The Story of London

INDEX

A, B, C, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, V, W.

A
Aldermen of London, 249-257;
distinct rank accorded to, 255;
to reside in the city, 255;
use of the title, 250;
connection with the Wards, 252-255.
Aldgate, Chaucer tenant of, 34, 81, 82;
Stow’s etymology, 25;
earliest form of name, 28.
Arderne (John), an early surgeon of mark, 172, 173.
Arms of London, 261-263.
Austin Friars in London, 364.
B
Bachelors, class of unmarried members of Livery Companies, 321.
Bachelors’ Alley, near Goldsmiths’ Hall, 321.
Bakers of London, 305-307.
Bankrupt, etymology of, 327.
Bankside, 380.
Barbican, or watch tower, 26.
Bartholomew’s (St.) Hospital, 179-191;
founded by Rahere, 180;
repaired by Whittington, 185;
Wat Tyler died there, 185;
law officers, 188;
Thomas Vicary, first governor, 189;
Dr Roderigo Lopus first physician, 191.
Baynard Castle, 31;
privileges associated with its possession, 264.
Bedford House, Bloomsbury 401;
gardens, 401.
Bell Tower of St. Paul’s, 337.
Benedictine Monastery of Black Monks, Westminster, 352.
—— Reforms of the Benedictines, 352-356.
Bishop of London, his prominent position, 19.
Bishopsgate, site marked by tablets, 27.
Black Death, the first great plague, 197.
Black Friars in London, 360.
Boot (The), in Cromer Street, immortalised by Dickens, 401.
Bow Church, Cheapside, 348, 349.
Brembre (Nicholas), feud with John of Northampton, 236.
Brewers of London, 313-315.
Building, Assize of, 36, 37.
Butchers of London, 307-309.
Butchers’ Row, Temple Bar, 391, 392.
C
Canons regular, Order of St. Austin, 351.
Canons secular, 350-351;
Barking College, 351;
Holmes’s College, 351;
Collegiate Church of St. Martin-le-Grand, 350;
College of St. Michael, Crooked Lane, 351;
Collegiate Chapel of St. Stephen, Westminster, 351.
Caorsins, company of Italian financiers banished from London, 324.
Capper’s Farm, Tottenham Court Road, 401.
Carta Mercatoria, 1303, 289.
Carthusian Order in London, 355.
Castellan and Bannerer of London, 264.
Chamberlain or Comptroller of the King’s Chamber, 271, 272
Charing Cross, 138, 375, 376.
Charterhouse, remains of, 369.
Chaucer (Geoffrey) a representative Londoner, 80-89.
—— tenant of Aldgate, 34, 81, 82.
—— his portrait of the “doctor of physick,” 166, 167.
—— and poets of his time, round the town with, 71-89.
Cheapside, the market-place, 25, 286;
the cross, 138.
—— streets running out of, appropriated to sale of different commodities, 25.
Christ Church, Newgate Street, 24.
—— town ditch ran through grounds, 24.
Christ’s Hospital, deaths from plague, 209 (note).
Church and education, 330-374.
Churches, 347-351.
—— St. Bartholomew, 348;
St. Helen’s, Bishopsgate, 348;
St. Martin’s-le-Grand, Collegiate Church of, 348;
St. Mary le Bow, 348;
St. Michael le Querne, 348;
St. Peter’s, Cornhill, 348.
Cistercian Order in London, 355.
Clergy forbidden to practise surgery, 168.
Clerkenwell, crypt of St. John’s, 369.
Clothing trades, antagonism to victualling trades, 235-238, 304, 305.
Clothworkers’ Company, 301-303, 317.
Cluniac Order in London, 352.
Cnut’s trench on the south side of the Thames, 12.
Cobblers of London, 317.
Commerce and trade in London, 277-329.
Common Council of London, 259-261;
court of, 259;
election of, 260.
Common Hunt of London, 272.
Common Sergeant, 270.
Commune of London, origin of, 223-230;
character, 225;
oath, 227;
mayor and skivins, 227.
Cordwainers’ Company, 317.
Coronation banquets, Mayor of London’s position at, 246-248.
Craft gilds, 293, 294.
Cripplegate, etymology of, 26.
Crutched Friars in London, 366.
Custom-House first built in 1385, 29.
E
Eating-houses and taverns, 157-160.
Eleanor crosses, 138.
F
Fabian (St.) and St. Sebastian, gild of London, 297.
Fairs and markets, 282-288;
Bartholomew fair, 282;
Cloth fair, 282;
Nane fair, 282;
la novele feyre, 282;
prohibition against being held in churchyards, 285;
Stocks Market, 286.
Faith (St.), Church of, 344, 345.
Field of Forty Footsteps, 401.
Fire of London, 1666, 388-391;
schemes for rebuilding, 388-391.
Fires in London, 36, 37;
precautions for their prevention, 37, 38.
Fishmongers of London, 309-311.
Fitz-Ailwin (Henry), Mayor of London, 230;
his seal, 231;
assize of building, 36, 37;
second assize, 37.
Fitzstephen’s picture of London, 32, 90, 96, 131, 163, 373.
Fitz-Walter, Castellan and Bannerer of London, 264;
his seal, 269.
Football in the streets of London, 133.
Friars in London, 359-368;
Austin, 364;
Black, 360-363;
Crutched, 366;
De Areno, 367;
Grey, 363, 364;
Maturine, 368;
Penance of Jesus Christ or de Sacco, 367;
Pied, 367;
White, 365, 366.
Friday Street, Chaucer in, 86.
Friscobaldi, Company of Italian financiers, 325.
G
Galley Quay by the Tower, 29.
Garlekhith, gild of, London, 296.
Gates of London, their position should be marked, 27;
as dwelling-houses, 34.
Gilbertus Anglicus, first English writer on medicine, 167.
Gild merchant, 291-293.
Gilds and Companies of London, 290-323;
bakers, 305-309;
brewers and vintners, 313-315;
fishmongers, 309-311;
grocers, 312, 313;
poulterers, 311, 312.
Giles’s (St.) and the leper hospital, 195.
Girdlers’ Company, London, 319.
Gloucester (Eleanor Cobham, Duchess of), her penance, 91.
Goldsmiths’ Company, 319-322.
Goldsmiths’ Row, Cheapside, 320.
Governors of the city, 218-263.
Gower (John), Londoner, 76-78.
Gray’s Inn, 392-395.
Grey Friars in London, 363, 364.
Grocers of London, 312, 313.
Guildhall of London, 273, 274.
H
Haberdashers of London, 315.
Health, disease and sanitation of London, 161-217.
Heptarchy, changes in the so-called, 16.
Hermitages, 368;
Monkwell Street, Cripplegate, 368.
Hoccleve (Thomas), Londoner, 74, 75.
Hogarth, a true Londoner, 398.
Hospitals of London, 179-195;
St. Bartholomew’s, 179-191;
St. Thomas’s, 191, 192;
for lepers, 192, 197.
I
Inns of London, 384, 385;
Devil, Fleet Street, 385;
Mermaid, 384;
Mitre, 384;
Windmill, 384.
Inns of Southwark, 379;
Bear at Bridge Foot, 344;
nave, 341, 342;
reredos, 343;
altars, 343;
dean and chapter, 345, 346.
—— dimensions of the old cathedral, 332, 333.
Paul’s (St.) Cathedral Close, buildings in, 335-338;
gates, 336, 337;
folkmoot held in the precincts, 10.
Paul’s Cross, 337.
Paul’s (St.) School, 337.
Peasants’ rising under Wat Tyler, 47-63.
Penthouses in the streets, 39.
Piers Plowman, references to London in, 71, 72.
—— Professor Skeat’s edition of, 73 (note).
Pile dwellings in London, 2.
Pindar’s (Sir Paul) mansion, 398.
Pirates in the Thames, 280-282.
Pui, brotherhood of the, musical society of French merchants, 153-157.
—— regulations, 154-157.
Plagues in London, 197-209;
(black death, 1349), 197-200;
1361, 200;
1368-1369, 200;
1430-1440, 200;
regulations, 200-205;
statistics of deaths, 207.
Population of London, various estimates, 46.
—— of certain great towns, 47.
Port-reeve, derivation of, 219.
Poulterers of London, 311-312.
Prisons of London, 45, 379;
Borough Compter, 379;
Clink, 379;
King’s Bench, 379;
Marshalsea, 379;
burnt by mob, 54;
White Lion, 379.
Privy Council, Mayor’s summons to, on accession of sovereign, 245, 246.
Punishments and fines in London, 42.
Pursers or glovers of London, 318.
Q
Queenhithe, early history, 93, 94.
—— and Billingsgate, the chief wharfs, 30.
R
Rahere, founder of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, 180-183.
Recorder of London, 270.
Religious houses, dissolution of, 368.
Remembrancer or State Amanuensis of London, 272.
River, the, and the bridge, 90-107.
Roman villa, foundations of, discovered on north side of Upper Thames Street in 1847, 30.
Round (J. Horace) on the early governors of London, 220;
views as to the justiciar,

THE END

EDINBURGH
COLSTONS LIMITED
PRINTERS

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Journal, Anthropological Society, vol. v. pp. lxxi.-lxxx.

[2] Lake Dwellings in Europe, 1890, pp. 460-464.

[3] Elton, Origins of English History, p. 360.

[4] Rev. W. Sparrow Simpson, Chapters in the History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, p. 3.

[5] ArchÆologia, vol. xxxii. pp. 298-311.

[6] Norman Conquest, vol. i. pp. 44-46.

[7] The Treaty was really made at Chippenham.

[8] See Earle’s edition of the Saxon Chronicle. Mr Charles Plummer, who edited a new edition of Two of the Saxon Chronicles, Parallel (Oxford, 1892-99), does not altogether agree with Earle in these views. He holds that no distinction was meant between Lunden and Lundenburh.

[9] Quoted in ArchÆologia, vol. xxxix. p. 56.

[10] Heimskringla, done into English out of the Icelandic by William Morris and Eirikr Magnusson, vol. ii. p. 14.

[11] Norman Conquest, vol. i. p. 418.

[12] This device of Cnut’s is one of great interest, although we have no details of how it was carried out. The late Sir Walter Besant contended that it was not the great work which some had supposed, and he made an elaborate plan of his suggestion as to its construction. (See South London, 1899, p. 40.)

[13] A very instructive article on ‘The Conqueror’s Footprints in Domesday,’ which contains an account of his movements after the Battle of Senlac, between Enfield, Edmonton, Tottenham, and Berkhamsted, was published in the English Historical Review, vol. xiii. (1898), p. 17.

[14] See Dr. Reginald Sharpe’s London and the Kingdom, to the contents of which valuable work I am pleased to express my great obligations.

[15] ArchÆologia, vol. xxxii. p. 305.

[16] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus (Rolls Series), 1859, vol. i. p. cx.

[17] Political Poems and Songs, ed. T. Wright (Rolls Series), 1861, vol. ii. pp. 157-205.

[18] See Riley’s Memorials, pp. 21, 93; also Liber Albus, p. 240.

[19] Records of St. Giles’s, Cripplegate (1883).

[20] It is scarcely creditable to the city authorities that no mark of the position of the other gates has been set up. To place these memorials would be an easy thing to do, and this attention to historical topography would be highly appreciated by all Londoners. The mark of Aldgate should take the form of a statue of Chaucer, who lived at that gate for some years. The Corporation would honour themselves by doing further honour to the great Englishman, who was also one of the greatest of Londoners, if they placed at the great eastern entrance to London a full length effigy of the son of one of London’s worthy merchants. This would be in addition to the gift of a bust to Guildhall by Sir Reginald Hanson. The line of the wall should also be marked, but this would be a more difficult operation.

[21] Liber Albus, p. 603.

[22] William Fitz-Stephen’s invaluable work has been printed several times both in the original Latin and in an English translation. The most convenient form is the reprint in Thoms’s edition of Stow’s Survey, 1842 or 1876.

[23] Riley’s Memorials, p. 79.

[24] Riley’s Memorials, p. 489.

[25] History of English Law before Edward I., vol. i. p. 633.

[26] Riley’s Memorials, p. 479.

[27] Stow’s Chronicle, ed. 1615, p. 300.

[28] Quoted in Turner’s Domestic Architecture in England, vol. i. p. 18.

[29] Quoted in Turner’s Domestic Architecture in England, vol. i. p. 22.

[30] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, pp. xxxiii., xxxiv.

[31] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. xxxii.

[32] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. xxxiii.

[33] Translation of the Liber Albus, p. 263, and Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lix.

[34] Letter Book B, p. i.

[35] Riley’s Memorials, p. 54.

[36] Ibid., p. 86.

[37] Ibid., p. 458.

[38] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lii.

[39] From an ‘Anominalle Cronicle,’ once belonging to St. Mary’s Abbey, York. The original apparently has been lost, and the copy now existing is a late sixteenth-century manuscript of this portion of the Chronicle in the handwriting of Francis Thynne. It is now preserved in the British Museum (Stowe MS. 1047), and was one of the Duke of Buckingham’s MSS. in the library at Stowe, Bucks, which came into the possession of the Earl of Ashburnham, and was sold by his son to the nation. It was published by Mr. G. M. Trevelyan in the English Historical Review, vol. xiii. (1898), p. 509. It is a curious circumstance, that it may be referred to as the ‘Stowe MS.,’ because it comes from the Stowe collection, or as the ‘Stow MS.,’ because it was used by the historian, John Stow.

[40] Trevelyan, p. 226.

[41] Trevelyan, p. 227.

[42] Trevelyan, p. 227.

[43] Trevelyan, p. 234.

[44] Trevelyan, p. 240.

[45] Stow’s Chronicle, ed. 1615, p. 288.

[46] English Historical Review, xiii. p. 519.

[47] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 288.

[48] Second Part of King Henry VI., act iv. sc. i

[49] Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, ed. J. Gairdner (Camden Society), 1880, p. 94.

[50] Stow’s Chronicle, ed. 1615, p. 391.

[51] Rendle and Norman’s Inns of Old Southwark, 1888, p. 134.

[52] Historical Collections of a Citizen of London, ed. Gairdner (Camden Society), p. 191. The chief contents of this volume consist of the valuable ‘Chronicle of William Gregory, Skinner’ (1189-1469).

[53] Ibid., p. xxii.

[54] Vernon Text (A), ed. Skeat, pp. vi., 60.

[55] Piers Plowman (Text C), ed. Skeat, pass. xvii. II. 286-296.

[56] There was another Cock Lane near Shoreditch (now Boundary Street), which may be the one connected with Langland.

[57] Piers Plowman, part iv. sect. ii. p. xliii.

[58] It is scarcely possible to keep within bounds one’s enthusiasm for the magnificent edition of Piers Plowman, which Professor Skeat has placed in our hands. I feel, having watched the work from its inception in 1866, when ‘Parallel Extracts from 29 Manuscripts’ was published, that if the Early English Text Society had published nothing else it would have worthily justified its existence. The labour bestowed on the work by its editor is immense, and the result is that we have for the first time a perfect text of one of the most influential works in English literature, with all the illustrative notes necessary to exhibit its vast effect upon English history.

[59] Hoccleve’s Works, vol. i. Minor Poems, ed. by F. J. Furnivall (Early English Text Society, Extra Series), p. 61, 1891. The editor has gathered much fresh material for the biography of Hoccleve.

[60] Gower’s Complete Works, ed. G. C. Macaulay, Oxford, 1899, vol. i.

[61] Of these especial honour is due to Dr. Furnivall, who has for years sought ceaselessly and with the greatest success for documentary evidence of the facts of Chaucer’s life.

[62] Chaucer at Aldgate, Home Counties Magazine, Oct. 1900, p. 259.

[63] Chaucer at Aldgate (Folia Litteraria, 1893, p. 87).

[64] Folia Litteraria, pp. 88, 89.

[65] Folia Litteraria, p. 100.

[66] Scrope and Grosvenor Roll, vol. i. p. 178 (translated from French).

[67] See letter of Prof. J. W. Hales, AthenÆum, Aug. 9, 1902, p. 190.

[68] The Tabard was one among many inns from which travellers started on their journeys along the road to Canterbury and to the seaports of the South. The whole of the buildings which Chaucer knew were burnt in the great Southwark fire of 1676.

[69] Commune, p. 246. Further consideration is given to the condition of trade in London in the Middle Ages in chapter x.

[70] Liber Custumarum, ed. H. T. Riley, 1860, p. xxxvi.

[71] Liber Custumarum, p. cix.

[72] Inquis. 1 Henr. V., quoted by Riley, p. cix.

[73] Riley’s Memorials, p. 306.

[74] Riley’s Memorials, p. 376.

[75] Riley’s Memorials, p. 648.

[76] Ibid., p. 215.

[77] Ibid., p. 219.

[78] Ibid., p. 220.

[79] Cal. Letter Book A, p. 187.

[80] Riley’s Memorials, p. 509.

[81] Chronicle of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 146, 147, quoted in Cal. Letter Book C, p. 61 (note).

[82] Cal. Letter Book C, p. 133.

[83] Ibid., p. 95.

[84] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 219.

[85] Cal. Letter Book A, pp. 178, 179.

[86] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 681.

[87] W. B. Rye’s England as seen by Foreigners, 1865, pp. 9, 192.

[88] Liber Custumarum, ed. Riley, 1860, p. ciii.

[89] Round’s Geoffrey de Mandeville, 1892, pp. 328-346.

[90] MediÆval Military Architecture, 1884, vol. ii. p. 204.

[91] MediÆval Military Architecture, 1884, vol. ii. p. 205.

[92] MediÆval Military Architecture, 1884, vol. ii. p. 253.

[93] MediÆval Military Architecture, vol. ii. p. 271.

[94] ‘Geoffrey de Mandeville.’

[95] London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 53.

[96] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 193.

[97] Longman’s Edward III., vol. i. p. 179.

[98] Clark’s MediÆval Military Architecture, vol. ii. p. 271.

[99] Liber Custumarum, pp. 407-409.

[100] Clark’s MediÆval Military Architecture, vol. ii. p. 264.

[101] Riley’s Memorials, p. 320.

[102] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 896.

[103] Proclamation was made against playing at football in the fields near the city as early as 1314 during the mayoralty of Nicholas de Farndone, Liber Memorandorum (preserved at Guildhall), folio 66 (quoted in Riley’s Memorials, p. 571 (note)).

[104] Riley’s Memorials, p. 561.

[105] Ibid., p. 571.

[106] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 509-510.

[107] Ibid., p. 510 (note).

[108] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 208.

[109] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 105-107.

[110] Jessopp’s Coming of the Friars, etc., 1889, p. 177.

[111] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 264.

[112] Stow’s Survey of London, ed. by Strype, 1754, vol. i. p. 303.

[113] Gregory’s Chronicle (Historical Collections of a Citizen of London, ed. J. Gairdner, Camden Society, 1876), p. 165. This Chronicle contains a full description of the coronation and of the banquet in Westminster Hall.

[114] This description is taken from Fabyan’s Chronicle. The speeches in the pageant were by Lydgate, who also wrote a long poem on the ‘Coming of the King out of France to London.’

[115] The particulars respecting the sermon on Edward IV.’s title were obtained by Dr. J. Gairdner from a Latin Chronicle, printed by the Camden Society (Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 1880, pp. xxii. 173), as also his sitting in the royal seat (sedes regalis), which Dr. Gairdner supposes to be the King’s Bench.

[116] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 416.

[117] Information on London pageants can be obtained from a small octavo volume published by J. B. Nichols & Son in 1831, and from Nichols’s Progresses of Queen Elizabeth and James I.

[118] Liber Custumarum, p. 579.

[119] Riley’s Memorials, p. 42.

[120] See Mr. Riley’s Introduction to the Liber Custumarum, pp. xlviii.-liv.

[121] Liber Custumarum, p. xxxii.

[122] Glossary to Liber Custumarum, p. 795.

[123] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, pp. lv., lvii.

[124] Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lviii.

[125] In the compilation of this chapter I am much indebted to the kindness of my friend Mr. D’Arcy Power, who has not only helped me with information from his own great knowledge of the history of surgery and medicine, but who also drew my attention to and lent me books and pamphlets of which I should otherwise have been ignorant.

[126] Coming of the Friars, London, 1889, p. 6.

[127] A History of Epidemics in Britain, 2 vols. 8vo, Cambridge, 1891-1894.

[128] Medical Times and Gazette, November 18, 1881, p. 601.

[129] Progress of Medicine at St. Batholomew’s Hospital, 1888, p. 5.

[130] See the British Medical Journal, 1902, vol. ii. p. 1176.

[131] In ‘How Surgery became a Profession in London.’ London, Medical Magazine, 1899.

[132] Dr. Poore has analysed the different points in Chaucer’s description, and explained the various allusions of the statement that the doctor’s line of study had little to do with the Bible. Dr. Poore writes: ‘This line is frequently quoted to show that the scepticism with which doctors are often charged is of no modern growth. The point of the line is however to be found in the fact that Chaucer’s doctor was certainly a priest, as were all the physicians of his time, and that the practice of medicine had drawn him away, somewhat unduly, perhaps, from the clerical profession, to which he also belonged.’—G.V. Poore, M.D. London from the Sanitary and Medical Point of View, 1889, p. 52.

[133] Joannis Anglici praxis medica, Rosa Anglica dicta (Augsburg, 1595, lib. ii. p. 1050), quoted by J. J. Jusserand (English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages, 1901, p. 180), and by J. Flint South (Craft of Surgery, 1886, p. 29.)

[134] D’Arcy Power’s How Surgery became a Profession in London (1899), which valuable article contains a full account of the scheme.

[135] Ibid., p. 9.

[136] D’Arcy Power’s How Surgery became a Profession in London, p. 9.

[137] Ibid., p. 1.

[138] He was born in 1307 (Sloane MS., No. 75).

[139] See John Arderne and his Time, by William Anderson, F.R.C.S., 1899 (reprinted from the Lancet, Oct. 23); J. F. South’s Memorials of the Craft of Surgery, ed. by D’Arcy Power, M.A., F.R.C.S., 1886, pp. 30-45; also London from the Sanitary and Medical Point of View, by G. V. Poore, M.D., F.R.C.P., 1889, pp. 53-56.

[140] Riley’s Memorials, p. 274.

[141] How Surgery became a Profession in London, pp. 3, 4.

[142] Riley’s Memorials, p. 337.

[143] Ibid., p. 519.

[144] Ibid., p. 520.

[145] How Surgery became a Profession in London, p. 4.

[146] Riley’s Memorials, p. 651.

[147] How Surgery became a Profession in London, pp. 2, 3.

[148] ‘William Hobbes (appointed in 1461) was the first Serjeant Surgeon, a distinguished office which carried with it certain well-defined professional privileges. Thomas Morstede, William Bredewardyne, and John Harwe, who attended Henry V. in his French campaigns, did not receive this title, but are called simply “Surgeons to the King.”’—D’Arcy Power, The Serjeant Surgeons of England and their Office (Janus, 1900, p. 174).

[149] How Surgery became a Profession in London, pp. 11, 12.

[150] Annals of the Barber Surgeons of London, by Sidney Young. London, 1890.

[151] Ibid., p. 245.

[152] London, 1885.

[153] Dr. Norman Moore has printed the Cottonian MS. Life of Rahere in the Bartholomew Hospital Reports, vol. xxi., and copious extracts from the MS. had previously been given by Mr. J. Saunders in his articles on St. Bartholomew’s in Knight’s London, vol. ii.

[154] Progress of Medicine, 1888, p. 21.

[155] These documents are printed in the Appendix to Memoranda relating to the Royal Hospitals of London, 1836, pp. 1-49.

[156] Reprinted in Dr. Furnivall’s edition of Thomas Vicary’s Anatomie of the Bodie of Man, E. E. T. S., 1888, pp. 289-336.

[157] ‘The Physicians and Surgeons of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital before the time of Harvey,’ St. Bartholomew’s Hospital Reports, vol. xviii., 1882, pp. 333-338.

[158] ‘The Serjeant-Surgeons of England and their Office,’ by D’Arcy Power (British Medical Journal, 1900, vol. i. p. 583).

[159] The manuscript is dated 1392, but the handwriting of the copy used by Dr. Payne is of a much later date. Dr. Payne says that the Anatomy of Vicary is absolutely that of the fourteenth century, without any correction or addition to bring it up to the standard of his own day, ‘On an unpublished English Anatomical Treatise of the fourteenth century, and its relation to the Anatomy of Thomas Vicary’ (British Medical Journal, 25th January 1896, p. 208).

[160] A History of Epidemics in Britain, by Charles Creighton, M.D., 1891, vol. i. pp. 97, 98.

[161] Ibid., p. 106.

[162] Creighton, vol. i. p. 97.

[163] England in the Fifteenth Century, 1888, p. 208 (note).

[164] Creighton, vol. i. p. 105.

[165] Quarterly Review, No. 388, p. 540.

[166] Epidemics in Britain, vol. i. p. 119. See also The Great Pestilence, by F. A. Gasquet, D.D., O.S.B., London, 1893.

[167] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. liv.

[168] Jessopp’s Coming of the Friars.

[169] Riley’s Memorials, p. 219 (note).

[170] Ibid., p. 240 (note).

[171] A History of Epidemics in Britain, vol. i. p. 202.

[172] Ibid., p. 228.

[173] Creighton, vol. i. pp. 313, 314.

[174] Anatomie of the Bodie of Man, ed. Furnivall, App. 161.

[175] Ibid., pp. 163, 164.

[176] Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, vii. 749.

[177] Creighton, vol. i. p. 316.

[178] Vicary, App. iii. p. 166.

[179] Mr. Power refers me to the fact that isolated cases of plague and local epidemics occurred long after the Great Fire.

[180] In a broadside referring to ‘The Plague of London, printed by Peter Cole, at the printing office in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange, 1665,’ the number of deaths from plague in 1603, 1625 and 1636 are given as follows:—1603, 30,561 persons; 1625, 35,403; and 1636, 10,400. The numbers in 1593 are given as above.

[181] Mr Pearce gives some interesting facts in his Annals of Christ’s Hospital (p. 207) respecting the effects of the plague in 1603 and 1665 on the condition of the Blue Coat School. During 1665 no more than 32 children of the total number of 260 in the house died of all diseases, although the neighbourhood was severely visited.

[182] Creighton, vol. i. p. 265.

[183] Creighton, p. 270.

[184] Progress of Medicine, 1888, p. 24.

[185] Creighton, vol. i. p. 44.

[186] London (Ancient and Modern) from the Sanitary and Medical Point of View, by G. V. Poore, M.D., F.R.C.P., 1889, p. 114.

[187] Ibid., p. 31.

[188] Creighton, vol. i. p. 323.

[189] Stow’s Chronicle, p. 212.

[190] Riley’s Memorials, p. 67.

[191] Rymer’s Foedera, vol. iii. p. 411.

[192] Creighton, vol. i. pp. 323, 324.

[193] Creighton, vol. i. p. 324.

[194] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. xl.

[195] Cal. Letter Book A.

[196] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. xli.

[197] Mr. Round conjectures that the ‘Gosfregth Portirefan’ of the Conqueror’s Charter was the first Geoffrey de Mandeville.—Geoffrey de Mandeville, a Study of the Anarchy, 1892, p. 439.

[198] ‘The acceptance of this view will at once dispose of the alleged disappearance of the portreeve, with the difficulties it has always presented, and the conjectures to which it has given rise. The style of the “portreeve” indeed disappears, but his office does not. In the person of the Norman vicecomes it preserves an unbroken existence. Geoffrey de Mandeville steps, as sheriff, into the shoes of Ansgar, the portreeve.’—Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 354.

[199] Constitutional History, chap, xi., note to par. 131.

[200] Select Charters, Oxford, 1884, p. 107.

[201] Geoffrey de Mandeville, 1892, p. 372

[202] Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 373.

[203] Constitutional History, chap. xiii. par 165.

[204] Ancient Charters prior to 1200, edited by J. H. Round. Part I, p. 27, 1888 (Pipe Roll Society).

[205] The Commune of London, p. 98.

[206] Round’s Commune of London, pp. 223, 224.

[207] ‘A London Municipal Collection of the Reign of John,’ part i., English Historical Review, July 1902, p. 480.

[208] ‘Nunc primum in sibi indulta conjuratione, regno regem deesse cognovit Londonia, quam nec rex ipse Ricardus, nec prÆdecessor et pater ejus Henricus pro mille millibus marcarum argenti fieri permississet.’—Richard of Devizes, p. 416 (Commune of London, p. 223)

[209] Bishop Stubbs’s Historical Introductions, pp. 200-309.

[210] The Commune of London, p. 224. The Beffroi of France was the symbol and pledge of independence. So was the bell-tower of St. Paul’s, which is styled in documents berefridum or campanile, p. 234.

[211] The Commune of London, p. 225.

[212] The Commune of London, p. 228.

[213] Ibid., p. 228.

[214] 1193. ‘Sacramentum Commune tempore regis Ricardi quando detentus erat Alemaniam’ (Add. MS., No. 14,252, f. 112 d.), 1205-1206. ‘Sacramentum xxiiij factum anno regni regis Johannis viiº.’ (Add. MS., No. 14,252, f. 110).—(The Commune of London, 1899, pp. 235-237.)

[215] Commune of London, p. 240.

[216] A curious point is that formerly the Leges Britolii were supposed to relate to Bristol, and the great English port obtained credit which it did not deserve.

[217] ‘The Laws of Breteuil [Britolium],’ English Historical Review, xv. (1900), pp. 73, 302, 496, 754.

[218] The seal is figured in ‘Rotuli CuriÆ Regis. Rolls and Records of the Court held before the King’s Justiciars or Justices, ed. by Sir Francis Palgrave,’ vol. i., 1835 (plate 1), and is here reproduced.

[219] Constitutional History, chap. xiii. sec. 165.

[220] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 244.

[221] Cal. Letter Book A, pp. 89, 209.

[222] Rymer’s Foedera, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 892.

[223] Cal. Letter Book C, pp. 27, 212, 213.

[224] Constitutional History, chap. xxi. sec. 486.

[225] Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 158.

[226] Letter Book F, fo. 44. Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, 1859, pp. xcviii., xcix. (note).

[227] This church was destroyed in the Great Fire, and rebuilt after the designs of Sir C. Wren. It was cleared away in 1831 to make way for the approaches to the new London Bridge.

[228] Stubbs, Constitutional History, chap. xxi. sec. 487.

[229] Statutes at Large, ed. 1762, ii. 257.

[230] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 473, 474.

[231] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 415, 416.

[232] Rotuli Parl. iii. 227.

[233] Riley’s Memorials, p. 494.

[234] Ibid., p. 526.

[235] Cal. Letter Book A, p. 64.

[236] Constitutional History, chap. xxi. sec. 488.

[237] See Jewitt and Hope’s Corporation Plate, 1895, vol. ii., pp. 446, 463.

[238] Riley’s Memorials, pp. 604, 605.

[239] Historical Collections of a Citizen of London, 1876, pp. 222, 223.

[240] London and the Kingdom, i. 69. ‘Cives vero Lundonie servierunt de pincernaria, et Cives Wintonie de Coquina.’—Roger de Hoveden, Bodl. Laud., MS. 582, fo. 52. (See Wickham Legg’s English Coronation Records, 1901, p. 50).

[241] ‘Andrew the Mayor came to serve as butler with 360 cups, on the ground that the City of London is bound to serve in butlery to help the great butler (just as the City of Winchester serves in the kitchen to help the steward). The King said that no one ought to serve by right except Master Michael Belet, so the Mayor gave way and served the two bishops on the King’s right hand. ‘De Servitiis magnatum in die Coronationis Regis et ReginÆ, Red Book of the Exchequer, ed. by Hubert Hall, pt. ii., 1896, pp. 755-760 (Rolls Series). The germ of the Court of Claims will be found in this MS. See also Wickham Legg’s English Coronation Records, 1901, pp. 60, 63.

[242] English Coronation Records, 1901, pp. 140, 159.

[243] London and the Kingdom, i. 275.

[244] ‘Dinner being concluded, the Lord Mayor and twelve principal citizens of London, as assistants to the Chief Butler of England, accompanied by the King’s cupbearer and assistant, presented to His Majesty wine in a gold cup; and the King having drank thereof, returned the gold cup to the Lord Mayor as his fee.’—L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records, 1901, p. 361.

[245] The Petition of the Mayor and Commonalty and Citizens of London, containing their claims fully set forth, is printed in Coronation of King Edward VII. The Court of Claims. Cases and Evidence, by G. Woods Wollaston, London, 1903, p. 52.

[246] Constitutional History, iii. 587.

[247] Cal. Letter Book C, p. 32.

[248] Riley’s Memorials, p. 41.

[249] Ibid., p. 46.

[250] Ibid., p. 78.

[251] Liber Albus, trans. by Riley, p. 291.

[252] Liber Albus, p. 276.

[253] The Aldermen of Cripplegate Ward, by John James Baddeley, 1901, p. I (Calendar of Letter Book A, pp. 209, 226).

[254] Cal. Letter Book C, pp. 11, 12.

[255] In 1711 a return was made to the practice of nominating two persons only, followed in 1714 by ‘an Act for reviving the ancient manner of electing aldermen’(13 Anne), which restored to the ‘inhabitants their ancient rights and privileges of choosing one person only to be their alderman.’ These particulars respecting the election of aldermen are taken from The Aldermen of Cripplegate Ward, from 1276 to 1900, by Mr. Deputy John James Baddeley, who has collected in his valuable book a considerable amount of fresh information on the office of aldermen, etc.

[256] Liber Albus, translated by H. T. Riley, 1861, p. 29.

[257] Sharpe’s London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 217.

[258] Riley’s Memorials, p. 655.

[259] Cal. Letter Book A, p. 76. By the Local Government Act of 1888 the citizens of London were deprived of all right of jurisdiction over the county of Middlesex, which had been expressly granted by various charters.

[260] Liber Albus, English translation, p. 399.

[261] The Aldermen of Cripplegate Ward, 1900, p. 235.

[262] Mr. Baddeley continues the account of the changes in the mode of election up to the present time: ‘From 1642 to 1651 the Mayor’s claim to elect a sheriff was always contested. For the year 1652 and for some years afterwards the Mayor neither nominated nor elected a sheriff, but in 1662, when he would have elected one Bludworth as sheriff, the commonalty claimed their right, although they accepted the Mayor’s nominee. The prerogative thus claimed by the Mayor, although frequently challenged, was exercised for the most part by subsequent Mayors down to 1674, when exception was taken to William Roberts, whom the Mayor had formally nominated (according to a custom which is said to have arisen in the time of Elizabeth) by drinking to him at a public banquet. In the following year and for some years later the Mayor exercised his prerogative of electing one of the sheriffs without opposition. In 1703 an Act was passed declaring the right of election of sheriffs to be in the liverymen of the several companies of the city in Common Hall assembled.’ It was, however, lawful for the Lord Mayor to nominate for the office. ‘By an Act of 1748 the Lord Mayor might continue to nominate to the extent of nine persons in the whole.’ By an Act of Common Council in 1878 the right of election to the office of sheriff was vested in the liverymen of the several companies of the city in Common Hall assembled. The Lord Mayor nominating one or more freemen (not exceeding three in the whole) for the shrievalty.

[263] The Aldermen of Cripplegate Ward, by J. J. Baddeley, 1900, p. 218.

[264] Letter Book F, f. 206.

[265] Letter Book H, f. 46b (Baddeley’s Aldermen of Cripplegate Ward, p. 215).

[266] Corporation Plate and Insignia of Office of the Cities and Towns of England and Wales, by Llewellyn Jewitt, ed. and completed by W. H. St. John Hope, 1895, vol. ii. p. 122.

[267] Corporation Plate and Insignia of Office of the Cities and Towns of England and Wales, p. 120.

[268] ArchÆologia, vol. v. pp. 211-213.

[269] See Liber Custumarum (Rolls Series), Introduction, p. lxxvi.

[270] Cal. Letter Book C, p. 71.

[271] Cal. Letter Book A, p. 222.

[272] Dugdale’s Baronage, i. 220.

[273] Riley’s Memorials, p. 178.

[274] Riley’s Memorials, p. 236.

[275] Ibid., p. 178.

[276] Cal. Letter Book A, p. 161.

[277] Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i. 1903, p. 163.

[278] Liber Custumarum (Rolls Series), vol i. p. 243.

[279] Calendars: Letter Book A, p. 128; Letter Book C, p. 116.

[280] Letter Book C, p. 157 (note).

[281] Letter Book B, pp. vi., xi.

[282] Riley’s Memorials, p. 650.

[283] Corporation Plate and Insignia of Office of the Cities and Towns of England and Wales, by Llewellyn Jewitt, ed. by W. H. St. John Hope, 1895, vol. ii, pp. 100, 109.

[284] Ibid., p. 91.

[285] Round’s Commune of London, p. 246.

[286] Calender of Documents preserved in France, ed. by J. Horace Round, 1899, p. 502.

[287] No woollen cloth was allowed to be dyed black except with woad. See Liber Custumarum, Introd., pp. xl., xliii., quoted in Letter Book C, ed. Sharpe, pp. 135, 136 (note), from which this information is obtained. The whole history of the cultivation and use of woad is one of great interest. It was cultivated in England from the earliest times, and the trade was ruined by the indigo growers as they in turn have been ruined in our own day by the manufacture in Germany of synthetic indigo.

[288] Sharpe’s London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 215.

[289] Riley’s Memorials, p. 444.

[290] Riley’s Memorials, p. 345.

[291] Calendar of State Papers, 1611-1618, p. 369.

[292] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 236; Cal. Letter Book C, p. vii

[293] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 236.

[294] Letter Book A, p. 3; Letters-Patent for St. Botolph’s Fair, 1298. Letter Book B, p. 219.

[295] Liber Albus, English translation, p. 473.

[296] Liber Albus, English translation, p. 228.

[297] Mr. W. J. Ashley writes of this town: ‘The conquest of Calais furnished a place which combined the advantages of being abroad and therefore near the foreign market with that of being within English territory.’—Introduction to English Economic History and Theory, 1888-1893, p. 112.

[298] Starkey, England in the Reign of Henry VIII. (Early English Text Society), p. 173.

[299] Mr. W. J. Ashley notes that the earliest instance of the prohibition of the export of wool is found in the action of the Oxford Parliament of 1258. The barons then ‘decreed that the wool of the country should be worked up in England and should not be sold to foreigners, and that every one should use woollen cloth made within the country,’ and lest people should be dissatisfied at having to put up with the rough cloth of England they bade them ‘not to seek over precious raiment.’—English Economic History and Theory, 1888-1893, part ii. p. 194.

[300] Political Poems and Songs, ed. T. Wright (Rolls Series), vol. ii. 1861, pp. 157-205.

[301] Letter Book C, p. 128 (note).

[302] Liber Custumarum, p. xxxix.

[303] Letter Book B, p. 94.

[304] English Gilds, p. xvi.

[305] Ibid., p. lxxv.

[306] Ibid., p. cvii.

[307] English Economic History and Theory, p. 67.

[308] Ibid., p. 82.

[309] English Historical Review, No. 70 (April 1903), vol. xviii. p. 315. See also Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i. (1903), p. 407.

[310] Twelve Great Livery Companies (1834), vol. i. p. 24.

[311] Chronicles of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London, 1188-1274. Translated from the Liber de Antiquis Legibus by H. T. Riley, 1863, p. 59.

[312] London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 101.

[313] Ibid., p. 108.

[314] English Economic History and Theory, p. 87.

[315] London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 200.

[316] English Gilds, p. xlii. (note).

[317] See English Economic History and Theory, 1888-1893, pt. ii. pp. 134, 148, 154.

[318] History of London, vol. i. p. 171 (note).

[319] London (Historic Towns), p. 50.

[320] London Afternoons, 1902, p. 88.

[321] I am indebted to Sir Owen Roberts, M.A., D.C.L., clerk to the Clothworkers’ Company, for this information.

[322] Botfield’s Manners and Household Expenses of England, 1841.

[323] W. J. Ashley, English Economic History and Theory, pp. 81, 83.

[324] Cal. Letter Book C, p. 35.

[325] Madox’s Firma Burgi, p. 286.

[326] Town Life, vol. ii. p. 142.

[327] The reason given for the repeal of the Act of Edward II. excluding victuallers from the office of Mayor is that ‘since the making of the Statute many and the most part of all cities, boroughs and towns corporate be fallen in ruin and decay, and not inhabited with merchants and men of such substance as they were at the time of making the Statute. For at this day the dwellers and inhabitants of the same cities and boroughs be most commonly bakers, brewers, vintners, fishmongers, and other victuallers, and few or none other persons of substance.’

Mr. W. J. Ashley (Introduction to English Economic History and Theory, part ii. 1893, p. 53), observes that, ‘without further proof it were hardly safe to build on the wide language of the preamble of a Statute a conclusion which seems in obvious conflict with what we know of the generic course of events.’

In London, evidently, little or no attention was paid to the original Act of Edward II., but in other places this was not the case. The Statute of Henry VIII. provided that when the Mayor was a victualler, two honest and discreet persons, not being victuallers, should be chosen to assist him in ‘settling prices’ of victuals.

[328] Liber Custumarum, vol i. p. 326-333.

[329] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, 1859, p. ci.

[330] Liber Custumarum, p. lxviii.

[331] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, p. lxxxi.

[332] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, p. lxxix.

[333] These prices, obtained from the Liber Albus, are of great interest. Of course, it is necessary to bear in mind the great difference in the value of money. It is impossible to fix a uniform standard of comparison, but we may put the present value broadly at between twelve and twenty times that of the reign of Edward I., the latter being more likely to be a true one. It will thus be seen that much food was dearer in the Middle Ages than at present. A rabbit and its skin are considerably less valuable now, as also a partridge.

[334] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, p. lxxxii.

[335] Cal. Letter Book D, p. xix.

[336] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lxii.

[337] Riley’s Introduction to the Liber Albus, p. lxv.

[338] H. T. Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lxxxviii.

[339] Ibid., p. lxxxix.

[340] Liber Custumarum, ed. Riley, p. lxx.

[341] Liber Albus, p. xc.

[342] Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century (Camden Society, 1876).

[343] Diary, July 26, 1664.

[344] Whitwell (Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans., xvii. p. 208).

[345] Extracts from the Liberate Rolls relative to loans supplied by Italian merchants to the Kings of England in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, with an Introductory Memoir by E. A. Bond (ArchÆologia, xxviii. (1839), pp. 207-326). There has lately been a revival of interest in this subject. In 1902 Mr. W. E. Rhodes published a paper on ‘The Italian Bankers in England, and their Loans to Edward I. and Edward II.,’ in Historical Essays by Members of the Owen’s College, Manchester. Mr. R. J. Whitwell read his important paper on ‘Italian Bankers and the English Crown’ before the Royal Historical Society on March 19, 1903, which is published in the Transactions of that Society, N.S., xvii. pp. 175-233.

[346] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 94.

[347] Ibid., p. 165.

[348] Longman’s Edward III., vol. ii. pp. 262, 263.

[349] ArchÆologia, vol. xxviii. p. 240.

[350] Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles (Camden Society, 1880), p. 9.

[351] ‘De Verborum Significatione. The Exposition of the Termes and difficill wordes contained in the foure buiks of Regiam Maiestatem and uthers. Collected and exponed by Master John Skene. London, 1641.’

[352] Cal. Letter Book A, ed. Dr. Reginald Sharpe, p. iv.

[353] See Jewitt and Hope’s Corporation Plate, etc., vol. ii. p. 123 (Cal. Letter Book A, p. 79).

[354] Scott’s Lectures on MediÆval Architecture, vol. ii. p. 29.

[355] Sparrow Simpson’s Chapters in the History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, p. 19.

[356] The dimensions as given by Dugdale agree with those stated on a tablet which once hung in the Cathedral on a column near the tomb of John of Gaunt. They are:—

Length	690 ft.
Breadth	130 ft.
Height of roof of west part from floor	102 ft.
Height of roof of new fabric (viz., east from steeple)	88 ft.
Body of church	150 ft.
Height of tower steeple from the level ground	260 ft.
Height of the spire of wood, covered with lead	274 ft.
‘And yet the whole, viz., tower and spire, exceedeth not’	520 ft.
Cross, ‘length’ above the ball	15 ft.
Cross, traverse	6 ft.
Ball contains ten bushels of corn.
Space on which the cathedral stands, 3½ acres, 1½ roods, 6 perches.

—(Documents Illustrating the History of St. Paul’s Cathedral, Camden Society, 1880, p. 191.)

Mr. Edmund B. Ferrey, who worked on Hollar’s plans, and made illustrations for Mr. William Longman’s Three Cathedrals of St. Paul (1873), considers that Dugdale’s figures are untrustworthy. His own figures are:—

Length (inclusive of end walls)	596 ft.
Breadth (including aisle walls)	104 ft.
Height of roof, west part (up to ridge of vaulting)	93 ft.
Height of roof (up to vault ridge) to ‘choir proper’	101 ft.	6 in.
Height of roof at Lady Chapel	98 ft.	6 in.
External height (ground to ridge of outer roof to choir)	142 ft.
External height (ground to ridge of outer roof to nave)	130 ft.
Height of tower steeple from level ground	285 ft.
Height of the spire covered with lead	208 ft.
(or 204 ft. if calculated from top of tower parapet).

—(Longman’s Three Cathedrals dedicated to St. Paul in London, 1873, p. 30).

It will be seen that Mr. Ferrey’s figures, formed on careful calculations, not only differ considerably from those of Dugdale, but in the case of the relative heights of the nave and choir they are positively opposite. Mr. Ferrey came to the conclusion that the choir was decidedly higher than the nave.

[357] Old St. Paul’s Cathedral, by Canon Benham, D.D. (Portfolio Monograph), 1902, pp. 6, 7.

[358] Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, p. 64.

[359] Stow quoted in Longman’s Three Cathedrals, p. 57.

[360] In 1633 Inigo Jones designed, at the expense of Charles I., a classic portico of some beauty in itself, but quite incongruous to the Gothic design of the rest of the building. The King, however, is said to have intended to rebuild the church, and of this scheme the portico was an instalment, but political events effectually prevented this from being carried out. After the Restoration, but before the Fire of London, it was proposed to rebuild the Cathedral in the style of the Renaissance, under the direction of Wren, who had no more liking for Gothic than Inigo Jones had.

[361] History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, pp. 62, 63.

[362] The name of London House Yard preserves the memory of the palace.

[363] Paul’s Cross was pulled down in 1642, but its site was long marked by a tall elm tree. This mark passed away and the exact position was forgotten. In 1879, however, Mr. F. C. Penrose found the remains of the octagonal base, which are now to be seen at the north-east angle of the choir of the present Cathedral.

[364] During the Commonwealth it was proposed to turn the so-called Convocation House into a meeting-place for Mr. John Simpson’s congregation. A plan (dated 1657) in the Public Record Office (Council of State Order Book, 1657-1658, p. 172) shows the remains of the pillars of the cloisters as they were then. This plan is reproduced in Documents Illustrating the History of St. Paul’s Cathedral (Camden Society, 1880), p. 154.

[365] The amount of the offerings at St. Paul’s during the Middle Ages must have been enormous; for instance, the receipts at the Great Crucifix, in May 1344, amounted to no less than £50 in the money of that day.—Dr. Sparrow Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, p. 83.

[366] Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, p. 90.

[367] The late Dr. Sparrow Simpson’s Documents illustrating the History of St. Paul’s Cathedral (Camden Society, 1880) contains a list of altars in old St. Paul’s (p. 178), and a list of chapels (p. 181).

[368] Dugdale quoted in Longman’s Three Cathedrals, p. 58.

[369] Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, p. 91.

[370] London (Historic Towns), 1887, p. 158.

[371] Liber Albus, translated by Riley, pp. 24-27.

[372] Historical Introduction to the Rolls Series. Collected by Arthur Hassall, 1902, p. 77.

[373] In connection with the history of the Austin Friars the fact that the church of the friary still exists is one of great interest. At the dissolution a large portion of the friary was given to Lord St. John, afterwards Marquis of Winchester and Lord Treasurer. The church was reserved by the King, and the nave still remains.

[374] Dugdale (Warwickshire, ed. 1730, p. 186), says that the Patriarch Albert prescribed for the Carmelite Friars a parti-coloured mantle of white and red, and that Pope Honorius III., disliking this, appointed in 1285 that it should be all white.

[375] G. M. Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wycliffe, p. 139.

[376] Dictionary of National Biography (Anne), vol. i. p. 424.

[377] Riley’s Memorials, p. 630.

[378] Cal. Letter Book B, pp. xiii.-xv.

[379] Ibid., p. 215.

[380] In Gross’s Select Cases from Coroner’s Rolls (Selden Society, Introduction, p. xxx.), instances are given of the part played by the privilege of sanctuary in thwarting criminal justice.

[381] Constitutional History of England, chap. xxi. para. 496.

[382] Master Hugh de Whytington was master of the scholars of St. Martin-le-Grand in 1298 (Cal. Letter Book B, p. 73).

[383] Survey, ed. Thoms, pp. 27, 28.

[384] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. 1597, p. 1885; Holinshed, p. 1142. This incident will be recognised as the groundwork of Mr. Weyman’s delightful romance of Francis Cludde.

[385] Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (seventh edition), 1887, vol. i. p. 124.

[386] Life of William Shakespeare, 1898, p. 70.

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
the gate of Bisshopesgate=> the gate of Bishopesgate {pg 27}
at Clerkemwell=> at Clerkenwell {pg 55}
various prominent citzens=> various prominent citizens {pg 145}
oaths shall he taken=> oaths shall be taken {pg 265}
a wine merhant of Bergerac=> a wine merchant of Bergerac {pg 271}
The number or trades=> The number of trades {pg 303}
their folk moots=> their folkmoots {pg 337}

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