[1] Most fruitful among these were those given by Plato in the TimÆus. See, also, Grote on Plato's doctrine of the rotundity of the earth. Also Sir G. C. Lewis's Astronomy of the Ancients, London, 1862, chap. iii., sec. i. and note. Cicero's mention of the antipodes and reference to the passage in the TimÆus are even more remarkable than the original, in that they much more clearly foreshadow the modern doctrine. See Academic Questions, ii., xxxix. Also, Tusc. Quest., i., xxviii., and v., xxiv.

[2] See Eusebius, PrÆp. Ev., xv., 61.

[3] See Lactantius, Inst., 1., iii., chap. 3. Also, citations in Whewell, Hist. Induct. Sciences, Lond., 1857, vol. i., p. 194. To understand the embarrassment thus caused to scientific men at a later period, see Letter of Agricola to Joachimus Vadianus in 1514. Agricola asks Vadianus to give his views regarding the antipodes, saying that he himself does not know what to do, between the Fathers on one side and learned men of modern times on the other. On the other hand, for the embarrassment caused to the Church by this mistaken zeal of the Fathers, see Kepler's references and Fromund's replies; also De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 58. Kepler appears to have taken great delight in throwing the views of Lactantius into the teeth of his adversaries.

[4] Another germ idea, etc. See Plato, TimÆus, 62 C., Jowett's translation, N. Y. ed. Also PhÆdo, pp. 449, et seq. Also Cicero, Academic Quest., and Tusc. Disput., ubi supra. For citations and summaries, see Whewell, Hist. Induct. Sciences, vol. i., p. 189, and St. Martin, Hist. de la GÉog., Paris, 1873, p. 96. Also Leopardi, Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli antichi, Firenze, 1851, chap. xii., p. 184, et seq.

[5] For opinion of Basil, Ambrose, and others, see Lecky, Hist. of Rationalism in Europe, New York, 1872, vol. i., p. 279, note. Also, Letronne, in Revue des Deux Mondes, March, 1834.

[6] For Lactantius, see Instit., iii., 24, translation in the Ante-Nicene Library; also, citations in Whewell, i., 196, and in St. Martin, Histoire de la GÉographie, pp. 216, 217. For St. Augustine's opinion, see the Civ. D., xvi., 9, where this great Father of the Church shows that the existence of the antipodes "nulla ratione credendum est." Also, citations in Buckle's Posthumous Works, vol. ii., p. 645. For a notice of the views of Cosmas in connection with those of Lactantius, Augustine, St. John Chrysostom, and others, see Schoell, Histoire de la LittÉrature Grecque, vol. vii., pp. 37, et seq.

[7] Isaiah xl. 22.

[8] Job xxvi. 11.

[9] Genesis i. 6.

[10] Psalm cxlviii. 4.

[11] Genesis vii. 11.

[12] See Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, Paris, 1706, vol ii., p. 188; also pp. 298, 299. The text is illustrated with engravings showing walls and solid vault (firmament), with the whole apparatus of "fountains of the great deep," "windows of heaven," angels, and the mountain behind which the sun is drawn. For an imperfect reduction of one of them, see article Maps in Knight's Dictionary of Mechanics, New York, 1875. For still another theory, very droll, and thought out on similar principles, see Mungo Park, cited in De Morgan, Paradoxes, 309. For Cosmas's joyful summing up, see Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, vol. ii., p. 255.

[13] Virgil of Salzburg. See Neander's History of the Christian Church, Torrey's translation, vol. iii., p. 63. Since Bayle, there has been much loose writing about Virgil's case. See Whewell, p. 197; but for best choice of authorities and most careful winnowing out of conclusions, see De Morgan, pp. 24-26. For very full notes as to pagan and Christian advocates of doctrine of rotundity of the earth and of antipodes, and for extract from Zachary's letter, see Migne, Patrologia, vol. vi., p. 426, and vol. xli., p. 487. For Peter of Abano, or Apono, as he is often called, see Tiraboschi; also, GinguenÉ, vol. ii., p. 293; also NaudÉ, Histoire des Grands hommes accusÉs de Magie. For Cecco d'Ascoli, see Montucla, Histoire des MathÉmatiques, i., 528; also, Daunou, Études Historiques, vol. vi., p. 320. Concerning Orcagna's representation of Cecco in flames of hell, see Renan, AverroÈs et l'Averroisme, Paris, 1867, p. 328.

[14] For Columbus before the Junta of Salamanca, see Irving's Columbus, Murray's edition, vol. ii., pp. 405-410. Figuier, Savants du Moyen Age, etc., vol. ii., p. 394, et seq. Also, Humboldt, Histoire de la GÉographie du Nouveau Continent.

[15] See Daunou, Études Historiques, vol. ii., p. 417.

[16] For effect of Magalhaens's voyages, and the reluctance to yield to proof, see Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xiv., p. 395; St. Martin's Histoire de la GÉog., p. 369; Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, concluding chapters; and for an admirable summary, Draper, Hist. Int. Dev. of Europe, pp. 451-453.

[17] For general statement as to supplementary proof by measurement of degrees, and by pendulum, see Somerville, Phys. Geog., chapter i, § 6, note. Also Humboldt, Cosmos, vol. ii., p. 736, and v., pp. 16, 32. Also Montucla, iv., 138.

[18] Respectability of Geocentric Theory, Plato's Authority for it etc., see Grote's Plato, vol. iii., p. 257. Also, Sir G. C. Lewis, Astronomy of the Ancients, chap, iii., sec. i., for a very thoughtful statement of Plato's view, and differing from ancient statements. For plausible elaboration of it, see Fromundus, Anti-Aristarchus, Antwerp, 1631. Also Melanchthon, Initia DoctrinÆ PhysicÆ.

[19] For supposed agreement of Scripture with Ptolemaic theory, see Fromundus, passim, Melanchthon, and a host of other writers.

[20] See St. Thomas Aquinas, Liber de Coelo et Mundo, sec. xx.

[21] For Germs of Heliocentric Theory planted long before, etc., see Sir G. C. Lewis; also, Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe, p. 512; and for a succinct statement of the claims of Pythagoras, Philolaus, Aristarchus, and Martianus Capella, see Hoefer, Hist. de l'Astronomie, 1873, p. 107, et seq. For germs among thinkers of India, see Whewell, vol. i., p. 277. Also, Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies, New York, 1874; Essay on the Lunar Zodiac, p. 345.

[22] For general statement of De Cusa's work, see Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe, p. 512. For skillful use of De Cusa's view in order to mitigate censure upon the Church for its treatment of Copernicus's discovery, see an article in the Catholic World for January, 1869. For a very exact statement, in a spirit of judicial fairness, see Whewell, History of the Inductive Sciences, p. 275 and pp. 379, 380. In the latter, Whewell cites the exact words of De Cusa in the De Docta Ignorantia, and sums up in these words: "This train of thought might be a preparation for the reception of the Copernican system; but it is very different from the doctrine that the sun is the centre of the planetary system." In the previous passage, Whewell says that De Cusa "propounded the doctrine of the motion of the earth, more, however, as a paradox than as a reality. We cannot consider this as any distinct anticipation of a profound and consistent view of the truth." For Aristotle's views and their elaboration by St. Thomas Aquinas, see the treatise De Coelo et Mundo. It is curious to see how even such a biographer of St. Thomas as Archbishop Vaughan slurs over the angelic doctor's errors. See Vaughan's Life and Labors of St. Thomas of Aquin, pp. 459, 460.

[23] For improvement of mathematical processes, see Draper, Intellectual Development of Europe, 513. In looking at this and other admirable summaries, one feels that Prof. Tyndall was not altogether right in lamenting, in his farewell address at New York, that Dr. Draper has devoted so much of his time to historical studies.

[24] Kopernik's danger at Rome. The Catholic World for January, 1869, cites a recent speech of the Archbishop of Mechlin before the University of Louvain, to the effect that Copernicus defended his theory, at Rome, in 1500, before two thousand scholars; also, that another professor taught the system in 1528, and was made Apostolic Notary by Clement VIII. All this, even if the doctrines taught were identical with those of Copernicus, as finally developed, which idea Whewell seems utterly to disprove, avails nothing against the overwhelming testimony that Copernicus felt himself in danger—testimony which the after-history of the Copernican theory renders invincible. The very title of Fromundus's book, already cited, published within a few miles of the archbishop's own cathedral, and sanctioned expressly by the theological Faculty of that same University of Louvain in 1630, utterly refutes the archbishop's idea that the Church was inclined to treat Copernicus kindly. The title is as follows:

"Anti-Aristarchus " Sive " Orbis-TerrÆ " Immobilis " In quo decretum S. Congregationis S. R. E. " Cardinalium " I?C. XVI adversus Pytha " gorico-Copernicanos editum defenditur " AntwerpiÆ MDCXXXI."

L'Epinois, GalilÉe, Paris, 1867, lays stress, p. 14, on the broaching of the doctrine by De Cusa, in 1435, and by Widmanstadt, in 1533, and their kind treatment by Eugenius IV. and Clement VII., but this is absolutely worthless in denying the papal policy afterward. Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., pp. 217, 218, while admitting that De Cusa and Widmanstadt sustained this idea and received honors from their respective popes, shows that, when the Church gave it serious consideration, it was condemned. There is nothing in this view unreasonable. It would be a parallel case to that of Leo X., at first inclined toward Luther and the others, in their "squabbles with the begging friars," and afterward forced to oppose them. That Copernicus felt the danger, is evident, among other things, by the expression in the preface, "Statim me explodendum cum tali opinione clamitant."

[25] For dangers at Wittenberg, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 217.

[26] Osiander, in a letter to Copernicus, dated April 20, 1541, had endeavored to reconcile him to such a procedure, and ends by saying, "Sic enim placidiores reddideris peripatheticos et theologos quos contradicturos metuis." See Apologia Tychonis in Kepleri Opera Omnia, Frisch's edition, vol. i., p. 246. Kepler holds Osiander entirely responsible for this preface. Bertrand, in his Fondateurs de l'Astronomie Moderne, gives its text, and thinks it possible that Copernicus may have yielded "in pure condescension toward his disciple." But this idea is utterly at variance with expressions in Copernicus's own dedicatory letter to the pope, which follows the preface. For a good summary of the argument, see Figuier, Savants de la Renaissance, pp. 378, 379. See, also, citation from Gassendi's life of Copernicus, in Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, p. 124. Mr. John Fiske, accurate as he usually is, in his recent Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, appears to have followed Laplace, Delambre, and Petit into the error of supposing that Copernicus, and not Osiander, is responsible for the preface.

[27] Figuier, Savants de la Renaissance, p. 380. Also, Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, p. 190.

[28] The "proper authorities" in this case were the "Congregation of the Index," or cardinals having charge of the "Index Librorum Prohibitorum." Recent desperate attempts to fasten the responsibility on them as individuals seem ridiculous in view of the simple fact that their work is sanctioned by the highest Church authority, and required to be universally accepted by the Church. Three of four editions of the "Index" in my own possession declare on their title-pages that they are issued by order of the pontiff of the period, and each is prefaced by a special papal bull or letter. See, especially, Index of 1664, issued under order of Alexander VII., and that of 1761, under Benedict XIV. Copernicus's work was prohibited in the Index "donec corrigatur." Kepler said that it ought to be worded "donec explicetur." See Bertrand, Fondateurs de l'Astronomie Moderne, p. 57. De Morgan, pp. 57-60, gives the corrections required by the Index of 1620. Their main aim seems to be to reduce Copernicus to the groveling level of Osiander, making of his discovery a mere hypothesis; but occasionally they require a virtual giving up of the whole Copernican doctrine, e. g., "correction" insisted upon for cap. 8, p. 6. For scholarly account of the relation of the Prohibitory and Expurgatory Indexes to each other, see Mendham, Literary Policy of the Church of Rome.

[29] See Fromundus's book, cited above, passim, but especially the heading of chapter vi., and the argument in chaps, x. and xi. For interesting reference to one of Fromundus's arguments, showing by a mixture of mathematics and theology, that the earth is the centre of the universe, see Quetelet, Histoire des Sciences MathÉmatiques et Physiques, Bruxelles, 1864, p. 170.

[30] See Luther's Tischreden, Irmischer's Ausgabe. Also, Melanchthon's Initia DoctrinÆ PhysicÆ. This treatise is cited under a mistaken title by the Catholic World, September, 1870. The correct title is as given above. It will be found in the Corpus Reformatorum, ed. Bretschneider, Halle, 1846. (For the above passage, see vol. xiii., pp. 216, 217.) Also, Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 217. Also, Prowe, Ueber die AbhÄngigkeit des Copernicus, Thorn, 1865, p. 4. Also, note, pp. 5 and 6, where text is given in full.

[31] For treatment of Copernican ideas by the people, see Catholic World, as above.

[32] See title-page of Fromundus's work cited in note at bottom of p. 392; also, Melanchthon, ubi supra.

[33] See Bartholmess, Vie de Jordano Bruno, Paris, 1846, vol. i., pp. 121 and 212, et seq. Also Berti, Vita di Giordano Bruno, Firenze, 1868, chapter xvi. Also Whewell, i., 294, 295. That Whewell is somewhat hasty in attributing Bruno's punishment entirely to the Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante will be evident, in spite of Montucla, to any one who reads the account of the persecution in Bartholmess or Berti; and, even if Whewell be right, the Spaccio would never have been written, but for Bruno's indignation at ecclesiastical oppression. See Tiraboschi, vol. xi., p. 435.

[34] Delambre, Histoire de l'Astronomie moderne, discours prÉliminaire, p. xiv. Also Laplace, SystÈme du Monde, vol. i., p. 326, and for more careful statement, Kepleri Opera Omnia, edit. Frisch, tom. ii., p. 464.

[35] Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 473.

[36] A very curious example of this sham science is seen in the argument, frequently used at the time, that, if the earth really moved, a stone falling from a height would fall back of the point immediately below its point of starting. This is used by Fromundus with great effect. It appears never to have occurred to him to test the matter by dropping a stone from the topmast of a ship. But the most beautiful thing of all is that Benzenburg has experimentally demonstrated just such an aberration in falling bodies as is mathematically required by the diurnal motion of the earth. See Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. i., p. 453, and ii., pp. 310, 311.

[37] See Delambre as to the discovery of the satellites of Jupiter being the turning-point with the heliocentric doctrine. As to its effects on Bacon, see Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii., p. 298.

[38] For argument drawn from the candlestick and seven churches, see Delambre.

[39] Libri, vol. iv., p. 211. De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 26, for account of Father Clavius. It is interesting to know that Clavius, in his last years, acknowledged that "the whole system of the heavens is broken down, and must be mended."

[40] Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 478.

[41] For Caccini's attack, see Delambre, Hist. de l'Astron., disc. prÉlim., p. xxii.; also, Libri, Hist. des Sciences Math., vol. iv., p. 232; also, Martin, GalilÉe, pp. 43, 44.

[42] For Bellarmin's view, see Quinet, Jesuits, vol. ii., p. 189. For other objectors and objections, see Libri, Histoire des Sciences MathÉmatiques en Italie, vol. iv., pp. 233, 234; also, Martin, Vie de GalilÉe.

[43] See Trouessart, cited in Flammarion, Mondes Imaginaires et RÉels, sixiÈme Édition, pp. 315, 316.

[44] Initia DoctrinÆ PhysicÆ, pp. 220, 221.

[45] See Ticknor, Hist. of Span. Literature, vol. iii.

[46] See Th. Martin, GalilÉe, pp. 34, 208, and 266.

[47] See Martin, GalilÉe, pp. 34 and 208; also a curious note in the earlier English editions, Lyell, Principles of Geology, Introduction.

[48] For curious exemplification of the way in which these weapons have been hurled, see lists of persons charged with "infidelity" and "atheism," in Le Dictionnaire des AthÉes, Paris, An. viii. Also, Lecky, History of Rationalism, vol. ii., p. 50. For case of Descartes, see Saisset, Descartes et ses prÉcurseurs, pp. 103, 110.

[49] See the original documents in Epinois, pp. 34-36. Martin's translation does not seem exactly correct.

[50] See full official text in Epinois.

[51] See proofs of this in Martin. The reader should be reminded that the archives exposed within the past few years have made the statements of early writers untrustworthy on very many of the nicer points.

[52] See Inchofer's Tractatus Syllepticus, cited in Galileo's letter to Deodati, July 28, 1634.

[53] It is not probable that torture in the ordinary sense was administered to Galileo, though it was threatened. See Th. Martin, Vie de GalilÉe, for a fair summing up of the case. For text of the abjuration, see Epinois; also, Private Life of Galileo, Appendix.

[54] Martin, p. 227.

[55] Martin, p. 243.

[56] For the persecution of Galileo's memory, see Th. Martin, chaps. ix and x. For documentary proofs, see de l'Epinois. For a collection of the slanderous theories invented against Galileo, see Martin, final chapters and appendix. Both these authors are devoted to the Church, but, unlike Monsignor Marini, are too upright to resort to the pious fraud of suppressing documents or interpolating pretended facts.

[57] See Martin, pp. 401, 402.

[58] See de l'Epinois, p. 35, where the document is given in its original Latin.

[59] See translation of the abjuration in appendix to Private Life of Galileo, London, 1870.

[60] See Marini, who manipulated the original documents to prove this. Even Whewell appears to have been somewhat misled by him; but Whewell wrote before de l'Epinois had shown all the documents, and under the supposition that Marini was an honest man.

[61] See Marini.

[62] See Epinois and Th. Martin, passim.

[63] See pages 136, 144, and elsewhere in Martin, who, much against his will, is forced to allow this.

[64] Martin, pp. 146, 147.

[65] See Martin, p. 145.

[66] See note on condemnation of Kopernik.

[67] For the attempt to make the crime of Galileo a breach of etiquette, see Dublin Review, as above. Whewell, vol. i., 393. Citation from Marini: "Galileo was punished for trifling with the authorities to which he refused to submit, and was punished for obstinate contumacy, not heresy." The sufficient answer to all this is, that the words of the inflexible sentence designating the condemned books are: "Libri omnes qui affirmant telluris motum." See Bertrand, p. 59. As to the idea that "Galileo was punished not for his opinion, but for basing it on Scripture," the answer may be found in the Roman Index of 1704, in which are noted for condemnation "Libri omnes docentes mobilitatem terrÆ et inmobilitatem solis." For the way in which, when it was found convenient in argument, Church apologists insisted that it was "the Supreme Chief of the Church, by a pontifical decree, and not certain cardinals," who condemned Galileo and his doctrine, see Father Lecazre's letter to Gassendi in Flammarion, PluralitÉ des Mondes, p. 427, and Urban VIII.'s own declarations as given by Martin. For the way in which, when necessary, Church apologists asserted the very contrary of this, declaring that "it was issued in a doctrinal decree of the Congregation of the Index, and not as the Holy Father's teaching," see Dublin Review, September, 1865. And for the most astounding attempt of all, to take the blame off the shoulders of both pope and cardinals, and place it upon the Almighty, see the article above cited, in the Dublin Review, September, 1865, p. 419. For a good summary of the various attempts, and for replies to them in a spirit of judicial fairness, see Th. Martin, Vie de GalilÉe, though there is some special pleading to save the infallibility of pope and Church. The bibliography at the close is very valuable.

[68] For Baronius's remark, see De Morgan, p. 26. Also, Whewell, vol. i., p. 394.

[69] For an exceedingly striking statement, by a Roman Catholic historian of genius, as to popular demand for persecution, and the pressure of the lower strata, in ecclesiastical organizations, for cruel measures, see BalmÈs, Le Protestantisme comparÉ au Catholicisme, etc., 4th ed., Paris, 1855, vol. ii. Archbishop Spaulding has something of the same sort in his Miscellanies. L'Epinois, GalilÉe, pp. 22, et seq., stretches this as far as possible, to save the reputation of the Church in the Galileo matter.

[70] Humboldt, Cosmos, London, 1851, vol. iii., p. 21. Also, Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 222, where the letters of Descartes are given, showing his despair, and the giving up of his best thoughts and works to preserve peace with the Church. Also, Saisset, Descartes et ses prÉcurseurs, pp. 100, et seq. Also, Jolly, Hist, du Mouvement Intellectuel au XVI^e SiÈcle, vol. i., p. 390

[71] Libri, pp. 149, et seq.

[72] Fromundus, speaking of Kepler's explanation, says: "Vix teneo ebullientem risum." It is almost equal to the New York Church Journal, speaking of John Stuart Mill as "that small sciolist," and of the preface to Dr. Draper's recent work as "chippering." How a journal generally so fair in its treatment of such subjects can condescend to use such weapons, is one of the wonders of modern journalism. For Protestant persecution of Kepler, see vol. i., p. 392. Among other things, Kepler's mother was declared a witch, and this was followed by a reminder of the Scriptural injunction, "Ye shall not suffer a witch to live."

[73] For Cassini's position, see Henri Martin, Hist. de France, vol. xiii., p. 175.

[74] Daunou, Études Historiques, vol. ii., p. 439.

[75] Bossuet, see Bertrand, p. 41.

[76] For Hutchinson, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, Introduction.

[77] Boscovich. This was in 1746, but in 1785 Boscovich seemed to feel his position in view of history, and apologized abjectly. Bertrand, pp. 60, 61. See also Whewell's notice of Le Sueur and Jacquier's introduction to their edition of Newton's Principia. For a clear statement of Bradley's exquisite demonstration of the Copernican theory by reasonings upon the rapidity of light, etc., and Foucault's exhibition of the rotation of the earth by the pendulum experiment, see Hoefer, Hist. de l'Astronomie, pp. 492, et seq. For the most recent proofs of the Copernican theory, by discoveries of Bunsen, Bischoff, Benzenburg, and others, see Jevons, Principles of Science.

[78] See note in introduction to Lyell's Principles of Geology; also, Buckle, Hist. of Civ. in England, vol. i., chap. i.

[79] Bertrand, Fondateurs de l'Astron. Mod., p. 61. Flammarion, Vie de Copernic, chap. ix. As to the time when the decree of condemnation was repealed, various authorities differ. Artaud, p. 307, cited in an apologetic article in Dublin Review, September, 1865, says that Galileo's famous dialogue was published in 1744, at Padua, entire, and with the usual approbations. The same article also declares that in 1818 the ecclesiastical decrees were repealed by Pius VII., in full Consistory. Whewell says that Galileo's writings, after some opposition, were expunged from the Index Expurgatorius in 1818. Cantu, an authority rather favorable to the Church, says that Copernicus's work remained on the Index as late as 1835. Cantu, Histoire Universelle, vol. xv., p. 483; and with this Th. Martin, not less favorable to the Church, but exceedingly careful as to the facts, agrees.

[80] See Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. ii., p. 56, for the facts and the admirable letter of Priestley upon this rejection.

[81] Bruhns and Lassell, Life of Humboldt, London, 1873, vol. ii., p. 411.

[82] For the very amusing details of the English attempt, and of the way in which it was met, see De Morgan, Paradoxes, p. 42. For Pastor Knak and his associates, see Revue des Deux Mondes, 1868.

[83] For a striking account, gathered from eye-witnesses of this frightful scene at the execution of Bruno, see letter of Scioppius in appendix to vol. iv. of Libri, Hist. des MathÉmatiques.

[84] As a pendant to this ejaculation of Kepler may be cited those wondrous words of LinnÆus: "Deum omnipotentem a tergo transeuntem vidi et obstupui."

[85] For papal bull representing the earth as a flat disk, see Daunou, Études Historiques, vol. ii., p. 421.

[86] For Bruno's conjecture (in 1591), see Jevons, vol. ii., p. 299. For Kant's part in the nebular hypothesis, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, vol. i., p. 266. For value of Plateau's beautiful experiment very cautiously estimated, see W. Stanley Jevons, Principles of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii., p. 36. Also, ElisÉe RÉclus, The Earth, translated by Woodward, vol. i., pp. 14-18, for an estimate still more careful. For a general account of discoveries of nature of nebulÆ by spectroscope, see Draper, Conflict between Religion and Science. For a careful discussion regarding the spectra of solid, liquid, and gaseous bodies, see Schellen, Spectrum Analysis, pp. 100, et seq. For a very thorough discussion of the bearings of discoveries made by spectrum analysis upon the nebular hypothesis, ibid., pp. 532-537. For a presentation of the difficulties yet unsolved, see article by Plummer, in London Popular Science Review for January, 1875. For excellent short summary of recent observations and thought on this subject, see T. Sterry Hunt, Address at the Priestley Centennial, pp. 7, 8. For an interesting modification of this hypothesis, see Proctor's recent writings.

[87] For a very careful discussion of Albert's strength in investigation and weakness in yielding to scholastic authority, see Kopp, Ansichten Über die Aufgabe der Chemie von Geber bis Stahl, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 64, et seq. For a very extended and enthusiastic biographical sketch, see Pouchet. For comparison of his work with that of Thomas Aquinas, see Milman, History of Latin Christians, vol. vi., 461. Il Était aussi trÈs-habile dans les arts mÉcaniques, ce que le fit soupÇonner d'Être sorcier. Sprengel, Histoire de la MÉdecine, vol. ii., p. 389.

[88] For the charge of magic against scholars and others, see NaudÉ, Apologie pour les grands hommes accusÉs de Magie, passim. Also, Maury, Hist. de la Magie, troisiÈme Édit., pp. 214, 215. Also, Cuvier, Hist. des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i., p. 396.

[89] See Études sur Vincent de Beauvais par l'AbbÉ Bourgeat, chaps. xii., xiii., xiv. Also, Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age, Paris, 1853, pp. 470, et seq.

[90] For work of Aquinas, see St. Thomas Aquinas, Liber de Coelo et Mundo, section xx. Also, Life and Labors of St. Thomas of Aquin, by Archbishop Vaughan, pp. 459, et seq. For his labors in natural science, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1843, vol. i., p. 381. For theological views of science in middle ages, and rejoicing thereat, see Pouchet, Hist. des Sci. Nat. au Moyen Age, ubi supra. Pouchet says: "En gÉnÉral au milieu du moyen Âge les sciences sont essentiellement chrÉtiennes, leur but est tout-À-fait religieux, et elles semblent beaucoup moins s'inquiÉter de l'avancement intellectuel de l'homme que de son salut eternel." Pouchet calls this "conciliation" into a "harmonieux ensemble" "la plus glorieuse des conquÊtes intellectuelles du moyen Âge." Pouchet belongs to Rouen, and the shadow of the Rouen Cathedral seems thrown over all his history. See, also, L'AbbÉ Rohrbacher, Hist. de l'Église Catholique, Paris, 1858, vol. xviii., pp. 421, et seq. The abbÉ dilates upon the fact that "the Church organizes the agreement of all the sciences by the labors of St. Thomas of Aquin and his contemporaries." For the theological character of science in middle ages, recognized by a Protestant philosophic historian, see the well-known passage in Guizot, History of Civilization in Europe; and by a noted Protestant ecclesiastic, see Bishop Hampden's Life of Thomas Aquinas, chaps. xxxvi., xxxvii. See, also, Hallam, Middle Ages, chap. ix. For dealings of Pope John XXII., and kings of France and England, and republic of Venice, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, pp. 140, 141, where, in a note, the text of the bull Spondent Pariter is given.

[91] The Novum Organon, translated by the Rev. G. W. Kitchin, Oxford, 1855, chap. lxv.

[92] Novum Organon, chap. lxxxix.

[93] Novum Organon, chap. xciii.

[94] Bacon, The Advancement of Learning, edited by W. Aldis Wright, London, 1873, pp. 47, 48.

[95] For a very contemptuous statement of Lord Bacon's claim to his position as a philosopher, see Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus, Leipsic, 1874, vol. i., p. 219. For a more just statement, see Brewster, Life of Sir Isaac Newton. See, also, Jevons, Principles of Science, London, 1874, vol. ii., p. 298.

[96] Kopp, in his Ansichten, pushes criticism even to some skepticism as to Roger Bacon being the discoverer of many of the things generally attributed to him; but, after all deductions are carefully made, enough remains to make Bacon the greatest benefactor to humanity during the middle ages.

[97] For an account of Bacon's treatise, De Nullitate MagiÆ, see Hoefer.

[98] Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1843, vol. i., p. 63; and for a somewhat reactionary discussion of Bacon's relation to the progress of chemistry, see a recent work by the same author, Ansichten Über die Aufgabe der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1874, pp. 85, et seq. Also, for an excellent summary, see Hoefer, Hist. de la Chimie, vol. i., pp. 368, et seq. For summaries of his work in other fields, see Whewell, vol. i., pp. 367, 368. Draper, p. 438. Saisset, Descartes et ses PrÉcurseurs, deuxiÈme Édition, pp. 397, et seq. Nourrisson, ProgrÈs de la pensÉe humaine, pp. 271, 272. Sprengel, Histoire de la MÉdecine, Paris, 1865, vol. ii., p. 397. Cuvier, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles, vol. i., p. 417. As to Bacon's orthodoxy, see Saisset, pp. 53, 55. For special examination of causes of Bacon's condemnation, see Waddington, cited by Saisset, p. 14. On Bacon as a sorcerer, see Featherstonaugh's article in North American Review. For a good example of the danger of denying full power of Satan, even in much more recent times, and in a Protestant country, see account of treatment of Bekker's Monde EnchantÉ by the theologians of Holland, in Nisard, Histoire des Livres Populaires, vol. i., pp. 172, 173.

[99] Henri Martin, Hist. de France, vol. iv., p. 283.

[100] On Bacon as a "Mahometan," see Saisset, p. 17.

[101] For proofs that the world is steadily working toward great discoveries as to the cause and prevention of zymotic diseases and of their propagation, see Beale's Disease Germs, Baldwin Latham's Sanitary Engineering, Michel LÉvy, TraitÉ d'HygiÈne Publique et PrivÉe, Paris, 1869. And for very thorough summaries, see President Barnard's paper read before Sanitary Congress in New York, 1874, and Dr. J. C. Dalton's Anniversary Discourse on the Origin and Propagation of Disease, New York, 1874.

[102] Antonio de Dominis, see Montucla, Hist. des MathÉmatiques, vol. i., p. 705. Humboldt, Cosmos. Libri, vol. iv., pp. 145, et seq.

[103] For Porta, see Hoefer, Hist. de la Chemie, vol. ii., pp. 102-106. Also, Kopp. Also, Sprengel, Hist. de la MÉdecine, iii., p. 239. Also, Musset-Parthay.

[104] Henri Martin, Histoire de France, vol. xii., pp. 14, 15.

[105] Napier, Florentine History, vol. v., p. 485. Tiraboschi, Storia della Literatura. Henri Martin, Histoire de France. Jevons Principles of Science, vol. ii., pp. 36-40. For value attached to Borelli's investigations by Newton and Huyghens, see Brewster's Life of Sir Isaac Newton, London, 1875, pp. 128, 129. Libri, in his Essai sur GalilÉe, p. 37, says that Oliva was summoned to Rome, and so tortured by the Inquisition that, to escape further cruelty, he ended his life by throwing himself from a window.

[106] For this syllogism, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, pp. 106, 107. For careful appreciation of Becher's position in the history of chemistry, see Kopp, Ansichten Über die Aufgabe der Chemie, etc., von Geber bis Stahl, Braunschweig, 1875, pp. 201, et seq.

[107] For Tertullian's views, see the De Anima, chap. x. For views of St. Augustine, see the De Civ. Dei, book xxii., chap. 24.

[108] For Boniface VIII. and his interdiction of dissections, see Buckle's Posthumous Works, vol. ii., p. 567. For injurious effects of this ecclesiastical hostility to anatomy upon the development of art, see Woltman, Holbein and His Time, pp. 266, 267. For an excellent statement of the true relation of the medical profession to religious questions, see Prof. Acland, General Relations of Medicine in Modern Times, Oxford, 1868. For thoughtful and witty remarks on the struggle at a recent period, see Maury, L'Ancienne AcadÉmie des Sciences, Paris, 1864, p. 148. Maury says: "La facultÉ n'aimait pas À avoir affaire aux thÉologiens qui procÈdent par anathÈmes beaucoup plus que par analyses."

[109] For uncritical praise of Arnold de Villa Nova, see Figuier, L'Alchimie et les Alchimistes, 3Ème edit. For undue blame, see Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1842, vol. i., p. 386. For a more broad and fair judgment, see Kopp, Geschichte der Chemie, Braunschweig, 1843, vol. i., p. 66, and vol. ii., p. 185. Also, Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Naturelles au Moyen Age, Paris, 1853, pp. 52, et seq. Also, Draper, Int. Dev. of Europe, p. 421. Whewell, Hist. of the Induct. Sciences, vol. i., p. 235; vol. viii., p. 36. FrÉdault, Hist. de la MÉdecine, vol. i., p. 204.

[110] Renan, AverroÈs et l'Averroisme, Paris, 1867, pp. 327, 333, 335. For a perfectly just statement of the only circumstances which can justify the charge of "atheism," see Dr. Deems's article in Popular Science Monthly, February, 1876.

[111] Whewell, vol. iii., p. 328, says, rather loosely, that Mundinus "dissected at Bologna in 1315." How different his idea of dissection was from that introduced by Vesalius, may be seen by Cuvier's careful statement that the entire number of dissections by Mundinus was three. The usual statement is that it was two. See Cuvier, Hist. des Sci. Nat., tome iii., p. 7; also, Sprengel, FrÉdault, and Hallam; also, LittrÉ, MÉdecine et MÉdecins, chap. on anatomy. For a very full statement of the agency of Mundinus in the progress of anatomy, see Portal, Hist. de l'Anatomie et de la ChirurgÉrie, vol. i., pp. 209-216.

[112] For a similar charge against anatomical investigations at a much earlier period, see LittrÉ, MÉdecine et MÉdecins, chapter on anatomy.

[113] The original painting of Vesalius at work in his cell, by Hamann, is now at Cornell University.

[114] For a curious example of weapons drawn from Galen and used against Vesalius, see Lewes, Life of Goethe, p. 343, note. For proofs that I have not over-estimated Vesalius, see Portal, ubi supra. Portal speaks of him as "le gÉnie le plus droit qu'eut l'Europe;" and again, "Vesale me paraÎt un des plus grands hommes qui ait existÉ."

[115] See Sprengel, Histoire de la MÉdecine, vol. vi., pp. 39-80. For the opposition of the Paris Faculty of Theology to inoculation, see the Journal de Barbier, vol. vi., p. 294. For bitter denunciations of inoculation by the English clergy, and for the noble stand against them by Maddox, see Baron, Life of Jenner, vol. i., pp. 231, 232, and vol. ii., pp. 39, 40. For the strenuous opposition of the same clergy, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. i., p. 464, note. Also, for the comical side of this matter, see Nichols's Literary Illustrations, vol. v., p. 800.

[116] For the opposition of conscientious men in England to vaccination, see Duns, Life of Sir James Y. Simpson, Bart., London, 1873, pp. 248, 249; also, Baron, Life of Jenner, ubi supra, and vol. ii., p. 43; also, Works of Sir J. Y. Simpson, vol. ii.

[117] See Duns, Life of Sir J. Y. Simpson, pp. 215-222.

[118] Ibid., pp. 256-259.

[119] Ibid., p. 260; also, Works of Sir J. Y. Simpson, ubi supra.

[120] Morley, Life of Palissy the Potter, vol. ii., pp. 315, et seq.

[121] Audiat, Vie de Palissy, p. 412. Cantu, Hist. Universelle, vol. xv., p. 492.

[122] For ancient beliefs regarding giants, see Leopardi, Saggio sopra gli errori popolari, etc., chapter xv. For accounts of the views of Mazurier and Scheuchzer, see BÜchner, Man in Past, Present, and Future, English translation, pp. 235, 236. For Increase Mather's views, see Philosophical Transactions, xxiv., 85. For similar fossils sent from New York to the Royal Society as remains of giants, see Weld, History of the Royal Society, vol. i., p. 421. For Father Torrubia and his Gigantologia EspaÑola, see D'Archiac, Introduction À l'Étude de la PalÉontologie stratiographique, Paris, 1864, p. 202. For admirable summaries, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, London, 1867; D'Archiac, GÉologie et PalÉontologie, Paris, 1866; Pictet, TraitÉ de PalÉontologie, Paris, 1853; Vezian, Prodrome de la GÉologie, Paris, 1863; Haeckel, History of Creation, New York, 1876, chapter iii.

[123] See Voltaire, Dissertation sur les Changements arrivÉs dans notre Globe; also, Voltaire, Les SingularitÉs de la Nature, chapter xii., near close of vol. v. of the Didot edition of 1843; also, Jevons, Principles of Science, vol. ii., p. 328.

[124] For a candid summary of the proofs from geology, astronomy, and zoÖlogy, that the Noachian Deluge was not universally or widely extended, see McClintock and Strong, CyclopÆdia of Biblical Theology and Ecclesiastical Literature, article Deluge. For general history, see Lyell, D'Archiac, and Vezian. For special cases showing bitterness of the conflict, see the Rev. Mr. Davis's Life of Rev. Dr. Pye Smith, passim.

[125] For comparison between conduct of Italian and English ecclesiastics, as regards geology, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, tenth English ed., vol i., p. 33. For a philosophical statement of reasons why the struggle was more bitter, and the attempt at deceptive compromises more absurd in England than elsewhere, see Maury, L'Ancienne AcadÉmie des Sciences, second edition, p. 152.

[126] For these citations, see Lyell, Principles of Geology, introduction.

[127] See Pye Smith, D. D., Geology and Scripture, pp. 156, 157, 168, 169.

[128] Wiseman, Twelve Lectures on the Connection between Science and Revealed Religion, first American edition, New York, 1837.

[129] See Silliman's Journal, vol. xxx., p. 114.

[130] Prof. Goldwin Smith informs me that the papers of Sir Robert Peel, yet unpublished, contain very curious specimens of these epistles.

[131] See Personal Recollections of Mary Somerville, Boston, 1874, pp. 139 and 375. Compare with any statement of his religious views that Dean Cockburn was able to make, the following from Mrs. Somerville: "Nothing has afforded me so convincing a proof of the Deity as these purely mental conceptions of numerical and mathematical science which have been, by slow degrees, vouchsafed to man—and are still granted in these latter times, by the differential calculus, now superseded by the higher algebra—all of which must have existed in that sublimely omniscient mind from eternity."—See Personal Recollections, pp. 140, 141.

[132] For another great error of the Church in political economy, leading to injury to commerce, see Lindsay, History of Merchant-Shipping, London, 1874, vol. ii.

[133] See Murray, History of Usury, Philadelphia, 1866, p. 25; also, Coquelin and Guillaumin, Dictionnaire de l'Économie Politique, articles IntÉrÊt and Usure; also, Lecky, History of Rationalism in Europe, vol. ii., chapter vi.; also, Jeremy Bentham's Defence of Usury, Letter X.; also, Mr. D. S. Dickinson's Speech in the Senate of New York, vol. i. of his collected writings. Of all the summaries, Lecky's is by far the best.

[134] The texts cited most frequently were Leviticus xxv. 36, 37; Deuteronomy xxiii. 19; Psalms xv. 5; Ezekiel xviii. 8 and 17; St. Luke vi. 35. See Lecky; also, Dickinson's Speech, as above.

[135] See Dictionnaire de l'Économie Politique, articles IntÉrÊt and Usure for these citations. For some doubtful reservations made by St. Augustine, see Murray.

[136] See citation of the Latin text in Lecky.

[137] For this moral effect, see Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, lib. xxi., chap. xx.

[138] See citation in Lecky.

[139] See Coquelin and Guillaumin, article IntÉrÊt.

[140] See Craik's History of British Commerce, chapter vi. The statute cited is 3 Henry VII., chapter vi.

[141] See Lecky.

[142] See citation from the Tischreden, in Guillaumin and Coquelin, article IntÉrÊt.

[143] See Craik's History of British Commerce, chapter vi.

[144] For citation, as above, see Lecky. For further account, see Œuvres de Bossuet, edition of 1845, vol. xi., p. 330.

[145] See citation from Concina in Lecky; also, acquiescence in this interpretation by Mr. Dickinson, in Speech in Senate of New York, above quoted.

[146] See RÉplique des douze Docteurs, etc., cited by Guillaumin and Coquelin.

[147] Burton, History of Scotland, vol. viii., p. 511. See, also, Mause Headrigg's views in Scott's Old Mortality, chapter vii. For the case of a person debarred from the communion for "raising the devil's wind" with a winnowing-machine, see Works of Sir J. Y. Simpson, vol. ii. Those doubting the authority or motives of Simpson may be reminded that he was, to the day of his death, one of the strictest adherents of Scotch orthodoxy.

[148] See Journal of Sir I. Brunel, for May 20, 1827, in Life of I. K. Brunel, p. 30.

[149] This scene will be recalled, easily, by many leading ethnologists in America, and especially by Mr. E. G. Squier, formerly minister of the United States to Central America.

[150] The meteorological battle is hardly fought out yet. Many excellent men seem still to entertain views almost identical with those of over two thousand years ago, depicted in The Clouds of Aristophanes.

[151] These texts are Ezekiel v. 5 and xxxviii. 12. The progress of geographical knowledge, evidently, caused them to be softened down somewhat in our King James's version; but the first of them reads, in the Vulgate, "Ista est Hierusalem, in medio gentium posui eam et in circuitu ejus terras;" and the second reads in the Vulgate "in medio terrÆ," and in the Septuagint ?p? t?? ?fa??? t?? ???. That the literal centre of the earth was meant, see proof in St. Jerome, Commentar. in Ezekiel, lib. ii., and for general proof, see Leopardi, "Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli antichi," pp. 207, 208. For an idea of orthodox geography in the middle ages, see Wright's Essay on ArchÆology, vol. ii., chapter "On the Map of the World in Hereford Cathedral." For an example of the depth to which this idea of Jerusalem as the centre had entered into the thinking of the great poet of the middle ages, see Dante, Inferno, Canto xxxiv.:

[152] See Michaelis, Commentaries on the Laws of Moses, 1874, vol. ii., p. 3. The writer of the present article himself witnessed the reluctance of a very conscientious man to answer the questions of a census marshal, Mr. Lewis Hawley, of Syracuse, N. Y., and this reluctance was based upon the reasons assigned in II. Samuel chapter xxiv. 1, and I. Chronicles, chapter xxi. 1, for the numbering of the children of Israel.

[153] See De Morgan, Paradoxes, pp. 214-220.

[154] For Dupanloup, Lettre À un Cardinal, see the Revue de ThÉrapeutique, 1868, p. 221.

[155] For general account of the Vulpian and See matter, see Revue des Deux Mondes, 31 Mai, 1868. Chronique de la Quinzaine, pp. 763-765. As to the result on popular thought, may be noted the following comment on the affair by the Revue, which is as free as possible from anything like rabid anti-ecclesiastical ideas: "Elle a ÉtÉ vraiment curieuse, instructive, assez triste et mÊme un peu amusante." For Wurtz's statement, see Revue de ThÉrapeutique for 1868, p. 303.

[156] De Morgan, Paradoxes, pp. 421-428; also, Daubeny's Essays.

[157] See the Berlin newspapers for the summer of 1868, especially Kladderadatsch.

[158] In the Church Journal, New York, May 28, 1874, a reviewer, praising Rev. Dr. Hodge's book against Darwinism, says: "Darwinism—whether Darwin knows it or not; whether the clergy, who are half prepared to accept it in blind fright as 'science,' know it or not—is a denial of every article of the Christian faith. It is supreme folly to talk as some do about accommodating Christianity to Darwinism. Either those who so talk do not understand Christianity, or they do not understand Darwinism. If we have all, men and monkeys, women and baboons, oysters and eagles, all 'developed' from an original monad and germ, then St. Paul's grand deliverance—'All flesh is not the same flesh. There is one kind of flesh of men, another of beasts, another of fishes, and another of birds. There are bodies celestial and bodies terrestrial'—may be still very grand in our funeral-service, but very untrue to fact." This is the same dangerous line of argument which Caccini indulged in in Galileo's time. Dangerous, for suppose "Darwinism" be proved true! For a soothing potion by a skillful hand, see Whewell on the consistency of evolution doctrines with teleological ideas; also, Rev. Samuel Houghton, F. R. S., Principles of Animal Mechanics, London, 1873, preface, and page 156, for some interesting ideas on teleological evolution.

[159] For some excellent remarks on the futility of such attempts and outcries, see the Rev. Dr. Deems, in Popular Science Monthly for February, 1876. To all who are inclined to draw scientific conclusions from Biblical texts, may be commended the advice of a good old German divine of the Reformation period: "Seeking the milk of the Word, do not press the teats of Holy Writ too hard."

[160] In an eloquent sermon, preached in March, 1874, Bishop Cummins said, in substance: "The Church has no fear of Science; the persecution of Galileo was entirely unwarrantable; but Christians should resist to the last Darwinism; for that is evidently contrary to Scripture." The bishop forgets that Galileo's doctrine seemed to such colossal minds as Bellarmin, and Luther, and Bossuet, "evidently contrary to Scripture." Far more logical, modest, sagacious, and full of faith, is the attitude taken by his former associate, Dr. John Cotton Smith: "For geology, physiology, and historical criticism have threatened or destroyed only particular forms of religious opinion, while they have set the spirit of religion free to keep pace with the larger generalizations of modern knowledge."—Picton, The Mystery of Matter, London, 1873, p. 72.