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It was expected that this new and immense volume of currency, poured at once on to the wheels of trade, would immediately start the wheels. But, somehow, it didn’t seem to have that effect at all. The wheels not only would not revolve, but the friction on them seemed to have become more persistent and chronic than ever. In fact, the doubling the volume of the currency, instead of increasing the before existing instrumentalities for facilitating exchanges, had really diminished them; for all who were willing to exchange commodities for the new currency either doubled the price of their commodities, or gave only half the quantity for what they regarded as half of the former money; so that with all this class the abundance of currency was relatively the same as before. But the majority who had any thing to sell would not accept the ideal money in exchange at all. They did not claim, they said, to be financiers, or philosophers, or even special friends of humanity; but they did think that they were not such fools that they could be made to believe that the half of a thing was equal to the whole, or that one bushel of grain could be converted into two by putting one bushel into two half-bushel measures.

The only really positive effect of the doubling of the volume of the currency in the manner authorized by law was, therefore, to scale all debts to the extent of fifty per cent., and in such a manner that creditors were wholly unable to help themselves; for by terms of the act every one dollar of old legal tender was now made two for all new legal-tender purposes. In this way the people on the island soon learned a most important elementary lesson in finance, which was, that the only one attribute of legal tender which is imperative and unavoidable1 is its inherent power of canceling or liquidating debts or of tapping creditors—and this, too, irrespective of the endowment of the legal tender with any real or representative value. So that a truthful designation of the act in question would have been “An act to relieve debtors from half of their obligations, and swindle creditors to a corresponding extent of what was due them by the debtor’s acknowledgment.”

To the credit of the people of the island it must be recorded that, as a general rule, they were too honorable to take advantage of the law to do so wrong and mean a thing;2 but the knowledge that every debtor had it in his power to so act, and the fear that some would take advantage of their unquestionable legal privileges, contributed still further to bring all business to a stand-still.

There was also a curious phenomenon incident to the situation, and pertaining to the rate of interest, which excited no little comment and attention. Every body took it for granted that with an unlimited supply of money a low rate of interest would prevail, and that, however much the financiers and philosophers might disagree about other things, this one result would be certain. An eminently practical man in one of the public debating societies of the island thought he had definitely, and for all time, settled the question by authoritatively remarking that “an abundance of money does produce enterprise, prosperity, and progress;” “that when money was plenty interest would be lower,” just as when horses and hogs are abundant, horses and hogs would be cheap. He, for one, “put aside all these old theories, these platitudes of finance.” There was “no vitality in them.” He preferred “to take the actual results, and the actual condition of the country, and let theory go to the dogs.”3

There was so much of originality and home sense in these remarks, so much of a lordly contemning of the teachings of musty old experience, that the friends of the orator thought him much more worthy than ever of the executive chair formerly filled by the wise Robinson Crusoe. But, unfortunately for the orator, he hadn’t got far enough along in his financial primer to appreciate the difference between capital and currency; and in the simplicity of his heart imagined that it was all the same, whether we had pictures of horses, hogs, and money, or real horses, hogs, and money, which represent and are accumulated by labor. So the things which he thus settled in opposition to theory and experience wouldn’t stay settled; and the islanders in due time came to a realizing sense of the following truths: that the more of a redundant, irredeemable paper that is issued, the more it depreciates, and the more it is depreciated, the more there is required of it to transact business; and that if any one borrows depreciated money to do any thing, he has to borrow a greater nominal amount than he would of money that was not depreciated; and that it is on the number of nominal dollars, and not on their purchasing power, that the rate of interest is always calculated. The invariable rise in prices consequent on the depreciation of money (price as already explained being the purchasing power of any commodity or service expressed in money), furthermore stimulates borrowing for the purpose of speculation; and the more borrowers, the more competition; and the more the competition to obtain an article or service, the higher the price demanded for it.

Again, the currency of the island having been made artificially abundant, its exchangeable value was always uncertain; and capital, therefore, as it always does at such times, locked up its pockets, hesitated to take risks, and, if it consented to loan at all, demanded extra pay by reason of the increased risk or induced scarcity.4

After testing all these principles experimentally for a considerable time, the people on the island came to see that the possession of money was the consequence rather than the cause of wealth; and that, except under special circumstances and conditions, the rate of interest depends on the abundance or scarcity of that part of the capital of a community which does not consist of money; and that it can not be permanently lowered by any increase in the quantity of money.5

In this way, through the school of hard experience, the people on the island came gradually to understand that there were certain economic truths which had got to be accepted and lived up to in order to insure either individual or national prosperity. They came to understand that property is a physical actuality, the result of some form of labor; that capital is that portion of the results of production which can be reserved and made available for new and further production; that money is an instrumentality for facilitating the distribution and use of capital and the interchange of products and services; that production alone buys production; that when one buys goods with a paper representative or symbol of money, the goods are not paid for until the representative is substituted by a value of some sort in labor, or money, or some other commodity; and, finally, that a country and its inhabitants increase in wealth or abundance by increasing their products, rather than by inordinately multiplying machinery for the exchange of products. They also saw that the promises to pay which they had been using and regarding as money were debts; and that debts, as well as all other forms of title, are but shadows of the property they represent; and that, in endeavoring to all get rich by first creating debts, then calling the debts money, and the money wealth, they had been led, successively, into speculation, extravagance, idleness, and impoverishment; and, like the dog in the fable, which let go of the meat in crossing a stream for the sake of grasping its shadow, they had lost much of real wealth resulting from previous industry by trying to make the shadow of wealth supply the place of its substance.

The hungry dog and the shadow.

The hungry dog and the shadow.

Grasp at the Shadow and lose the Substance.

Coming to gradually realize, also, that one of the first requisites for an increase of trade was that confidence should exist between the buyer and the seller, but that such confidence never would exist so long as the representatives of value, or other intermediate agencies made use of for facilitating exchanges, were of an uncertain, fluctuating character, they also came finally to the conclusion that there was no economy in using cheap money; or, in other words, that the loss and waste inevitably resulting from the use of poor tools (money being a tool) was many times in excess of the interest accruing from any increased cost of good tools. So reasoning, gold, or undoubted promises to pay gold, gradually came once more into use as money on the island.

There were some prophecies, and a good deal of apprehension, that there would be difficulty experienced in obtaining sufficient gold to serve as money or as a basis for currency, especially when it was remembered that the influence of all that had recently happened had been to encourage the export of all the gold that was owned or produced on the island. But as the goldsmiths and the jewelers never experienced any difficulty during the war with the cannibals, or afterward, in obtaining all the gold they wanted, no matter how scarce and valuable it was as compared with currency, and could have had a hundred times more than they actually used, if their customers had been willing to pay for it; so the merchants, traders, and people at large on the island, as soon as they became satisfied that it was economical to use gold, and determined to have it, experienced no difficulty in obtaining an ample supply.

One circumstance which, pending this result, tended to greatly relieve the popular apprehension on this score, was the reading in foreign newspapers that the people in certain comparatively poor countries—as Oregon, Arizona, Nevada, and Washington Territory—had no more difficulty in obtaining and retaining all the gold that they found it desirable to use for the purpose of money, than they had in obtaining and retaining all the wheelbarrows and steam-engines that they desired to use in conducting their business; and laughed when any body talked of depriving them of their gold money.

The first step having been thus taken in the right direction, a sequence of other proper acts occurred as naturally and with the same favorable results as in the celebrated case of the old woman and the kid; in which it will be remembered that as soon as the water began to quench the fire, the fire began to burn the stick, the stick began to beat the dog, the dog began to bite the kid, and, as a consequence of this sequence and its concluding act, the old woman got safely home with the kid, though at a period of the evening much later than was desirable or proper. And so, by a succession of events, prosperity slowly but surely came back to the island.

As for the Friends of Humanity, who had been the authors of so much financial and commercial disturbance and national misfortune, they soon ceased to command attention from any one, then became objects of laughter and derision, and finally passed out of the remembrance of the people, who were now all too busy in restoring their fortunes to give a thought to bygone and mortifying experiences. Some became convinced of their errors, and made good citizens; but in the case of the majority, the belief that the calling of things of no intrinsic value by the name of money was equivalent to the creation of wealth, became chronic, and finally developed into a harmless insanity. On pleasant days they might often be seen on the corners of the streets gathering leaves and bits of sticks and straws, and telling the children that assembled about them that all that was necessary to make these worthless gatherings money was to simply have confidence that they were so. But this was asking for a simplicity of belief that was a little too much, even for the children.

It only remains to add that, as memorials of this eventful history, there is still exhibited in one of the public buildings on the island an exact model of the cave in which the venerable Robinson Crusoe dwelt, and, what is even more interesting, the identical chest which he brought from the ship, and which contained the pins, needles, knives, cloth, and scissors, and the three great bags of what was then useless, but now good and true, money. Numerous specimens of the “ideal money” may also be seen in the same room, together with a picture of the barber who papered his shop with it, and of the dog which the people paraded in the streets covered with a plaster of pitch and currency.6

Scales showing supply and demand.

1 This is the American interpretation. The English interpretation of “legal tender” was brought out in a debate in the House of Lords, in June, 1811, when it was shown to mean, in its application to Great Britain, no more than this: that in a suit between creditor and debtor, if a judgment went against the debtor, he was allowed to plead a tender of bank-notes in arrest of execution, but he could not claim that the notes should be forced upon the creditor in discharge of the debt. During the long suspension of specie payments in Great Britain, therefore, bank-notes were never made legal tender in the American sense.

2 After the Revolutionary war it was considered disgraceful to take advantage of the legal-tender character of the depreciated Continental or State paper money to liquidate debts with it; and the Society of Cincinnati expelled a member for so doing. The State of Rhode Island also, which longer than any of the other States endeavored to maintain by law the legal-tender character and use of such money, was often spoken of in consequence as “Rogue’s” in place of “Rhode” Island.

3 To any who may desire to know how far imagination has been drawn upon for this picture, reference is made to the speech of Hon. O. P. Morton, United States Senate, “Congressional Record,” vol. ii., part i., Forty-third Congress, First Session, p. 669.

4 The pertinacity “with which a mind befogged on the subject of money and currency holds on to the delusion that the making and issue of promises to pay, and calling the same money, is equivalent to the creation of wealth; and, vice versÂ, that the cancellation or withdrawal, by payment, of such promises is the same thing as the destruction of wealth, and also tends to make money—in the sense of capital—scarce, and interest high, finds many amusing illustrations, which for educational purposes are better than arguments.

For example, we have, first, the assumption of a leading Senator of the United States (already referred to, and which, if not on record, would seem incredible) that because an increased supply of horses and hogs made available to a market make horses and hogs cheap, therefore an increased supply of evidences that capital had been borrowed, used, and never paid, would tend to increase the quantity and rate of interest of loanable capital. A corresponding illustration is also to be found in the case of the member of the Continental Congress mentioned by Pelatiah Webster, who, when the subject of increased taxation for the support of the war was under consideration, indignantly asked “if he was expected to help tax the people, when they could go to the printing-office and get money by the cart-load?”

The experience of the Irish mob also finds an appropriate place under this head, which made a bonfire of all the notes issued by an obnoxious private banker that they could gather, little imagining, as they shouted and capered with wild delight about the fire that consumed them, that, in place of impoverishing, they were really enriching, their enemy.

The following story, also illustrative of the same popular fallacy, passes current in one of the towns of Eastern Connecticut: During the severe financial panic of 1857, an honest country farmer and deacon, who, by virtue of being a considerable stockholder in one of the local banks, had been placed as a figure-head on its board of directors, was applied to by a farmer friend to help him in procuring from the bank a small loan. Knowing that the times were hard, and money scarce, the deacon, although desirous of obliging his friend, did not at once commit himself, but promised to go to the bank, and make his action contingent upon the state of affairs which he might there find. The two friends, accordingly, went into town the next day (which happened to be the culminating day of the crisis, when every promise to pay issued by any bank was, in the general distrust, gathered up and rushed in for redemption); and, while the applicant for the loan waited outside, the director entered the bank to reconnoitre. Passing into the directors’ room, and thence behind the counter, he said little, but, keeping his eyes wide open, did not fail to notice the extraordinarily large packages of bills, filling safe and drawers, which, to the annoyance and strain of the bank, had been recently sent in for payment. Seeking no further proof of the financial strength of his institution, he returned to the street, and, informing his friend that every thing was all right, the latter next entered, and confidently asked for his discount. To his great surprise, he received the usual polite answer, that “they would be too glad to oblige him, but that, really, they had no money.” “Out of money!” said the deacon, when the result of the application was made known to him. “Out of money! How can they lie so, when I have just seen the safe and drawers full of it? As a Christian man, and an officer of the church, I can’t conscientiously be a director and stockholder any longer in such an immoral institution.” And yet, if, on returning home, the good deacon had found in his table-drawer a number of his individual promissory-notes, signed and ready to issue, but not issued, he would not have thought himself any richer by their existence, but, on the contrary, would have felt much more comfortable at such a time to know that the notes were all under double-lock security, or, better, if he saw them vanishing into ashes. And yet, in the case of the bank-notes, he couldn’t understand why they were not money, to be used at all times and under all circumstances!

5 Between the years 1860 and 1870, the United States doubled the quantity of currency available for use by its citizens, and yet the rate of interest was as high in the latter year as in the former.

6 Such were some of the uses finally made of the Continental currency. See Sumner’s “History of American Currency,” p. 46.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

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