We departed from Loomoo, and continued our route along the banks of the Krieks, which are every where well cultivated, and swarm with inhabitants.”—(p. 89.)

“I lodged at the house of a Negro who practised the art of making gunpowder. He shewed me a bag of nitre, very white, but the crystals were much smaller than common, They procure it in considerable quantities from the ponds, which are filled in the rainy season.”—(p. 116.)

“The Moors supply them with sulphur from the Mediterranean; and the process is completed by pounding the different articles together in a wooden mortar.—(p. 117.)

“Their sabres, as well as their fire-arms and ammunition, they purchase from the Europeans, in exchange for the Negro Slaves, which they obtain in their predatory excursions.”—(p. 150.)

“Cultivation is carried on here on a very extensive scale; and, as the natives themselves express it, hunger is never known.”—(p. 187.)

“From the best inquiries I could make, I have reason to believe that Lego contains altogether about thirty thousand inhabitants.”—“The view of this extensive city, the numerous canoes upon the river, the crowded population, and the cultivated state of the surrounding country, formed altogether a prospect of civilization and magnificence, which I little expected to find in the bosom of Africa.”—(p. 195 & 196.)

“I was regarded with astonishment and fear, and was obliged to sit all day without victuals, in the shade of a tree, and the night threatened to be very uncomfortable, for the wind rose, and there was great appearance of a heavy rain; and the wild beasts are so very numerous in the neighbourhood, that I should have been under the necessity of climbing up the tree, and resting among the branches. About sun-set, however, as I was preparing to pass the night in this manner, and had turned my horse loose that he might graze at liberty, a woman, returning from the labours of the field, stopped to observe me, and perceiving that I was weary and dejected, inquired into my situation, which I briefly explained to her; whereupon, with looks of great compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle, and told me to follow her. Having conducted me into her hut, she lighted up a lamp, spread a mat on the floor, and told me I might remain there for the night. Finding that I was very hungry, she said she would procure me something to eat; she accordingly went out, and returned in a short time with a very fine fish, which, having caused to be half broiled upon some embers, she gave me for supper. The rites of hospitality being thus performed towards a stranger in distress, my worthy benefactress (pointing to the mat, and telling me I might sleep there without apprehension), called to the female part of her family, who had stood gazing on me all the while in fixed astonishment, to resume their task of spinning cotton; in which they continued to employ themselves great part of the night. They lightened their labour by songs, one of which was composed extempore, for I was myself the subject of it; it was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in a sort of chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, and the words, literally translated, were these:—“The winds roared, and the rains fell—The poor white man, faint and weary, came and sat under our tree—He has no mother to bring him milk, no wife to grind his corn.” Chorus: “Let us pity the white man; no mother has he,” &c. &c.—Trifling as this recital may appear to the reader, to a person in my situation the circumstance was affecting in the highest degree. I was oppressed by such unexpected kindness, and sleep fell from my eyes. In the morning I presented my compassionate landlady with two of the four brass buttons which remained on my waistcoat, the only recompence I could make her.” (pp. 197–198.)

“About eight o’clock we passed a large town called Kabba, situated in the midst of a beautiful and highly cultivated country, bearing a greater resemblance to the centre of England, than to what I should have supposed had been the middle of Africa.”—(p. 202).

“We passed, in the course of the day, a great many villages, inhabited chiefly by fishermen; and in the evening, about five o’clock, arrived at Sansanding, a very large town, containing, as I was told, from eight to ten thousand inhabitants.”—(p. 203.)

“We accordingly rode along between the town and the river, passing by a creek or harbour, in which I observed twenty large canoes, most of them fully loaded, and covered with mats, to prevent the rain from injuring the goods.

“He shewed me some gunpowder of his own manufacturing.”—(p. 206.)

“About fifteen years ago, when the present king of Bambarra’s father desolated Maniana, the dooty of Sai had two sons slain in battle, fighting in the king’s cause. He had a third son living; and when the king demanded a further reinforcement of men, and this youth among the rest, the dooty refused to send him. This conduct so enraged the king, that when he returned from Maniana, about the beginning of the rainy season, and found the dooty protected by the inhabitants, he sat down before Sai, with his army, and surrounded the town with the trenches I had now seen. After a siege of two months, the towns-people became involved in all the horrors of famine; and whilst the king’s army were feasting in their trenches, they saw with pleasure the miserable inhabitants of Sai devour the leaves and bark of the bentang tree that stood in the middle of the town. Finding, however, that the besieged would sooner perish than surrender, the king had recourse to treachery. He promised, that if they would open the gates, no person should be put to death, nor suffer any injury, but the dooty alone. The poor old man determined to sacrifice himself for the sake of his fellow-citizens, and immediately walked over to the king’s army, where he was put to death. His son, in attempting to escape, was caught and massacred in the trenches; and the rest of the towns-people were carried away captives, and sold as Slaves to the different Negro Traders.”—(p. 227.)

“The Mandingoes in particular are a very gentle race; cheerful in their dispositions, inquisitive, credulous, simple, and fond of flattery.”—(p. 261.)

“It is impossible for me to forget the disinterested charity, and tender solicitude, with which many of these poor heathens (from the sovereign of Sego, to the poor women who received me at different times into their cottages, when I was perishing of hunger) sympathized with me in my sufferings, relieved my distresses, and contributed to my safety.”—(p. 262.)

“Accordingly, the maternal affection (neither suppressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the solicitudes of civilized life) is every where conspicuous among them, and creates a correspondent return of tenderness in the child. An illustration of this has been given in p. 47, “Strike me,” said my attendant, “but do not curse my mother!” The same sentiment I found universally to prevail; and observed in all parts of Africa, that the greatest affront which could be offered to a Negro, was to reflect on her who gave him birth.”—(p. 264.)

“One of the first lessons, in which the Mandingo women instruct their children, is the practice of truth. The reader will probably recollect the case of the unhappy mother, whose son was murdered by the Moorish banditti at Funingkedy, page 102. Her only consolation in her uttermost distress, was the reflection, that the poor boy, in the course of his blameless life, had never told a lie.”

“For, though the Negro women are very cheerful and frank in their behaviour, they are by no means given to intrigue: I believe that instances of conjugal infidelity are not common.”—(p. 268.)

“With the love of music is naturally connected a taste for poetry; and, fortunately for the poets of Africa, they are in a great measure exempted from that neglect and indigence, which, in more polished countries, commonly attend the votaries of the Muses. They consist of two classes; the most numerous are the singing-men, called jilli kea, mentioned in a former part of my narrative. One or more of these may be found in every town. They sing extempore songs in honour of their chief men, or any other persons who are willing to give “solid pudding for empty praise.” But a nobler part of their office is to recite the historical events of their country; hence, in war, they accompany the soldiers to the field, in order, by reciting the great actions of their ancestors, to awaken in them a spirit of glorious emulation. The other class are devotees of the Mahometan faith, who travel about the country singing devout hymns, and performing religious ceremonies, to conciliate the favour of the Almighty, either in averting calamity, or insuring success to any enterprise. Both descriptions of these itinerant bards are much employed, and respected by the people, and very liberal contributions are made for them.”—(p. 278.)

“The Negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in particular, are considered by the whites on the coast as an indolent and inactive people; I think, without reason. Few people work harder, when occasion requires, than the Mandingoes; but, not having many opportunities of turning to advantage the superfluous produce of their labour, they are content with cultivating as much ground only as is necessary for their own support.—(pp. 280, 281.)

“The labours of the field give them pretty full employment during the rains; and in the dry season, the people who live in the vicinity of large rivers employ themselves chiefly in fishing.” “Others of the natives employ themselves in hunting.” “They are very dextrous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a tree, or any other small object, at an amazing distance.” “While the men are employed in these pursuits, the women are very diligent in manufacturing cotton cloth.” “The thread is not fine, but well twisted, and makes a very durable cloth. A woman, with common diligence, will spin from six to nine garments of this cloth in one year.” “The loom is made exactly upon the same principle as that of Europe, but so small and narrow, that the web is seldom more than four inches broad.” “The women dye this cloth of a rich and lasting blue colour, with a fine purple gloss, and equal, in my opinion, to the best Indian or European blue. This cloth is cut into various pieces, and sewed into garments with needles of the natives own making.”

“As the arts of weaving, dying, sewing &c. may easily be acquired, those who exercise them are not considered in Africa as following any particular profession; for almost every Slave can weave, and every boy can sew. The only artists which are distinctly acknowledged as such by the Negroes, and who value themselves on exercising appropriate and peculiar trades, are the manufacturers of leather and iron.” “They are to be found in almost every town.” “They tan and dress leather with very great expedition.” “They are at great pains to render the hide as soft and pliant as possible.” “The hides of bullocks are converted chiefly into sandals, and therefore require less care in dressing than the skins of sheep and goats, which are used for covering quivers and saphies, and in making sheaths for swords and knives, belts, pockets, and a variety of ornaments.”—(pp. 281, 282.)

“The manufacturers of iron are not so numerous as of leather; but they appear to have studied their business with equal diligence.” “In the inland parts, the natives smelt this useful metal in such quantities, as not only to supply themselves from it with all necessary weapons and instruments, but even to make it an article of commerce with some of the neighbouring states.”—(p. 283.)

“Most of the African blacksmiths are acquainted also with the method of smelting gold.” “They likewise draw the gold into wire, and form it into a variety of ornaments, some of which are executed with a great deal of taste and ingenuity.” “I might add, though it is scarce worthy observation, that in Bambarra and Kaarta, the natives make very beautiful baskets, hats, and other articles, both for use and ornament, from rushes, which they stain of different colours; and they contrive also to cover their calabashes with interwoven cane, dyed in the same manner,”—(p. 285.)

“It seems to be the universal wish of mankind to spend the evening of their days where they spent their infancy. The poor Negro feels this desire in its full force. To him, no water is sweet but what is drawn from his own well; and no tree has so cool and pleasant a shade as the tabba tree of his native village. When war compels him to abandon the delightful spot in which he first drew his breath, and seek for safety in some other kingdom, his time is spent in talking about the country of his ancestors; and no sooner is peace restored than he turns his back upon the land of strangers, rebuilds with haste his fallen walls, and exults to see the smoke ascend from his native village.”—(p. 292.)

“It was not possible for me to behold the wonderful fertility of the soil, the vast herds of cattle, proper both for labour and food, and a variety of other circumstances favourable to colonization and agriculture; and reflect withal, on the means which presented themselves of a vast inland navigation, without lamenting that a country, so abundantly gifted and favoured by nature, should remain in its present savage and neglected state. Much more did I lament that a people, of manners and dispositions so gentle and benevolent, should either be left as they now are, immersed in the gross and uncomfortable blindness of Pagan superstition, or permitted to become converts to a system of bigotry and fanaticism.”—(p. 312.)

“During a wearisome peregrination of more than five hundred British miles, exposed to the burning rays of a tropical sun, these poor Slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater sufferings, would commiserate mine; and frequently, of their own accord, bring water to quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves to prepare me a bed in the wilderness.”—(p. 356.)

Effects of Slave Trade on Administration of Justice. By the Sieur BrÜe, Director General of the French Senegal Company, about 1700.—Astley’s Voyages, vol. ii. & iii.

“Crimes here are seldom punished with death, unless it be treason and murder. For other faults, the usual penalty is banishment, to which end the king generally sells them to the company, and disposes of their effects at his pleasure. In civil cases, the debtor, if unable, is sold with his family and effects, for the payment of the creditor, and the king has his thirds.”—(p. 59.)

Barbot says, that the Negro kings are so absolute, that upon any slight pretence, they order their subjects to be sold for Slaves, without regard to rank or profession. Thus a Marbut was sold to him at Goree by the Alkade of Rio Fresco, by special order of the Damel, for some misdemeanors. This priest was above two months aboard the ship before he would speak one word.”—(Travels of Barbot, p. 257.)

“The smallest crimes whatever are punished with banishment.—(p. 315.)

Criminal causes are tried by a public Palaver, or Assembly of the head men of the country, and Slavery is the usual punishment; a circumstance which holds out a strong temptation to prefer false accusations, particularly as the African mode of trial furnishes convenient means of promoting purposes of avarice and oppression.—(Winterbottom’s Account, &c. &c.)

Marchais.—In case of the debtor’s insolvency, the king allows the creditor to sell him, his wives, and even his children, for the sum due. Here is also another extraordinary law; if the creditor, before witnesses, three times asks his debt of a person, whom he cannot arrest or sue on account of his dignity or power, and the debtor refuses to pay him, the creditor has a right to seize the first Slave he meets, let him belong to whom he will.

There is but one sort of punishment for offences here, the offender, and all his generation, being made Slaves.

In their proceedings they take no care whether the party be guilty, or deserves to be punished.

Golberey.

It is a striking circumstance, that in Africa, before the Slave Trade was introduced, the punishments for offences generally consisted of mulcts or fines, as is evident from the testimony of Artus, Barbot, Ogilby, Bosman, Loyer, Nyendael, and others, and that nobody was mulcted beyond his ability, except by an accumulation of crimes. Murder and sorcery were punished capitally in some of the countries of Africa, but in others, murder and every species of offence had no other punishment than a fine. If people could not pay these fines, they were disposed of in two ways. Some of them were sent into a temporary banishment in Africa; others were sold into home slavery. Debtors also, who refused to pay their debts, or became insolvent, were sold for the benefit of their creditors, in case their relations would not redeem them, and worked for these at their respective homes. But since this trade has been used, says Moore, all punishments are changed into slavery: there being an advantage in such condemnation, they strain for crimes very hard, in order to get the benefit of selling the criminal. Not only murder, theft, and adultery, are punished by selling the criminal for a Slave, but every trifling crime is punished in the same manner.”[61]

Moore gives us a history of some of these crimes. “There was a man, says he, brought to me in Tommany, to be sold, for having stolen a tobacco-pipe. I sent for the alcade, and with much ado persuaded the party aggrieved to accept of a composition, and leave the man free. In Cantore, a man seeing a tyger eating a deer, which he had killed and hung up near his house, fired at the tyger, and the bullet killed a man. The king not only condemned him, but also his mother, three brothers, and three sisters, to be sold. These eight persons were brought down to me at Yamyamacunda. It made my heart ache, says Moore (for this was in the infancy of the Trade) to see them, and I did not buy them.” But it appears in the sequel, that this kind action in Moore did not produce the desired end. “For they were sent, says he, further down the river, and sold to some separate traders at Joar, and the king had the benefit of the goods for which they were sold.”

In estimating the revenues of king Forbana, he mentions[62] “the criminals that were sold, a part of the profit of which devolved upon his majesty.” [63] “In Africa, says he, crimes are punished either by fines, slavery, or death. Offences are rare, but accusations common; because the chiefs frequently accuse for the purpose of condemning, that they may be able to procure Slaves.”

“The crime of magic is that which the Negro kings and chiefs most frequently cause to be preferred against individuals of the lower class, because this crime is punished by slavery, and consequently produces Slaves.”

Evidences examined before the House of Commons.

House of Commons Evidence.

[64] Capt. Wilson, of the Royal Navy, says, it is universally acknowledged, and he believes it to be true, that free persons are sold for real or imputed crimes, for the benefit of their judges. Soon after his arrival at Goree, the king of Damel sent a free man to him for sale, and was to have the price himself. One of the king’s guards, who came with the man, on being asked whether he was guilty of the crime imputed to him, replied, with great shrewdness—he did not conceive that was ever inquired into, or of any consequence.

[65] Dr. Trotter says, that of the whole cargo, he recollects only three criminals in the ship where he was. One of these had been sold for adultery, and the other for witchcraft, whose whole family shared his fate. The first said, he had been decoyed by a woman, who told her husband of the transaction, and he was sentenced to pay a Slave; but, being poor, he was sold himself. Such stratagems are frequent. The fourth mate of the ship Brookes was so decoyed, and obliged to pay a Slave, under the threat, that trade would be stopped if he did not. The other had quarrelled with one of the Cabosheers. The Cabosher, in revenge, accused him of witchcraft. In consequence of this accusation he was sold with his family. His mother, wife, and two daughters, were sentenced with him. "House of Commons Evidence." The women shewed the deepest affliction; the man a sullen melancholy; he refused his food, tore his throat open with his nails, and died.

[66] Lieutenant Simpson, of the Royal Marines, considered two crimes as almost made on purpose to procure Slaves. These were, adultery, and the removal of Fetiches, (or of charms founded on a notion of witchcraft). As to adultery, he was warned against connecting himself with any woman not pointed out to him, for that the kings kept several, who were sent out to allure the unwary; and that, if found to be connected with these, he would be seized, and made to pay the price of a man Slave. As to fetiches, consisting of pieces of wood, old pitchers, kettles, &c. laid in the path-ways, he was warned to avoid displacing them, for if he should, the natives, who were on the watch, would seize him, and, as before, exact the price of a man Slave. These baits were laid equally for the natives, as the Europeans; but the former were better acquainted with the law, and consequently more circumspect.

James Morley, 1760 and 1776.—On pretence of adultery, he remembers a woman sold. He learnt that this was only a pretence, from her own mouth, for she spake good English, and from the respect with which her husband, king Ephraim, treated her, when he came on board; whereas, in real cases of adultery, they are very desperate.

Sir George Young, 1767, 1768, 1771, 1772.—Has always heard, that the sovereign or chief of a district generally derives a certain profit from the sale of Slaves.

House of Commons Evidence.

Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq. 1779.—All crimes, in the parts of Africa he was in, were punished with slavery.

James Towne, 1760, 1767.—He has repeatedly heard, both from the accused and accusers themselves, and he believes it common on the coast, to impute crimes falsely for the sake of having the accused person sold.

Mode of Warfare, &c.

Parke.

The Moors purchase the fire-arms and ammunition from the Europeans in exchange for Negro Slaves, whom they obtain in their predatory excursions.—Parke’s Travels.

“Some neighbouring and rebel Negroes plundered a large village belonging to Daisy (the king), and carried off a number of prisoners.”—(p. 110.)

“They accordingly fell upon two of Daisy’s (the king’s) towns, and carried off the whole of the inhabitants.”—(p. 169.)

“I passed, in the course of this day, the ruins of three towns; the inhabitants of which were all carried away by Daisy, king of Kaarta, on the same day that he took and plundered Yamina.”—(p. 230.)

“Mansang separated the remainder of his army into small detachments, ordered them to over-run the country, and seize on the inhabitants before they had time to escape.

“Most of the poor inhabitants of the different towns and villages, being surprized in the night, fell an easy prey.

“Daisy had sent a number of people to plant corn, &c. &c. to supply his army; all these fell into the hands of Sambo Sego; they were afterwards sent in caravans to be sold to the French, on the Senegal.”—(p. 109.)

African Population.

Winterbottom.

Winterbottom’s Travels in Africa.—The towns on the seacoast are in general small, and seldom consist of more than forty or fifty houses; but as we advance inland, they become more populous.—(p. 81.)

The villages near the sea coast not only consist of fewer houses than those more inland, but they also shew less neatness and ingenuity in their construction.—(p. 83.)

Teembo, the capital of the Foola kingdom, is computed to contain about 8,000 inhabitants; Laby, the second in size, has about 5,000; and several of those which I have visited in the Soosoo and Mandingo countries, contain from 1 to 2 or 3,000 inhabitants.—(p. 87.)

Domestic Slaves State in Africa.—Travels of Moore, a Factor of African Company.

Astley’s Voyages.

They seldom sell their family Slaves, except for great crimes.—(vol. iii. p. 242)

Some of them have a good many house Slaves, in which they place a great pride; and these Slaves live so well and easy, that it is hard to know them from their Owners, being often better cloathed; especially the females, who have sometimes coral, amber, and silver necklaces and ornaments to the value of £. 20. or £. 30. sterling.

The author never heard of but one that ever sold a family Slave, except for such crimes as they would have been sold for if they had been free. If one of the family Slaves (where there are many) commits a crime, and the Master sells him for it without the consent of the rest, they will all run away, and be protected in the next kingdom.—(p. 267)

Winter-

Winterbottom’s Travels.—Their domestics are in general treated by them with great humanity, and it is not uncommon to see the heir-apparent of a head man sitting down to eat with the meanest of his father’s people, and in no wise distinguished from them by his dress.—(p. 127.)

Captain Wilson, 1783.—The Slaves employed by the Africans live with their Masters, and are so treated as scarcely to be distinguishable from them.

Isaac Parker, 1764.—Dick Ebro’ had many Slaves of his own, whom he employed in cutting wood and fishing, &c. but he treated them always very well.

James Morley, 1760 and 1776.—They treat their Slaves with the greatest kindness, more so than our servants and Slaves in the West Indies.

Henry Hew Dalrymple, Esq. 1779.—Slaves are treated so well, eating and working with their Masters, that they are not distinguishable from free men.

James Kiernan,—Persons of property there have a great number of persons under the denomination of Slaves, whom they treat as Europeans would people of their own family.

Parke.

“The Mandingo Master can neither deprive his domestic Slave of life, nor sell him to a stranger, without first calling a palaver on his conduct; or, in other words, bringing him to a public trial.” (p. 23)

“He told me, that he had always behaved towards me as if I had been his father and master.” (p. 68.)

“He sometimes eats out of the same bowl with his camel driver, and reposes himself, during the heat of the day, upon the same bed.”—(p. 155.)

“In all the laborious occupations above described, the Master and his Slaves work together, without distinction of superiority.”

The authority of the Master over the domestic Slaves elsewhere observed, extends only to reasonable correction; for the Master cannot sell his domestic without having first brought him to a public trial before the chief men of the place.”—(p. 286.)

Bristol Slave Trade formerly.—William of Malmsbury, book ii. ch. 20.—Life of St. Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester.

Directly opposite the Irish coast there is a seaport town called Bristol, the inhabitants of which, as well as others of the English, frequently sail into Ireland on trading speculations. St. Wolstan put an end to a very ancient custom of theirs, in which they had become so hardened, that neither the love of God, nor that of the king (William the Conqueror) had been able to abolish it. For they sold into Ireland, at a profit, people whom they had bought up throughout all England, and they exposed to sale maidens in a state of pregnancy, with whom they made a sort of mock marriages. There you might see with grief, fastened together by ropes, whole rows of wretched beings of both sexes, of elegant forms and in the very bloom of youth, a sight sufficient to excite pity even in Barbarians, daily offered for sale to the first purchaser. Accursed deed! infamous disgrace! that men, acting in a manner which brutal instinct alone would have forbidden, should sell into slavery their relations, nay, even their own offspring; yet, St. Wolstan destroyed at length this inveterate and hereditary custom. The historian goes on to state, that from the effect of religious instruction, the people of Bristol not only renounced this vicious practice themselves, but afforded an example of reform to the rest of England; harsh methods however were resorted to where persuasion was in vain; for one of the inhabitants of Bristol who resisted the good bishop’s reform with peculiar obstinacy, was expelled from the city, and had his eyes put out.

In 1171, on the invasion and conquest of Ireland by Henry II. it was the unanimous judgment of a great ecclesiastical council, called at Armagh, that the event was to be regarded as a providential visitation for their guilt in making Slaves of the English, whether obtained from merchants, robbers, or pirates; and this opinion was regarded as the more probable, because England herself, the natives of which, by a vice common to that nation, had been used to sell their children and nearest relatives, even when not under the pressure of famine or other necessity, had formerly expiated a similar crime by a similar punishment (alluding to the Norman Conquest.) To the honour of the Irish, a resolution was then passed, that throughout the kingdom the English Slaves should be immediately emancipated. I trust their Hibernian descendants, in our day, will shew themselves actuated by a like humane spirit, and that the English will no longer continue subject to that foul stain with which, even in these early days, she was contaminated.

The city of Bristol is once more exempt from the disgrace of being concerned in the traffic of human beings.

FINIS
Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons, near Lincoln’s Inn Fields.

1. The Report of the Privy Council to the King in 1788, and still more the Reports of the Committee of the House of Commons, to which had been referred the various petitions for and against the abolition, and in the Appendixes to which is contained the Evidence at length of the Witnesses who were examined on that occasion. For the convenience of those who might not have leisure to peruse so voluminous a mass of evidence, an abridged abstract of it was made. This occupies two small octavo volumes, and is entitled “An Abridgement of the Minutes of the Evidence on the Slave Trade. 1790.” It is to be purchased at Phillips’s, George-yard, Lombard-street.—Various Papers and Accounts, tending to give useful information, have also been laid before the House of Commons from time to time. The titles of these will be found in the House of Commons Journals. See especially a voluminous mass of Papers respecting the Slave Trade, ordered to be printed 8th June 1804; and another very important set of Communications from the West Indies, ordered for printing 25th February 1805. See also two very interesting Reports of the House of Assembly of Jamaica.

2. Vide, especially, an Abstract of the Debate on Mr. Wilberforce’s Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade in 1791, and of the Debate on a similar Motion in 1792; both printed for Phillips, George-yard, Lombard-street.

3. Mr. Clarkson’s publications well deserve this epithet, particularly his “Essay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade.” See also Remarks on the Decision of the House of Commons concerning the Slave Trade, on April 2d, 1792, by the Rev. J. Gisborne.—Much valuable information likewise concerning Africa is contained in Lord Muncaster’s Historical Sketches of the Slave Trade. Again, almost all the principal arguments involved in the discussion concerning the abolition are to be found in Mr. Brougham’s Colonial Policy, stated with that author’s usual ability.—Once more, a valuable Summary of the Arguments in favour of Abolition, and of the answers to the chief allegations of its Opponents (by a writer, whose name, if subjoined to it, would have added great weight to the publication) was published two years ago, printed for Hatchard, and Longman and Rees, entitled, a “Concise Statement of the Question, regarding the Abolition of the Slave Trade.” An Appendix, containing much valuable matter, soon after followed. A valuable publication appeared also some years ago, by a Member of the University of Oxford, now become a dignitary of the church. I might specify several others on particular parts of the case. In short, were it as easy to prevail on mankind to read publications which have been some time before the world, as to peruse a new one, my present task might well be spared.

4. In reading accounts of African wars, the attentive reader will continually meet with expressions such as those here used; which incidentally and undesignedly, and therefore the more strongly prove, that the persons of the natives are regarded as the great booty; and we may therefore not unreasonably infer, that they often constitute the chief inducement for commencing hostilities.

5. Vide evidence of Naval Officers, &c. taken before the House of Commons.—Smith also, who visited the coast in the service of the African Company in 1726, says “The Natives who came off to trade with us were mighty timorous of coming aboard, for fear of being panyard.”

6. Vide Nyendael and Artus of Dantzic, in De Bry’s India Orientalis, &c.—Bosman,—Barbot.

7. Moore, many years factor to the African Company, about 1730, says, ‘Since this trade has been used, all punishments are changed into slavery, there being an advantage in such condemnations. They strain for crimes very hard, in order to get the benefit of selling the criminal. Not only murder, theft, and adultery, but every trifling crime is punished by selling the criminal for a Slave.’

8. Vide Smith’s Voyage to Guinea, p. 266.

9. Surely Mr. Parke, when he suggested this, forgot that experience as well as reason teach us, that we must first abolish the Slave Trade before we attempt to diffuse among the Africans the lessons of peace and love; lest we are asked the same well-known question, and receive the same reply, as the Spanish priest from the poor dying Peruvian, when the Spaniards in America were acting on the plan which is here advised, of at once ravaging and converting: “Are there to be any Europeans in this Heaven, where you wish me to secure a place?” Being told yes, “Then it is no place for Peruvians.”

10. This is the more astonishing, because it is mentioned by the older writers as well as by more recent travellers, as Captain Sir G. Young and Sir T. B. Thompson, as a term of which the meaning is clear, and the use perfectly familiar. Thus, as a single instance, Smith, after saying “the natives were afraid of being panyard,” (p. 104.) subjoins the meaning in a note,—“To panyar is to kidnap or steal men. It is a word used all over the Coast of Guinea.”

11. The account given of this Slave trade by an almost contemporary historian, will be found in the Appendix.

12. Atkins was a surgeon in the Royal Navy, who visited all the British Settlements in Africa, with the Swallow and Weymouth men of war, in 1721; and whose account is the more to be credited, from his being a disinterested witness, whose testimony also was given before the justice or humanity of the Slave Trade had been called in question.

13. See Parke, p. 26. 290. 356.—So Lieutenant Matthews (an Opponents’ witness, Privy Council Report p. 27.) says, “The Slaves that are purchased before the rainy season commences are employed upon their plantations, and are sold to the Europeans, and sometimes among themselves, from one master to another, after the rice is planted.”

14. Vide Report of the Committee of the House of Assembly of Jamaica, in the Privy Council Report.—Vide also Long’s History of Jamaica.

15. Vide evidence of Mr. Newton, Mr. Claxton, and others.

16. I cannot vouch for the following fact, but it was related at the time with every appearance of authenticity. A few years ago the male convicts suffered very severely during their passage to New South Wales, and if I mistake not, for I speak from memory, several of them at length died from the hardships which they endured. On inquiring into the cause, it was stated to be, that the person whose province it was to provide necessaries for the voyage, had, by mistake, purchased such fetters as were used on board Slave ships, instead of the common fetters for convicts.

17. Vide evidence taken before the House of Commons.

18. Vide the late Publication of a professional Planter.

19. Vide Practical Rules for the Management of Negro Slaves, by a professional Planter. “New Negroes says he, court the warmest situations they can find, nothing less intense than actual fire being too hot for them. Hence we see that when they turn out in the morning, even in the low lands in the West Indies, they embrace their bodies closely with their wrappers to defend them from the cold.”

20. Vide the evidence of —— Botham, Esq. in the Minutes of Evidence taken before the Privy Council.

21. Vide Hume’s Essays, vol. i. page 407. Edinb. 1777. Cadell.

22. The professional Planter’s own words well deserve to be inserted: “For I aver it boldly, melancholy experience having given me occasion to make the remark, that a great number of Negroes have perished annually by diseases produced by inanition. To be convinced of this truth, let us trace the effect of that system, which assigned, for a Negro’s weekly allowance, six or seven pints of flour, or grain, with as many salt herrings; and it is in vain to conceal what we all know to be true, that in many of the islands they did not give more. With so scanty a pittance, It is indeed possible for the soul and body to be held together a considerable portion of time, provided a man’s only business be to live, and his spirits be husbanded with a frugal hand; but if motion short of labour, much more labour itself, and that too intense, be exacted from him, how is the body to support itself.”—“Their attempts to wield the hoe prove abortive, they shrink from their toil, and, being urged to perseverance by stripes, you are soon obliged to receive them into the hospital, whence, unless your plan be speedily corrected, they depart but to the grave. It may possibly be urged in palliation of this practice, that in cases of such short allowance as I have mentioned above, Negroes do not depend upon that solely for their subsistence, but that they derive considerable aid from little vacant spots on the estate, which they are allowed to cultivate on their own account. Though frequently otherwise, this may sometimes be the case; yet even there it is to be observed, that such spots, in the low-land plantations, are capable of producing only for a part of the year, either through the drought of the season or the sterility of the soil, and when that happens, the Negro is again at his short allowance; and having no honest means of eking it out, to make it square with the demands of nature, he is compelled to pilfer.”—The writer goes on to state, that the delinquent, extending his thefts, is detected and apprehended, is severely whipped and chained, and confined; but as neither chains nor stripes, nor confinement, can extinguish hunger, he returns, when released, to the same practices, till, partly from the discipline, partly from scanty nourishment, and colds from exposure during his desertion, he, ten to one, falls into a distempered habit, which soon hurries him out of the world. The close is very remarkable, “Now this was set down as a vicious incorrigible subject, and his death is deemed a beneficial release to the estate.”

23. Vide Privy Council Report—head, Antigua and Barbados—and some following articles.

24. Vide Captain Wilson’s evidence.

25. Vide a late publication on the beneficial effects of Christianity, by the venerable Bishop of London, a prelate in whom, whether in the closet, the pulpit, or the senate, the poor and the oppressed have ever found a zealous, and eloquent advocate.

26. “Are they Slaves? No, they are men; they are comrades; they are humble friends. Are they Slaves? Nay, rather fellow servants; if you reflect on the equal power of fortune over both you and them.”

“Were you to consider, that he, whom you call your Slave, is sprung from the same origin, enjoys the same climate, breathes the same air, and is subject to the same condition of life and death, you might as well think it possible for you to see him a Gentleman, as he to see you a Slave. In the fall of Varus, how many born of the most splendid parentage, and not unjustly expecting, for their exploits in war, a senatorial degree, hath fortune cast down! She hath made of one a shepherd, of another a cottager. And can you now despise the man, whose fortune is such, into which, while you despise it, you may chance to fall?”—Seneca, Epistle 47, p. 158.

27. Edwards’s History of the West Indies, 4to. vol. ii. page 124.

28. Dr. Pinckard’s Notes on the West Indies, printed for Longman. It ought, perhaps, in fairness to be mentioned, that the Author appears originally to have had no prejudices against the West Indian system.

29. Even before Mr. Long wrote, between thirty and forty years ago, this was a great evil. “And it is inconceivable,” says Mr. Long, “what numbers have perished in consequence of the law for recovery of debts, which permits Negroes to be levied on and sold at vendue. By this means they are frequently torn from their native spot, their dearest connections, and transferred into a situation unadapted to their health, labouring under discontent, which co-operates with change of place and circumstance to shorten their lives.” Long’s Jamaica, vol. ii. p. 435.

30. But a nearer, and more particular view of the manner of working may be necessary to those who have never seen a gang of Negroes at their work:

“When employed in the labour of the field, as for example, in holeing a cane piece, i. e. in turning up the ground with hoes into parallel trenches, for the reception of the cane plants, the Slaves of both sexes, from twenty perhaps to four score in number, are drawn out in a line, like troops on a parade, each with a hoe in his hand; and close to them in the rear is stationed a driver, or several drivers, in numbers duly proportioned to that of the gang. Each of these drivers, who are always the most active and vigorous Negroes on the estate, has in his hand, or coiled round his neck, from which by extending the handle it can be disengaged in a moment, a long, thick, and strongly platted whip, called a cart-whip, the report of which is as loud, and the lash as severe, as those of the whips in common use with our waggoners, and which he has authority to apply, at the instant when his eye perceives an occasion, without any previous warning. Thus disposed, their work begins, and continues without interruption for a certain number of hours, during which, at the peril of the drivers, an adequate portion of land must be holed.

“As the trenches (continues our Author) are generally rectilinear, and the whole line of holers advance together, it is necessary that every hole or section of the trench should be finished in equal time with the rest; and if any one or more Negroes were allowed to throw in the hoe with less rapidity or energy than their companions in other parts of the line, it is obvious that the work of the latter must be suspended; or else, such part of the trench as is passed over by the former, will be more imperfectly formed than the rest. It is therefore the business of the drivers not only to urge forward the whole gang with sufficient speed, but sedulously to watch that all in the line, whether male or female, old or young, strong or feeble, work as nearly as possible in equal time, and with equal effect. The tardy stroke must be quickened, and the languid invigorated, and the whole line made to dress, in the military phrase, as it advances. No breathing time, no resting on the hoe, no pause of languor, to be repaid by brisker exertion on return to work, can be allowed to individuals: all artist work, or pause together.”

31. Vide Evidence taken before the Committee of the House of Commons.

32. Dr. Pinckard’s late publication adds some painful instances of this sort to others contained in the evidence of very respectable men.

33. Vide House of Commons papers.

34. The very words which I am now writing suggest to my mind another possible explanation of the conduct of the Assembly of Barbadoes. Possibly the majority, in rejecting the Governor’s proposition, acted not so much from their own judgment and feelings, as from deference to those of the bulk of the community. Considering that, as is stated above, it must be regarded as a part of their duty to set the tone of public judgment and feelings, this would not be a very creditable plea; nor have I found any hint of it in the papers laid before the House of Commons; but, on the contrary, an expression of resentment against the Governor, with an intimation of the danger of interfering between Master and Slave. But as the idea in question has occurred to me, I think I should scarcely be acting candidly in suppressing it.

35. Long’s History of Jamaica, vol. ii. page 406.

36. The passage to which I allude, contains such important truths, and bears so strongly on the point now under discussion, that I shall take the liberty of inserting a large part of it. I should place it in the Appendix, but that, for various reasons, I wish not to introduce in the Appendix any article respecting the West Indian branch of the subject.

“To superior morality I lay no claim; but I understood my interest, and happily, interest and morality were not in that case, as in many others, at variance. I lost very few Negroes in comparison with other gentlemen, even of such as were purchased out of Guinea yards, and surprisingly few of the infants born on the estate.

“It may be urged, as an objection to this system of management, that the expence attending it would be too great to be defrayed with such a portion of the produce of the estate as it is consistent with prudence to apply to that object alone. That the expences of estates will be considerably larger than at present I admit, because it is proposed that the Negroes should be fed and clothed more liberally than they now are, and be more indulged during their indisposition; whence an excess of expence, and an apparent decrease of income: But let it be remembered at the same time, that an expenditure, when judiciously applied, is not a waste, but the investment of a capital with a view to productive return. It will be found so in this case; for, when Negroes are so treated, there will be fewer sick than in the common mode of management, and they will certainly be enabled to make much more vigorous efforts when engaged at their labour; for they will be more robust of body, more alert and contented in mind, so that, performing more work, the gross income of the estate, far from being reduced, will necessarily experience a considerable increase. But not only the gross income will be greater, but it may be presumed that fewer Negroes will die, and that more will be born, so as to afford a reasonable hope that your number may be kept entire without any foreign recruits; whence a saving in itself, probably equivalent to the extraordinaries incurred by the proposed melioration of their treatment; and the balance at the end of the year, so far from being against the planter, will probably be in his favour. Were it, however, otherwise, who would not submit to a small pecuniary loss, for the inappreciable advantage resulting from a mind contented with itself, and conscious of no neglect of duty? As to those who are unfortunately in such a situation, with respect to incumbrance and credit, as to be disabled from supplying their Negroes as they ought, it behoves them to consider whether by the utmost their undue savings can effect, they can possibly be retrieved from their embarrassments, and if they can, they ought seriously to ponder on the consequence by which their relief is to be obtained; that it must be by the blood of their own species—a horrid thought; and if they cannot, how much better would it be for them to surrender at once their property to their creditors, and to repose in the humble, though exquisite enjoyment of ease of mind, and a fair name, and to trust to recommendations for a future subsistence, which, in the West Indies, is never denied to the industrious, while it is frequently conferred on the undeserving.”

37. Vide Privy Council Report, Part III. Jamaica, A. No. 5.

38. Edwards’s History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 20.

39. Edwards’s History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 18.

40. It is a mistake however to suppose, that, from any natural or moral infirmity, the Negroes are not as willing as the people of other countries to perform ordinary out-of-doors work for hire, as free labourers. This was decisively proved both in the Sierra Leone and Bulam Colonies. Vide Sierra Leone Company’s Report; and Beaver’s African Memoranda. This fact, through inadvertency, was not inserted in its proper place; but it ought not to be left unnoticed, because several authors have confidently stated the contrary as an undoubted fact. Their works were in general, I believe, written before the publication of the intelligence from Sierra Leone and Bulam.

41. Vide Privy Council Report, Nov. 12th 1788; 2d Report of the House of Assembly of Jamaica.

42. Institute schools for their children.

43. Why should not a right of giving evidence, with perhaps some other civil distinctions, be granted to any Slaves who have lived creditably in the marriage state, for three or five years. They might think little of these distinctions at first; but accompany them with some outward mark, and they will produce their effect. No distinctions are more impressive, than those which are arbitrary, and the essential nature of which is little understood.

44. See the publication of Mr. Canes, a most experienced and benevolent West Indian proprietor.

45. Vide Report of the Committee of the House of Assembly of Jamaica, in the Papers presented to the House of Commons.

46. See evidence taken before the House of Commons.

47. This is fully confirmed by the Assembly of Jamaica. See Privy Council Report.

48. These expectations have been just now confirmed by the welcome tidings, that, on the recommendation of the President of the United States, Congress are passing an act for abolishing the Slave Trade on January 1st 1808.

49. Vol. ii. p. 442–3.

50. Ibid. p. 444.

51. Vol. ii. p. 442.

52. Nothing can shew more clearly the degree of this security, than that the Jamaica newspapers have been allowed to print, not only the detailed account of all our parliamentary debates about the abolition of the Slave Trade, but even the particulars of the St. Domingo transactions.—Surely the West Indian Petitioners to the House of Lords were ignorant of these facts, or rather perhaps they thought the Abolitionists were ignorant of them, when the mere discussion of the question here was stated to be so alarming.

53. See Dr. Pinckard’s late work; Notes on the West Indies.

54. The petition of the Assembly of Jamaica, in 1775, plainly recognizes the source of danger here alluded to. “Weak and feeble (says the Assembly) as this colony is, from its very small number of white inhabitants, and its peculiar situation, from the incumbrance of more than 200,000 Slaves,” &c. &c.

55. For the illustration of this part of the subject, and of many other topics which I have slightly touched, I must refer my readers to Mr. Brougham’s Colonial Policy; a work from some parts of which I must express my decided dissent, but which contains a most valuable fund of commercial and financial, political and moral facts, and suggestions on all the various subjects connected with colonial interests and affairs.

56. See Mr. Parke’s account of his journey to the coast from the interior.

57. Let it be considered what immense numbers of Negroes have of late years been removed from our older islands to Trinidad, or to Guiana.

58. Compare this with Captain Hill’s and Wilson’s, and especially with Mr. Wadstrom’s evidence.

59. Compare this with Mr. Howe’s evidence.

60. Compare this with the absolute denial of such practices, or of any term for them, by Opponents’ witnesses.

61. Page 42.

62. Vol. ii. 237. English translation by Blagdon.

63. Vol. ii. 340–1.

64. House of Commons Evidence, p. 4, 5.

65. Ditto, p. 81–2.

66. House of Commons Evidence, p. 40.


TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
  1. P. 1, added a missing chapter title "INTRODUCTION."
  2. P. 135, changed “Never was scene more distressful” to “Never was the scene more distressful”.
  3. P. 319, changed “cruelty, a contrary” to “cruelty, as contrary”.
  4. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.
  5. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed.
  6. Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the last chapter.




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