cal affairs—Ad rempublicam. "In the phrase of Cornelius Nepos, honoribus operam dedi, I sought to obtain some share in the management of the Republic. All public matters were comprehended under the term Respublica." Cortius.

[34] Integrity—Virtute. Cortius rightly explains this word as meaning_justice, equity_, and all other virtues necessary in those who manage the affairs of a state. Observe that it is here opposed to avaritia, not, as some critics would have it, to largitio.

[35] Was ensnared and infected—Corrupta, tenebatur. As obsessus tenetur, Jug., c. 24.

[36] The same eagerness for honors, the same obloquy and jealousy, etc.—Honoris cupido eadem quae caeteros, fama atque invidia vexabat. I follow the interpretation of Cortius: "Me vexabat honoris cupido, et vexabat propterea etiam eadem, quae caeteros, fama atqua invidia." He adds, from a gloss in the Guelferbytan MS., that it is a zeugma. "Fama atque invidia," says Gronovius, "is [Greek: en dia duoin], for invidiosa et maligna fama." Bernouf, with Zanchius and others, read fama atque invidia in the ablative case; and the Bipont edition has eadem qua—fama, etc.; but the method of Cortius is, to me, by far the most straightforward and satisfactory. Sallust, observes De Brosses, in his note on this passage, wrote the account of Catiline's conspiracy shortly after his expulsion from the Senate, and wishes to make it appear that he suffered from calumny on the occasion; though he took no trouble, in the subsequent part of his life, to put such calumny to silence.

[37] IV. Servile occupations—agriculture or hunting—Agrum colendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum. By calling agriculture and hunting servilia officia, Sallust intends, as is remarked by Graswinckelius, little more than was expressed in the saying of Julian the emperor, Turpe est sapienti, cum habeat animum, captare laudes ex corpore. "Ita ergo," adds the commentator, "agricultura et venatio servilio officia sunt, quum in solo consistant corporis usu, animum, vero nec meliorem nec prudentiorem reddant. Quia labor in se certe est illiberalis, ei praesertim cui facultas sit ad meliora." Symmachus (1 v. Ep. 66) and some others, whose remarks the reader may see in Havercamp, think that Sallust might have spoken of hunting and agriculture with more respect, and accuse him of not remembering, with sufficient veneration, the kings and princes that have amused themselves in hunting, and such illustrious plowmen as Curius and Cincinnatus. Sallust, however, is sufficiently defended from censure by the AbbÉ Thyvon, in a dissertation much longer than the subject deserves, and much longer than most readers are willing to peruse.

[38] Returning to those studies, etc.—A quo incepto studio me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus. "The study, namely, of writing history, to which he signifies that he was attached in c. 3." Cortius.

[39] In detached portions—Carptim. "Plin. Ep. viii., 47: Respondebis non posse perinde carptim, ut contexta placere: et vi. 22: Egit carptim et [Greek: kata kephulaia]," Dietsch.

[40] V. Of noble birth—Nobili genere natus. His three names were Lucius Sergius Catilina, he being of the family of the Sergii, for whose antiquity Virgil is responsible, Aen. v. 121: Sergestusque, domus tenet a quo Sergia nomen. And Juvenal says, Sat. viii. 321: Quid, Catilino, tuis natalibus atque Cethegi Inveniet quisquam sublimius? His great grandfather, L. Sergius Silus, had eminently distinguished himself by his services in the second Punic war. See Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 29. "Catiline was born A.U.C. 647, A.C. 107." Dietsch. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. xxv.) says that he was the last of the Sergii.

[41] Sedition—Discordia civilis.

[42] And in such scenes he had spent his early years—Ibique juventutem suam exercuit. "It is to be observed that the Roman writers often used an adverb, where we, of modern times, should express ourselves more specifically by using a noun." Dietsch on c. 3, ibique multa mihi advorsa fuere. Juventus properly signified the time between thirty and forty-five years of age; adolescentia that between fifteen and thirty. But this distinction was not always accurately observed. Catiline had taken an active part in supporting Sylla, and in carrying into execution his cruel proscriptions and mandates. "Quis erat hujus (Syllae) imperii minister? Quis nisi Catilina jam in omne facinus manus exercens?" Sen. de Ira, iii. 18.

[43] Capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished —Cujuslibet, rei simulator ac dissimulator. "Dissimulation is the negative, when a man lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not that he is; simulation is the affirmative, when a man industriously and expressly feigns and pretends to be that he is not." Bacon, Essay vi.

[44] Abundance of eloquence—Satis eloquentiae. Cortius reads loquentiae "Loquentia is a certain facility of speech not necessarily attended with sound sense; called by the Greeks [Greek: lalia]." Bernouf. "Julius Candidus used excellently to observe that eloquentia was one thing, and loquentia another; for eloquence is given to few, but what Candidus called loquentia, or fluency of speech, is the talent of many, and especially of the most impudent." Plin. Ep. v. 20. But eloquentiae is the reading of most of the MSS., and loquentiae, if Aulus Gellius (i. 15) was rightly informed, was a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust must have written so, as eloquentiae could not agree with sapientiae parum. This opinion of Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust must have written so, as eloquentiae could not agree with sapientiae parum. This opinion of Probus, however, may be questioned. May not Sallust have written eloquentiae, with the intention of signifying that Catiline had abundance of eloquence to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence to regulate his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into Catiline's mouth (c. 20, 58) are surely to be characterized rather as eloquentia, than loquentia. On the whole, and especially from the concurrence of MSS., I prefer to read eloquentiae, with the more recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz and Dietsch.

[45] Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship—Post dominationem Lucii Syllae. "The meaning is not the same as if it were finit dominatione but is the same as ab eo tempore quo dominari caeperat. In French, therefore, post should be rendered by depuis, not, as it is commonly translated, aprÈs." Bernouf. As dictator was the title that Sylla assumed, I have translated dominatio, "dictatorship". Rose, Gordon, and others, render it "usurpation".

[46] Power—Regnum. Chief authority, rule, dominion.

[47] Rendered thoroughly depraved—Vexabant. "Corrumpere et pessundare studebant." Bernouf. Quos vexabant, be it observed, refers to mores, as Gerlach and Kritz interpret, not to cives understood in civitatis, which is the evidently erroneous method of Cortius.

[48] Conduct of our ancestors—Instituta majorum. The principles adopted by our ancestors, with regard both to their own conduct, and to the management of the state. That this is the meaning, is evident from the following account.

[49] VI. As I understand—Sicuti ego accepi. "By these words he plainly shows that nothing certain was known about the origin of Rome. The reader may consult Livy, lib. i.; Justin, lib. xliii.; and Dionys. Halicar., lib.i.; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans." Bernouf.

[50] Aborigines—Aborigines. The original inhabitants of Italy; the same as indigenae, or the [Greek: Autochthones].

[51]: Almost incredible—Incredibile memoratu. "Non credi potest, si memoratur; superat omnem fidem." Pappaur. Yet that which actually happened, can not be absolutely incredible; and I have, therefore, inserted almost.

[52] Prepared with alacrity for there defense—Festinare, parare. "Made haste, prepared." "Intenti ut festinanter pararent ea, quae defensioni aut bello usui essent." Pappaur.

[53] Procured friendships rather by bestowing, etc;—Magisque dandis, quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Thucyd. ii., 40: [Greek: Ou paschontes eu, alla drontes, ktometha tous philous]

[54] FATHERS—PATRES. "(Romulus) appointed that the direction of the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called Fathers; from their age, Senatus." Florus, i. 1. Senatus from senex. "Patres ab honore—appellati." Livy.

[55] Two magistrates—Binos imperatores. The two consuls. They were more properly called imperatores at first, when the law, which settled their power, said "Regio imperio duo sunto" (Cic. de Legg. iii. 4), than afterward, when the people and tribunes had made encroachments on their authority.

[56] VII. Almost incredible—Incredibile memoratu. See above, c. 6.

[57] Able to bear the toils of war—Laboris ac belli patiens. As by laboris the labor of war is evidently intended, I have thought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius'. Havercamp and others have "simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam discebat;" but per laborem usu is assuredly not the hand of Sallust.

[58] Honor and true nobility—Bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem.

[59] VIII. Very great and glorious—Satis amplae magnificaeque. In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides, Xenophen, and perhaps Herodotus; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets.

[60] There was never any such abundance of writers—Nunquam ea copia fuit. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks copia equivalent to multitudo. Others render it advantage, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c.28: Latrones—quorum—magna copia erat.

[61] Chose to act rather than narrate—"For," as Cicero says, "neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise." Graswinckelius.

[62] IX. Pressed by the enemy—Pulsi. In the words pulsi loco cedere ausi erant, loco is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with cedere_, not, as Kritzius puts it, with pulsi. "To retreat," adds Dietsch, "is disgraceful only to those qui ab hostibus se pelli patiantur, who suffer themselves to be repulsed by the enemy."

[63] X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war—Perses, Antiochus, Mithridates, Tigranes, and others.

[64] To keep one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue—_Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum,

[Greek: Echthros gar moi keinos homos Aidao pulaesin.
Os ch' eteron men keuthei eni phresin, allo de Bazei.]

Who dares think one thing, and another tell,
My heart detests him as the gates of hell.
Pope.

[65] XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice, etc.—Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat. Sallust has been accused of having made, in this passage, an assertion at variance with what he had said before (c.10), Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido, crevit, and it will be hard to prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed, endeavors to reconcile the passages by giving them the following "meaning", which, he says, "seems perfectly evident": "Although avarice was the first to make its appearance at Rome, yet, after both had had existence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an inordinate height". To me, however, it "seems perfectly evident" that the Latin can be made to yield no such "meaning". "How these passages agree," says Rupertus, "I do not understand: unless we suppose that Sallust, by the word primo, does not always signify order".

[66] Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind—Corpus virilemque animum effaeminat. That avarice weakens the mind, is generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body? The most satisfactory answer to this question is, in the opinion of Aulus Gellius (iii. 1), that those who are intent on getting riches devote themselves to sedentary pursuits, as those of usurers and money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employments as strengthen the body. There is, however, another explanation by Valerius Probus, given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which perhaps is the true one; namely, that Sallust, by body and mind, intended merely to signify the whole man.

[67] Having recovered the government—Recept republicÂ. Having wrested it from the hands of Marius and his party.

[68] All became robbers and plunderers—Rapere omnes, trahere. He means that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla's party, and among all who, in whatever character, could profit by supporting it. Thus he says immediately afterward, "neque modum neque modestiam victores habere."

[69] which he had commanded in Asia—Quem in Asi dustaverat. I have here deserted Cortius, who gives in Asiam, "into Asia," but this, as Bernouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb ductaverat.

[70] in public edifices and private dwellings—Privatim ac publice. I have translated this according to the notion of Burnouf. Others, as Dietsch and Pappaur, consider privatim as signifying each on his own account, and publice, in the name of the Republic.

[71] XII. A life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature —Innocentia pro malivolenti duci caepit. "Whoever continued honest and upright, was considered by the unprincipled around him as their enemy; for a good man among the bad can never be regarded as of their party." Bernouf.

[72] It furnishes much matter for reflection—Operae pretium est.

[73] Basest of mankind—Ignavissumi mortales. It is opposed to fortissumi viri, which follows, "Qui nec fortiter nec bene quidquam fecere." Cortius.

[74] XIII. Seas covered with edifices—Maria constructa esse.

Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt,
Jactis in altum molibus, etc. Hor. Od., iii. 1.

—The haughty lord, who lays
His deep foundations in the seas,
And scorns earth's narrow bound;
The fish affrighted feel their waves
Contracted by his numerous slaves,
Even in the vast profound. Francis.

[75] To have made a sport of their wealth—Quibus mihi videntur ledibrio fuisse divitiae. "They spent their riches on objects which, in the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous and contemptible." Cortius.

[76] Luxury—CultÛs. "Deliciarum in victu_, luxuries of the table; for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant." Cortius.

[77] Cold—Frigus. It is mentioned by Cortius that this word is wanting in one MS.; and the English reader may possibly wish that it were away altogether. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone, sometimes underground, to which the luxurious retired in the hot weather; and he cites Pliny, Ep., v. 6, who speaks of crytoporticus, a gallery from which the sun was excluded, almost as if it were underground, and which, even in summer was cold nearly to freezing. He also refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. Ad Spartian. Adrian., c. x., p. 87.

[78] XIV. Gaming—Manu. Gerlach, Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the recent editors, agree to interpret manu by gaming.

[79] Assassins—Parricidae. "Not only he who had killed his father was called a parricide, but he who had killed any man; as is evident from a law of Numa Pompilius: If any one unlawfully and knowingly bring a free man to death, let him be a parricide." Festus sub voce Parrici.

[80] Than from any evidence of the fact—Quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret.

[81] XV. With a virgin of noble birth—Cum virgine nobili. Who this was is not known. The name may have been suppressed from respect to her family. If what is found in a fragment of Cicero be true, Catiline had an illicit connection with some female, and afterward married the daughter who was the fruit of the connection: Ex eodem stupro et uxorem et filiam invenisti; Orat. in Tog. Cand. (Oration xvi., Ernesti's edit.) On which words Asconius Pedianus makes this comment: "Dicitur Catilinam adulterium commisisse cum ea quae ci postea socrus fuit, et ex eo stupro duxisse uxorem, cum filia ejus esset. Haec Lucceius quoque Catilinae objecit in orationibus, quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum inveni." Plutarch, too (Life of Cicero, c. 10), says that Catiline was accused of having corrupted his own daughter.

[82] With a priestess of Vesta—Cum sacerdote Vestae. This priestess of Vesta was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero's wife, whom Sallust, after she was divorced by Cicero, married. Clodius accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought innocent, or because the interest of Catulus and others, who exerted themselves in her favor, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, vi. 3; the Oration of Cicero, quoted in the preceding note; and Asconius's commentary on it.

[83] Aurelia Orestilla—See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter, as De Brosses thinks, of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, who had been praetor, A.U.C. 677.

[84] A grown-up step-son—Privignum adulta aetate. A son of Catiline's by a former marriage.

[85] Desolate his tortured spirit—Mentem exciteam vastabat. "Conscience desolates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper power and tranquillity, and introduces into it perpetual disquietude." Cortius. Many editions have vexabat.

[86] XVI. He furnished false witnesses, etc. Testis signatoresque falsos commodare. "If any one wanted any such character, Catiline was ready to supply him from among his troop."Bernouf.

[87] Inoffensive persons, etc.—Insontes, sicuti sontes. Most translators have rendered these words "innocent" and "guilty," terms which suggest nothing satisfactory to the English reader. The insontes are those who had given Catiline no cause of offens; the sontes those who had in some way incurred his displeasure, or become objects of his rapacity.

[88] Veterans of Sylla, etc.—Elsewhere called the colonists of Sylla; men to whom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for their services, but who, having lived extravagantly, had fallen into such debt and distress, that, as Cicero said, nothing could relieve them but the resurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii. Orat. in Cat.

[89] Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world—In extremis terris. Pompey was then conducting the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, in Pontus and Armenia.

[90] The senate was wholly off its guard—Senatus nihil sane intentus. The senate was regardless, and unsuspicious of any danger.

[91] XVII. Lucius Caesar—He was a relation of Julius Caesar; and his sister was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator, and mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir.

[92] Publius Lentulus Sura—He was of the same family with Sylla, that of the Cornelii. He had filled the office of consul, but his conduct had been afterward so profligate, that the censors expelled him from the senate. To enable him to resume his seat, he had obtained, as a qualification, the office of praetor, which he held at the time of the conspiracy. He was called Sura, because, when he had squandered the public money in his quaestorship, and was called to account by Sylla for his dishonesty, he declined to make any defense, but said, "I present you the calf of my leg (sura);" alluding to a custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Life of Cicero, c.17.

[93] Publius Autronius—He had been a companion of Cicero in his boyhood, and his colleague in the quaestorship. He was banished in the year after the conspiracy, together with Cassius, Laeca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and Caius Cornelius, under the Plautian law. De Brosses.

[94] Lucius Cassius Longinus.—He had been a competitor with Cicero for the consulship. Ascon. Ped., in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His corpulence was such that Cassius's fat (Cassii adeps) became proverbial. Cic. Orat. in Catil., iii. 7.

[95] Caius Cethegus—He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the civil wars, says De Brosses, he had first taken the side of Marius, and afterward that of Sylla. Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., ii.7) and Sallust describe him as fiery and rash.

[96] Publius and Servius Sylla—These were nephews of Sylla the dictator. Publius, though present on this occasion, seems not to have joined in the plot, since, when he was afterward accused of having been a conspirator, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic. Orat. pro P. Sylla. He was afterward with Caesar in the battle of Pharsalia. Caes. de B.C., iii. 89.

[97] Lucius Vargunteius—"Of him or his family little is known. He had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by Hortensius. Cic. pro P. Sylla, c. 2." Bernouf.

[98] Quintus Annius—He is thought by De Brosses to have been the same Annius that cut off the head of M. Antonius the orator, and carried it to Marius. Plutarch, Vit. Marii, c. 44.

[99] Marcus Porcius Laeca—He was one of the same gens with the Catones, but of a different family.

[100] Lucius Bestia—Of the Calpurnian gens. He escaped death on the discovery of the conspiracy, and was afterward aedile, and candidate for the praetorship, but was driven into exile for bribery. Being recalled by Caesar, he became candidate for the consulship, but was unsuccessful. De Brosses.

[101] Quintus Curius—He was a descendant of M. Curius Dentatus, the opponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate, that he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 683. See c. 23. As he had been the first to give information of the conspiracy to Cicero, public honors were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of Caesar, whom he had named as one of the conspirators. Sueton. Caes. 17; Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii.

[102] M. Fulvius Nobilior—"He was not put to death, but exiled, A.U.C. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv., 16." Bernouf.

[103] Lucius Statilius—of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust.

[104] Publius Gabinius Capito—Cicero, instead of Capito, calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. The family was originally from Gabii.

[105] Caius Cornelius—There were two branches of the gens Cornelia, one patrician, the other plebeian, from which sprung this conspirator.

[106] Municipal towns—Municipiis. "The municipia were towns of which the inhabitants were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens, but which were allowed to govern themselves by their own laws, and to choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell, xvi. 13; Beaufort, Rep. Rom., vol. v." Bernouf.

[107] Marcus Licinius Crassus—The same who, with Pompey and Caesar, formed the first triumvirate, and who was afterward killed in his expedition against the Parthians. He had, before the time of the conspiracy, held the offices of praetor and consul.

[108] XVIII. But previously, etc.—Sallust here makes a digression, to give an account of a conspiracy that was formed three years before that of Catiline.

[109] Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla—The same who are mentioned in the preceding chapter. They were consuls elect, and some editions have the words designati consules, immediately following their names.

[110] Having been tried for bribery under the laws against it —Legibus ambitus interrogati. Bribery at their election, is the meaning of the word ambitus, for ambire, as Cortius observes, is circumeundo favorem et suffragia quaerere. De Brosses translates the passage thus: "Autrone et Sylla, convaincus d'avoir obtenu le consulat par corruption des suffrages, avaient ÉtÉ punis selon la rigueur de la loi". There were several very severe Roman laws against bribery. Autronius and Sylla were both excluded from the consulship.

[111] For extortion—Pecuniarum repetundarum. Catiline had been praetor in Africa, and, at the expiration of his office, was accused of extortion by Publius Clodius, on the part of the Africans. He escaped by bribing the prosecutor and judges.

[112] To declare himself a candidate within the legitimate number of days—Prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos dies profiteri (se candidatum, says Cortius, citing Suet. Aug. 4) nequiverit. A person could not be a candidate for the consulship, unless he could declare himself free from accusation within a certain number of days before the time of holding the comitia centuriata. That number of days was trinundinum spatium, that is, the time occupied by three market-days, tres nundinae, with seven days intervening between the first and second, and between the second and third; or seventeen days. The nundinae (from novem and dies) were held, as it is commonly expressed, every ninth day; whence Cortius and others considered trinundinum spatium to be twenty-seven, or even thirty days; but this way of reckoning was not that of the Romans, who made the last day of the first ennead to be also the first day of the second. Concerning the nundinae see Macrob., Sat. i. 16. "Muller and Longius most erroneously supposed the trinundinum to be about thirty days; for that it embraced only seventeen days has been fully shown by Ernesti. Clav. Cic., sub voce; by Scheller in Lex. Ampl., p. 11, 669; by Nitschius Antiquitt. Romm. i. p. 623: and by Drachenborch (cited by Gerlach) ad Liv. iii. 35." Kritzius.

[113] Cneius Piso—Of the Calpurnian gens. Suetonius (Vit. Caes., c. 9) mentions three authors who related that Crassus and Caesar were both concerned in this plot; and that, if it had succeeded, Crassus was to have assumed the dictatorship, and made Caesar his master of the horse. The conspiracy, as these writers state, failed through the remorse or irresolution of Crassus.

[114] Catiline and Autronius—After these two names, in Havercamp's and many other editions, follow the words circiter nonas Decembres, i.e., about the fifth of December.

[115] On the first of January—Kalendis Januariis. On this day the consuls were accustomed to enter on their office. The consuls whom they were going to kill, Cotta and Torquatus, were those who had been chosen in the place of Antronius and Sylla.

[116] The two Spains—Hither and Thither Spain. Hispania Citerior and Ulterior, as they were called by the Romans.

[117] XIX. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling, etc.—See Dio Cass. xxxvi. 27.

[118] XX. Just above mentioned—In c. 17.

[119] Favorable opportunity—Opportuna res. See the latter part of c. 16.

[120] Assert our claims to liberty—Nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem.Unless we vindicate ourselves into liberty. See below, "En illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas," etc.

[121] Kings and princes—Reges tetrarchae. Tetrarchs were properly those who had the government of the fourth part of the country; but at length, the signification of the word being extended, it was applied to any governors of any country who were possessed of supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the Romans. See Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 67: "Deiotarus, at that time tetrarch of almost all Gallograecia, a supremacy which the other tetrarchs would not allow to be granted him either by the laws or by custom, but indisputably acknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the senate," etc. Dietsch. "Hesychius has, [Greek: Tetrarchas, basileis]. See Isidor., ix. 8; Alex. ab. Alex., ii. 17." Colerus. "Cicero, Phil. II., speaks of Reges Tetrarchas Dynastasque. And Lucan has (vii. 46) Tetrarchae regesque tenent, magnique tyranni." Wasse. Horace also says,

—Modo reges atque tetrarchas,
Omnia magna loquens.

I have, with Rose, rendered the word princes, as being the most eligible term.

[122] Insults—Repulsas. Repulses in standing for office.

[123] The course of events, etc.—Caetera res expediet.—"Of. Cic. Ep. Div. xiii. 26: explicare et expedire negotia." Gerlach.

[124] Building over seas—See c. 13.

[125] Embossed plate—Toreumata. The same as vasa coelata, sculptured vases, c. 11. Vessels ornamented in bas-relief; from [Greek: toreuein], sculpere; see Bentley ad Hor. A. P., 441. "Perbona toreumata, in his pecula duo," etc. Cic. in Verr. iv. 18.

[126] XXI. What support or encouragement they had, and in what quarters.—Quid ubique opis aut spei haberent; i.e. quid opis aut So c. 27, init. Quem ubique opportunum credebat, i.e., says Cortius, "quem, et ubi illum, opportunum credebat".

[127] Abolition of their debts—Tabulas novas. Debts were registered on tablets; and, when the debts were paid, the score was effaced, and the tablets were ready to be used as new. See Ernesti's Clav. in Cio.sub voce.

[128] Proscription of the wealthy citizens—Proscriptionem locupletium. The practice of proscription was commenced by Sylla, who posted up, in public places of the city, the names of those whom he doomed to death, offering rewards to such as should bring him their heads. Their money and estates he divided among his adherents, and Catiline excited his adherents with hopes of similar plunder.

[129] Another of his ruling passion—Admonebat—alium cupiditatis suae. Rose renders this passage, "Some he put in mind of their poverty, others of their amours." De Brosses renders it, "Il remontre À l'un sa pauvretÉ, À l'autre son ambition." Ruling passion, however, seems to be the proper sense of cupiditatis; as it is said, in c. 14, "As the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others", etc.

[130] XXII. They asserted—Dictitare. In referring this word to the circulators of the report, I follow Cortius, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Bernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline. This story of the drinking of human blood is copied by Florus, iv 1, and by Plutarch in his Life of Cicero. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says that the conspirators were reported to have killed a child on the occasion.

[131] XXIII. Quintus Curius—the same that is mentioned in c. 17.

[132] To promise her seas and mountains—Maria montesque polliceri. A proverbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i. 2, 18: ModÒ non montes auri pollicens. Perc., iii. 65: Et quid opus Cratero magnos promittere emontes.

[133] With greater arrogance than ever—Ferocius quam solitus erat.

[134] To Marcus Tullius Cicero—Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quaestor, aedile, and praetor.

[135] A man of no family—Novus homo. A term applied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy, that is, had been consul, praetor, censor, or chief aedile.

[136] XXIV. Manlius—He had been an officer in the army of Sylla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at the head of a colony of veterans settled about Faesulae: but he had squandered his property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio Cassius, and Appian.

[137] Faesulae—A town of Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines,

At evening from the top of Fesole,
Or in Valdarno to descry new lands, etc.
Par. L. i. 28.

[138] XXV. Sempronia—Of the same gens as the two Gracchi. She was the wife of Decimus Brutus.

[139] Sing, play, and dance—Psallere, saltare. As psallo signifies both to play on a musical instrument, and to sing to it while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in the translation.

[140] By no means despicable—Haud absurdum. Compare, Bene dicere haud absurdum est, c. 8.

[141] She was distinguished, etc.—Multae facetiae, multusque lepos inerat. Both facetiae and lepos mean "agreeableness, humor, pleasantry," but lepos here seems to refer to diction, as in Cic. Orat. i. 7: Magnus in jocando lepos.

[142] XXVI. By an arrangement respecting their provinces—Pactione provinciae. This passage has been absurdly misrepresented by most translators, except De Brosses. Even Rose, who was a scholar, translated pactione provinciae, "by promising a province to his colleague." Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that the two provinces, which Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul and Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest of the senate, exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself, for the inferior province of Gaul. See Jug., c. 27.

[143] Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius —Insidiae quas consuli in campo fecerat. I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads consulibus, thinking that Catiline, in his rage, might have extended his plots even to the consuls-elect. But consuli, there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored by what is said at the beginning of the chapter, insidias parabat Ciceroni, by what follows in the next chapter, consuli insidias tendere, and by the words, sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum; for if Catiline trusted that he should be able to use his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form plots against his life. I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the phrase, les pieges oÙ il comptait faire pÉrir le consul. The words in campo, which look extremely like an intruded gloss, I wonder that Cortius should have retained. "Consuli," says Gerlach, "appears the more eligible, not only on account of consuli insidias tendere, c. 27, but because nothing but the death of Cicero was necessary to make everything favorable for Catiline." Kritzius, Bernouf, Dietsch, Pappaur, Allen, and all the modern editors, read Consuli. See also the end of c. 27: Si prius Ciceronem oppressisset.] [note 144: Had ended in confusion and disgrace—Aspera faedaque evenerant. I have borrowed from Murphy.

[145] XXVII. Of Camerinum—Camertem. "That is, a native of Camerinum, a town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun Camers, as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, in agro Camerti." Cortius.

[146] Wherever he thought each would be most serviceable—_Ubi quemque opportunum credebat. "Proprie reddas: quam, et ubi illum, opportunum credebat," Cortius. See c. 23.

[147] When none of his numerous projects succeeded—Ubi multa agilanti nihil procedit.

[148] XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay—Ea nocte, paulo post. They resolved on going soon after the meeting broke up, so that they might reach Cicero's house early in the morning, which was the usual time for waiting on great men. Ingentem foribus domus alla superbis Mane salutantÛm totis vomit aedibus undam. Virg. Georg., ii. 461.

[149] XXIX. This is the greatest power which—is granted, etc. —Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxima permittitur. Cortius, mir judicii peversitate, as Kritzius observes, makes ea the ablative case, understanding "decretione," "formula," or some such word; but, happily, no one has followed him.

[150] XXX. By the 27th of October—Ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembres. He means that they were in arms on or before that day.

[151] Quintus Marcius Rex—He had been proconsul in Cilicia, and was expecting a triumph for his successes.

[152] Quintus Metellus Creticus—He had obtained the surname of Creticus from having reduced the island of Crete.

[153] Both which officers, with the title of commanders, etc. —hi utrique ad urbem imperatores erant; impediti ne triumpharent calumni paucorum quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. "Imperator" was a title given by the army, and confirmed by the senate, to a victorious general, who had slain a certain number of the enemy. What the number was is not known. The general bore this title as an addition to his name, until he obtained (if it were granted him) a triumph, for which he was obliged to wait ad urbem, near the city, since he was not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any military command. These imperatores had been debarred from their expected honor by a party who would sell any thing honorable, as a triumph, or any thing dishonorable, as a license to violate the laws.

[154] A hundred sestertia—two hundred sestertia—A hundred sestertia were about 807£. 5s. 10d. of our money.

[155] Schools of gladiators—Gladiatoriae familiae. Any number of gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (lanista), was called familia. They were to be distributed in different parts, and to be strictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See Graswinckelius, Rupertus, and Gerlach.

[156] The inferior magistrates—The aediles, tribunes, quaestors, and all others below the consuls, censors, and praetors. Aul. Cell., xiii. 15.

[157] XXXI. Dissipation—Lascivia. "Devotion to public amusements and gayety. The word is used in the same sense as in Lucretius, v.

Tum caput atque humeros planis redimire coronis.
Floribus et foliis, lascivia laeta monebat.

"Then sportive gayety prompted them to deck their heads and shoulders with garlands of flowers and leaves." Bernouf.

[158] Long tranquillity—Diuturna quies. "Since the victory of Sylla to the time of which Sallust is speaking, that is, for about twenty years, there had been a complete cessation from civil discord and disturbance" Bernouf.

[159] The Plautian law—Lege Plautia. "This law was that of M. Plautius Silanus, a tribune of the people, which was directed against such as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the life of any individual." Cyprianus Popma. See Dr. Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiquities, sub Vis.

[160] Which he afterward wrote and published—Quam postea scriptam edidit. This was the first of Cicero's four Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered "splendid," is luculentam; that is, says Gerlach, "luminibus verborum et sententiarum ornatam," distinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Muller, makes the word equivalent merely to lucid, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. Luculentus, however, seems certainly to mean something more than lucidus.

[161] A mere adopted citizen of Rome—Inquilinus civis urbis Romae. "Inquilinus" means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, [Greek: Ingkouilinon, phi raemati kalousi tous enoikountas en allotriais oikiais.]

[162] Traitor—Parricidam. See c. 14. "An oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide; for our country is the common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." Wasse.

[163] Since I am encompassed, by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.—"It was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made by Catiline. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. See Cic. pro Muraeno, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him." Bernouf. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero's speech, on the part of Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration against Catiline, says that Catiline could not endure his voice, but, when he was ordered to go into exile, "paruit, quievit," obeyed and submitted in silence. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, "That most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb."

[164] XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.—Cum mandatis hujuscemodi. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an epistle, but a verbal message.

[165] XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law—Lege uti. The law here meant was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest bonds of credit.

[166] The praetor—The praetor urbanus, or city praetor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors.

[167] Relieved their distress by decrees—Decretis suis inopiae opitulati sunt. In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest.

[168] Silver—was paid with brass—Agentum aere solutum est. Thus a sestertius, which was of silver, and was worth four asses, was paid with one as, which was of brass; or the fourth part only of the debt was paid. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius Paterculus, ii. 23; who says, quadrantem solvi, that a quarter of their debts were paid by the debtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius.

[169] Often—have the commonalty—seceded, etc.—"This happened three times: 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2. To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, on account of debt; Liv. Epist. xi." Bernouf.

[170] XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.—Ea, mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum, semper fuisse. "That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness." I have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.

[171] XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: Egregiatua fides, re cognita, grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Cortius corrected it as follows: Egregia tua fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Cortius's reading has been adopted by Kritzius, Bernouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text. That Cortius's is the better; few will deny; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallust used mihi, meis, and meae in such close succession. Some, however, as Rupertus and Gerlach, defend Havercamp's text, by asserting, from the phrase earum exemplam infra scriptum, that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline's. But such an opinion is sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe: "Rupertus," says he, "quod in promptu erat, Catilinae culpam tribuit, qui non eo, quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita suprÀ, c. 20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et senties sensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis haec quidem excusatio." Yet it is not to be denied that grata mihi is the reading of all the manuscripts.

[172] Known—by experience.—Re cognita. "Cognita" be it observed, tironum gratia, is the nominative case. "Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is related by Orosius." Bernouf.

[173] Recommendation—Commendationi. His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.

[174] Formal defense—Defensionem. Opposed to satisfactionem, which follows, and which means a private apology or explanation. "Defensio, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made against an adversary, or before judges; satisfactio was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private communication." Cortius.

[175] Though conscious of no guilt—Ex null conscienti de culpÂ. This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to "Propter conscientam denull culpÂ," or "inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault." "De culpÂ, he adds, is the same as culpae; so in the ii. Epist. to Caesar, c. 1: Neque de futuro quisquam satix callidus; and c. 9: de illis potissimum jactura fit."

[176] To make no formal defense—to offer you some explanation —Defensionem—parare; satisfactionem—proponere. "Parare," says Cortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation; proponere to such a statement as it was easy to make at once".

[177] On my word of honor—Me dius fidius, sc. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith? Dius, say some, is the same as Deus (Plautus has Deus fidius, Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (sub dio being equivalent to sub Jove); so that Dius fidius (fidius being an adjective from fides) will be the [Greek: Zeus pistios] of the Greeks. "Me dius fidius" will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me!" This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Others, with Festus (sub voce Medius fidius) make fidius equivalent to filius, because the ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and dius fidius will then be the same as [Greek: Dios] or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and medius fidius will be the same as mehercules or mehercule. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprengel) mentions a certain Aelius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of fidius, of which the first syllable is short: Quaerebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem, Ov. Fast. vi. 213. But if we consider dius the same as deus, we may as well consider dius fidius to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make medius fidius identical with mehercules, as it probably is. "Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that medius fidius is a form of swearing by Hercules." Schiller's Lex. sub Fidius. This point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, loc. cit.) Dius Fidius to be the same with the Sabine Sancus, or Semo Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.

[178] You may receive as true—Veram licet cognoscas. Some editions, before that of Cortius, have quae—licet vera mecum recognoscas; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad Aen. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have veram licet cognoscas.

[179] Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion—Fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus. "The honors which he sought he elegantly calls the fruit of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other." Cortius.

[180] Post of honor due to me—Statum dignitatis. The consulship.

[181] On my own security—Meis nominibus. "He uses the plural," says Herzogius, "because he had not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many." No other critic attempts to explain this point. For alienis nominibus, which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity with Bernouf's comment.

[182] Proscribed—Alienatum. "Repulsed from all hope of the consulship." Bernouf.

[183] Adopted a course—Spes—secutus sum. "Spem sequi is a phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action, or course of conduct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what appears advantageous, is signified." Cortius.

[184] Protection—Fidei.

[185] Intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury—Eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus. "Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for the sake of] your own children."

[186] XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretium—In agro Arretino. Havercamp, and many of the old editions, have Reatino; "but," says Cortius, "if Catiline went the direct road to Faesulae, as is rendered extremely probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read Arretino." Arretium (now Arezzo) lay in his road to Faesulae; Reate was many miles out of it.

[187] In an extremely deplorable condition—Multo maxime miserabile. Multe is added to superlatives, like longe. So c. 52, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances.

[188] Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate—Duobus senati decretis. I have translated it "the two decrees," with Rose. One of the two was that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30; the other was that spoken of in c. 36., allowing the followers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day.

[189] XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious—Malos extollunt. They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves.

[190] Poverty does not easily suffer loss—Egestas facile habetur sine damna He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petron. Sat., c. 119: Inops audacia tuta est.

[191] Had become disaffected—Praeceps abierat. Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state. So Sallust says of Sempronia, praeceps abierat, c. 25.

[192] In the first place—Primum omnium. "These words refer, not to item and _postremo in the same sentence, but to deinde at the commencement of the next." Bernouf.

[193] Civil rights had been curtailed—Jus libertatis imminutum erat. "Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." Bernouf. See Vell. Patere., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a fragment of Cicero's speech, De Proscriptorum Liberis, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J. Caes. 41; Plutarch Vit. Caes.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.

[194] This was an evil—to the extent to which it now prevailed—Id adeÒ malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat. "AdeÒ, says Cortius, "in particula elegantissima" Allen makes it equivalent to eÒ usque.

[195] XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes—had been fully restored —Tribunicia potestas restituta. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in the consulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers.

[196] Having obtained that high office—Summam potestatem nacti. Cortius thinks these words spurious.

[197] XXXIX. Free from harm—Innoxii. In a passive sense.

[198] Overawing others—with threats of impeachment—Caeteros judiciis terrere. "Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis." Bernouf.

[199] His father ordered to be put to death—Parens necari jussit. "His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion, that, "he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline". Val. Max., v.8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children.

[200] XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges—Legatos Allobrogum. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome two deputies from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors.

[201] As Brutus was then absent from Borne—Nam tum Brutus ab RomÂ, aberat. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. "What sort of woman Sempronia was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Caesar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house." BeauzÉe. I have, however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline credebat posse—viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interficere. The truth, on such a point, is of little importance.

[202] XLI. To be expected from victory—In spe victoriae.

[203] Certain rewards—Certa praemia. "Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30." Kuhnhardt.

[204] Quintus Fabius Sanga—"A descendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus." Bernouf. Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals.

[205] XLII. There were commotions—Motus erat. "Motus is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for seditiones and tumultus. No change is therefore to be made in the text." Gerlach. "Motus bellicos intelligit, tumultus; ut Flor., iii. 13." Cortius.

[206] Having brought several to trial—Complures—causs cognitÂ. "Caussum cognoscere is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime." Dietsch.

[207] Caius Muraena in Further Gaul—In Ulteriore Galli C. Muraena. All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have in citeriore GalliÂ. "But C. Muraena," says the critic, "commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muraena, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse or memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered citeriore into ulteriore." The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded.

[208] XLIII. The excellent consul—Optimo consuli. With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, luculentam atque utilem reipublicae, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: "Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum consulem); but what enemy could speak more coldly of me?"

[209] Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose— Duodecim—opportuna loca. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition.

[210] In order that, during the consequent tumult—QuÒ tumultu. "It is best," says Dietsch, "to take quo as the particula finalis (to the end that), and tumultu as the ablative of the instrument".

[211] Delay—Dies prolatando. By putting off from day to day.

[212] XLIV. Soon to visit their country—Semet eÒ brevi venturum. "It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (ad cives); and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul." Dietsch.

[213] Remember that you are a man—Memineris te virum. Remember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, Cura ut vir sis.

[214] XLV. The praetors—Praetoribus urbanis, the praetors of the city.

[215] The Milvian Bridge—Ponte Mulvio. Now Ponte Molle.

[216] Of the object with which they were sent—Rem—cujus grati mittebantur.

[217] From each side of the bridge—Utrinque. "Utrinque," observes Cortius, "glossae MSS. exponunt _ex utrÂque parte pontis," and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself, has availed himself of it.

[218] XLVI. The box with the letters—Scrinium cum literis. Litterae may be rendered either letter or letters. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box.

[219] XLVII. His letter—Litteris. His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So praeter litteras a little below.

[220] What object he had had in view, etc.—Quid, aut qu de causÂ, consilli habuisset. What design he had entertained, and from what motive he had entertained it.

[221] To prevaricate.—Fingere alia. "To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy." Bernouf.

[222] On the security of the public faith—Fide publicÁ. "Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth." Bernouf.

[223] That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already—Cinnam atque Syllam antea. "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation.

[224] Their seals—Signa sua. "Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux." Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: "nos linum incidimus." Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Panc. 4, and Adam's Roman Antiquities. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, loc. cit.

[225] In private custody—In liberis custodiis. Literally, in "free custody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it [Greek: adeomon phylakin] as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 8. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration.

[226] XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him—Si fides publica data, esset. See c. 47.

[227] And to facilitate the escape of those in custody—Et illi facilius È periculo eriperentur.

[228] A man of such power—Tanta vis hominis. So great power of the man.

[229] Liberty of speaking—Potestatem. "Potestatem loquendi." Cyprianus Popma. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that he spoke the truth, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison.

[230] As was his custom—More suo. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Caesar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the common people.

[231] XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.—Piso oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert pecuniarum before repetundarum, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. Oppugnatus, says he, is equivalent to gravitur vexatus, or violently assailed; and Piso was thus assailed by Caesar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul; the words in judicio repetundarum merely mark the time when Caesar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Caesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words in judicio are wanting in one MS., would emit them, and make oppugnatus govern pecuniarum repetundarum, as if it were accusatus; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Caesar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12.

[232] Comparatively a youth—Adolescentalo. Caesar was then in the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 3.

[233] By magnificent exhibitions in public—PublicÈ maximis muneribus. Shows of gladiators.

[234] L. In various directions throughout the city—Variis itineribus —in vicis. Going hither and thither through the streets.

[235] Slaves—Familiam. "Servos suos, qui proprie familia," Cortius. Familia is a number of famuli.

[236] A full senate, however, had but a short time before, etc.—The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should be passed on them.

[237] On this occasion—moved—Tunc—decreverat. The tunc (or, as most editors have it, tum) must be referred to the second meeting or the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfect tense, decreverat. I have translated it as the perfect. We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Caesar's speech, which was to follow, and signifies that all this business had been done before Caesar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not to Caesar's speech, but to the decree of the senate which was finally made; but this is surely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for instance, concusserat, at the beginning of c. 24.

[238] That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero—Pedibus in sententian Tib. Neronis—iturum. Any question submitted to the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by numeratio, a counting of the votes, or by discessio, when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet. Tib. 31; Adam's Rom. Ant.; Dr. Smith's Dictionary, Art. Senatus.

[239] LI. It becomes all men, etc.—The beginning of this speech, attributed to Caesar, is imitated from Demosthenes, [Greek: Peri ton hen Chersonaeso pragmaton: Edei men, o andres Athaenaioi, tous legontas apantas en umin maete pros echthran poieisthai logon maedena, maete pros charin]. "It should be incumbent on all who speak before you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any view either to enmity or to favor."

[240] I consent to extraordinary measures—Novum consilium adprobo. "That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors, by which Roman citizens were protected from death." Bernouf.

[241] Whatever can be devised—Omnium ingenia.

[242] Studied and impressive language—CompositÈ atque magnificÈ. CompositÈ, in language nicely put together; elegantly. MagnificÈ, in striking or imposing terms. CompositÈ is applied to the speech of Caesar, by Cato, in the following chapter.

[243] Such I know to be his character, such his discretion—Eos mores, eam modestiam viri cognovi. I have translated modestiam, discretion, which seems to be the proper meaning of the word. BeauzÉe renders it prudence, and adds a note upon it, which may be worth transcription. "I translate modestia," says he, "by prudence, and think myself authorized to do so. Sic definitur a Stoicis, says Cicero (De Off. i. 40), ut modestia sit sicentia earum rerum, quae agentur, aut dicentur, loco suo collocandarum; and shortly afterward, Sic fit ut modestia scientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum. And what is understood in French by prudence? It is, according to the Dictionary of the Academy, 'a virtue by which we discern and practice what is proper in the conduct of life.' This is almost a translation of the words of Cicero".

[244] That—death is a relief from suffering, not a torment, etc. —This Epicurean doctrine prevailed very much at Rome in Caesar's, and afterward. We may very well suppose Caesar to have been a sincere convert to it. Cato alludes to this passage in the speech which follows; as also Cicero, in his fourth Oration against Catiline, c. 4. See, for opinions on this point, the first book of Cicero's Tusculan Questions.

[245] The Porcian Law—Lex Porcia. A law proposed by P. Porcius Loeca, one of the tribunes, A.U.O. 454, which enacted that no one should bind, scourge or kill a Roman citizen. See Liv., x. 9; Cic. pro. Rabir., 3, 4: Verr., v 63; de Rep., ii, 31.

[246] Other laws—Aliae leges. So Caesar says below, "Tum lex Porcia aliaeque paratae, quibus legibus auxilium damnatis permissum;" what other laws these were is uncertain. One of them, however, was the Sempronian law, proposed by Caius Gracchus, which ordained that sentence should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. See Cic. pro Rabir. 4. So "O lex Porcia legesque Semproniae!" Cic. in. Verr., v. 63.

[247] Parricides—See c. 14, 32.

[248] The course of events—Dies. "Id est, temporis momentum (der verÄnderte Zeitpunkt)." Dietsch. Things change, and that which is approved at one period, is blamed at another. Tempus and dies are sometimes joined (Liv., xxii. 39, ii. 45), as if not only time in general, but particular periods, as from day to day, were intended.

[249] All precedents productive of evil effects—Omnia mala exempla. Examples of severe punishments are meant.

[250] Any new example of severity, etc.—Novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transferetur. Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, agree to giving to this passage the sense which is given in the translation. Digni and idonei are here used in a bad sense, for digni et idonei qui poena afficiantur, deserving and fit objects for punishment.

[251] When they had conquered the Athenians—At the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war.

[252] Damasippus—"He, in the consulship of Caius Marius, the younger, and Cneius Carbo, was city praetor, and put to death some of the most eminent senators, a short time before the victory of Sylla. See Vell. Paterc. ii. 26." Bernouf.

[253] Ensigns of authority—Insignia magistratum. "The fasces and axes of the twelve lictors, the robe adorned with purple, the curule chair, and the ivory scepter. For the Etrurians, as Dionysius Halicarnassensis relates, having been subdued, in a nine years' war, by Tarquinius Priscus, and having obtained peace on condition of submitting to him as their sovereign, presented him with the insignia of their own monarchs. See Strabo, lib. V.; Florus, i. 5," Kuhnhardt.

[254] Best able to bear the expense—Maxime opibus valent. Are possessed of most resources.

[255] LII. The rest briefly expressed their assent, etc.—Caeteri verbo, alius alii, varie assentiebantur. Verbo assentiebantur signifies that they expressed their assent merely by a word or two, as assentior Silano, assentior Tiberio Neroni, aut Caesari, the three who had already spoken. Varie, "in support of their different proposals."

[256] My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different, etc.—Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C., etc. The commencement of Cato's speech is evidently copied from the beginning of the third Olynthiac of Demosthenes: [Greek: Ouchi tauta paristatai moi ginoskein, o andres Athaenaioi, otan te eis ta pragmata apoblepso kai otan pros tous logous ous akouo tous men gar logous peri tou timoraesasthai Philippon oro gignomenous, ta de pragmata eis touto proaekonta oste opos mae peisometha autoi proteron kakos skepsasthai deon.] "I am by no means affected in the same manner. Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that we should punish Philip; but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves are threatened." Leland.

[257] Their altars and their homes—Aris atque focis suis. "When arae and foci are joined, beware of supposing that they are to be distinguished as referring the one (_arae) to the public temples, and the other (foci) to private dwellings. Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the ara belonged to the Dii Penates, and was placed in the impluvium in the inner part of the house; the focus was dedicated to the lares, and was in the hall." Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. Ara. Of the commentators on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in this notion of Ernesti; Langins and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common opinion that arae are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg de Diis Romanorum Penatibus, Halae, 1840, p. 64; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, "Non est respublica in parietibus, sed in aris et focis," arae must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. See Schiller's Lex. v. Ara.

[258] In vain appeal to justice—Frusta judicia implores. Judicia, trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties.

[259] Could not easily pardon the misconduct, etc.—Haud facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam. "Could not easily forgive the licentiousness of another its evil deeds."

[260] Yet the republic remained secure; its own strength, etc. —Tamen respublica firma, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. This is Cortius's reading; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch, insert erat after firma. Whether opulentia is the nominative or ablative, is disputed. "Opulentia," says Allen, "casum sextum intellige, et repete respublica (ad tolerabat)." "Opulentia," says Kritzius, "melius nominativo capiendum videtur; nam quae sequuntur verba novam enunciationem efficiunt." I have preferred to take it as a nominative.

[261] We have lost the real names of things, etc.—Imitated from Thucydides, iii. 32: [Greek: Kai taen eiothuian axiosin ton onomaton es ta erga antaellaxan tae dikaiosei. Tolma men gar alogistos, andria philetairos enomisthae, mellasis te promaethaes, deilia euprepaes to de sophron. Tou anandrou proschaema, kai to pros apan syneton, epi pan argon.] "The ordinary meaning of words was changed by them as they thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage that was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice; moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being useful for nothing." Dale's translation; Bohn's Classical Library.

[262] Elegant language—CompositÈ. See above, c. 51.

[263] In a most excellent condition—Multo pulcherrumam. See c. 36.

[264] For of allies and citizens, etc.—Imitated from Demosthenes, Philipp. III.4.

[265] I advise you to have mercy upon them—Misereamini censeo, i.e., censeo ut misereanum, spoken ironically. Most translators have taken the words in the sense of "You would take pity on them, I suppose," or something similar.

[266] Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country—"Cethegus first made war on his country in conjunction with Marius." Bernouf. Whether Sallust alludes to this, or intimates (as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first conspiracy, is doubtful.

[267] Is ready to devour us—Faucibus urget. Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Burnouf, Allen, and Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting this as a metaphorical expression, alluding to a wild beast with open jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support this interpretation by Val. Max., v. 3: "Faucibus apprehensam rempublicam;" Cic. pro. Cluent., 31: "Quum faucibus premetur;" and Plaut. Casin. v. 3,4, "Manifesto faucibus teneor." Some, editors have read in faucibus, and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of Etruria, where Catiline was with his army.

[268] LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest—Consulares omnes, itemque senatus magna pars. "As the consulars were senators, the reader would perhaps expect Sallust to have said reliqui senatÚs but itemque is equivalent to et praeter eos." Dietsch.

[269] That they had carried on wars—Bella gesta. That wars had been carried on by them.

[270] As if the parent stock were exhausted—Sicuti effoeta parentum. This is the reading of Cortius, which he endeavors to explain thus: "Ac sicuti effoeta parens, inter parentes, sese habere solet, ut nullos amplius liberas proferat, sic Roma sese habuit, ubi multis tempestatibus nemo virtute magnus fuit." "Est," he adds, "or solet esse, or sese habere solet, may very well be understood from the fuit which follows." But all this only serves to show what a critic may find to say in defense of a reading to which he is determined to adhere. All the MSS., indeed, have parentum, except one, which has parente. Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost between effoeta and parentum, and proposes to read _sicuti effoetÁ aetate parentum, with the sense, as if the age of the parents were too much exhausted to produce strong children. Kritzius, from a suggestion of Cortius (or rather of his predecessor, Rupertus), reads effoetae parentum (the effoetae agreeing with Romae which follows), considering the sense to be the same as as effoetae parentis—as divina dearum for divina dea, etc. Gerlach retains the rending of Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), but says that the explicatio may seem durior, and that it is doubtful whether we ought not to have recourse to the effoeta parente of the old critics. Assuredly if we retain parentum, effoetae is the only reading that we can well put with it. We may compare with it loca nuda gignentium, (Jug. c. 79), i.e. "places bare of objects producing any thing." Gronovius know not what to do with the passage, called it locus intellectus nemini, and at last decided on understanding virtute with effoetae parentum, which, pace tarti viri, and although Allen has followed him, is little better than folly. The concurrence of the majority of manuscripts in giving parentum makes the scholar unwilling to set it aside. However, as no one has explained it satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with Dietsch, to regard it a scriptura non ferenda, and to acquiesce, with Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipont edition, in the reading effoet parente.

[271] LIV. Though attained by different means—Sed alia alii. "Alii alia gloria," for altera alteri. So Livy, i. 21: Duo reges, alius alia via.

[272] Simplicity—Pudore. The word here seems to mean the absence of display and ostentation.

[273] With the temperate—Cum innocente. "That is cum integro et abstinente. For innocentia is used for abstinentia, and opposed to avaritia. See Cic. pro Lego Manil., c. 13." Burnouf.

[274] LV. The triumvirs—Triumviros. The triumviri capitales, who had the charge of the prison and of the punishment of the condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4. 7.

[275] The Tullian dungeon—Tullianum. "Tullianum" is an adjective, with which robur must be understood, as it was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce Robum or Robur: his words are arcis robustis includebatur, of which the sense is not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Servius Tullius, from whom this part of it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is now transformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called San Pietro in Carcere. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it; See Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, in the Family Library. See also Wasse's note on this passage.

[276] A vaulted roof connected with stone arches—Camera lapideis fornicibus vincta. "That camera was a roof curved in the form of a testudo, is generally admitted; see Vitruv. vii. 3; Varr., R. R. iii. 7, init." Dietsch. The roof is now arched in the usual way.

[277] Certain men, to whom orders had been given—Quibus praeceptum erat. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have vindices rerum capitalium, quibus, etc. Cortius ejected the first three words from his text, as an intruded gloss. If the words be genuine, we must consider these vindices to have been the deputies, or lictors, of the "triumvirs" mentioned above.

[278] LVI. As far as his numbers would allow—Pro numero militum. He formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the legions were seldom so large as this; they varied at different periods, from six thousand to three thousand; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. See Adam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv.

[279] From his confederates—Ex sociis. "Understand, not only the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to join Catiline, though not at that time exactly implicated in the plot." Kritzius. It is necessary to notice this, because Cortius erroneously supposes "sociis" to mean the allies of Rome. Dahl, Longius, MÜller, Burnouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all interpret in the same manner as Kritzius.

[280] Hoped himself shortly to find one—Sperabat propediem sese habiturum. Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have the words magnas copias before sese. Cortius struck them out, observing that copiae occurred too often in this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however, was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the phrase suits much better with what follows, si Romae socii incepta patravissent, if they are retained.

[281] Slaves—of whom vast numbers, etc.—Servitia—cujus magnae copiae. "Cujus," says Priscian (xvii. 20, vol. ii., p. 81, cd. Krehl), "is referred ad rem, that is cujus rei servitiorum." Servorum or hominum genus, is, perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of his relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust's, Thucyd., iii. 92; [Greek: Kai dorieis, hae maetropolis ton Lakedaimonion].

[282] Impolitic—Alienum suis rationibus. Foreign to his views; inconsistent with his policy.

[283] LVII. In his hurried march into Gaul—In Galliam properanti. These words Cortius inclosed in brackets, pronouncing them as a useless gloss. But all editors have retained them as genuine, except the Bipont and Burnouf, who wholly omitted them.

[284] As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances; the enemy in retreat—Utpote qui magna exercitu, locis aequioribus, expeditus, in fuga sequeretur. It would be tedious to notice all that has been written upon this passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of Cortius, had expeditos, in fugam, some joining expeditos with locis aequioribus, and some with in fugam. Expeditos in fugam was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who said that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeing that the expedition, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered expeditos, though found in all the manuscripts, into expeditus; and in fugam, at the same time, into in fuga; and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated magno exercitu, "though with a large army," although, according to Dietsch and some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were Metellus's forces, the less he would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage; so that he might be the more expeditus, unincumbered. With sequeretur we must understand hostes. The Bipont, Burnouf's, which often follows it, and Havercamp's, are now the only editions of any note that retain expeditos in fugam.

[285] LVIII. That a spiritless army can not be rendered active, etc.—Neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. I have departed a little from the literal reading, for the sake of ease.

[286] That on your own right hands depend, etc.—In dextris portare. "That you carry in your right hands."

[287] Those same places—Eadem illa. "Coloniae atque municipia portas claudent." Burnouf.

[288] They contend for what but little concerns them—Illis supervacaneum est pugnare. It is but of little concern to the great body of them personally: they may fight, but others will have the advantages of their efforts.

[289] We might, etc.—Licuit nobis. The editions vary between nobis and robis; but most, with Cortius, have nobis.

[290] LIX. In the rear—In subsidio. Most translators have rendered this, "as a body of reserve;" but such can not well be the signification. It seems only to mean the part behind the front: Catiline places the eight cohorts in front, and the rest of his force in subsidio, to support the front. Subsidia, according to Varro (de L. L., iv. 16) and Festus (v. Subsidium), was a term applied to the Triarii, because they subsidebant, or sunk down on one knee, until it was their turn to act. See Sheller's Lex. v. Subsidium. "Novissimi ordines ita dicuntur." Gerlach. In subsidiis, which occurs a few lines below, seems to signify in lines in the rear; as in Jug. 49, triplicibus subsidiis aciem intruxit, i.e. with three lines behind the front. "Subsidium ea pars aciei vocabatur quae reliquis submitti posset; Caes. B. G., ii. 25." Dietsch.

[291] All the ablest centurions—Centuriones omnes lectos. "Lectos you may consider to be the same as eximios, praestantes, centurionum praestantissimum quemque." Kritzius. Cortius and others take it for a participle, chosen.

[292] Veterans—Evocatos. Some would make this also a participle, because, say they, it can not signify evocati, or called-out veterans, since, though there were such soldiers in a regular Roman army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forces of Catiline. But to this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the regular disposition of a Roman army, and that his veterans might consequently be called evocati, just as if they had been in one; and, also that evocatus as a participle would be useless; for if Catiline removed (subducit) the centurions, it is unnecessary to add that he called them out, "Evocati erant, qui expletis stipendiis non poterant in delectu scribi, sed precibus imperatoris permoti, aut in gratiam ejus, militiam resumebant, homines longo uso militiae peritissimi. Dio., xiv. p. 276. [Greek: Ek touton de ton anoron kai to ton Haeouokaton hae Ouokaton systaema (ous Anaklaetous an tis Ellaenisas, hoti pepaumenoi taes strateias, ep' autein authis aneklaethmsan, ouomaseien) enomisthae.] Intelligit itaque ejusmodi homines veteranos, etsi non proprie erant tales evocati, sed sponte castra Catilinae essent secuti." Cortius.

[293] Into the foremost ranks—In primam aciem. Whether Sallust means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the subsidia, is not clear.

[294] A certain officer of Faesulae—Faesulanum quemdam. "He is thought to have been that P. Furius, whom Cicero (Cat., iii. 6, 14) mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Faesulae, and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies." Dietsch. Plutarch calls this officer Furius.

[295] His freedmen—Libertis. "His own freedmen, whom he probably had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his adherents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline's armor bearer." Dietsch.

[296] The colonists—Colonis. "Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to join Catiline." Gerlach. See c. 28.

[297] By the eagle—Propter aquilam. See Cic. in Cat., i. 9.

[298] Being lame—Pedibus aeger. It has been common among translators to render pedibus aeger afflicted with the gout, though a Roman might surely be lame without having the gout. As the lameness of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 39), was only pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the gout than any other malady. It was with this belief, I suppose, that the writer of a gloss on one of the manuscripts consulted by Cortius, interpreted the words, ultroneam passus est podogram, "he was affected with a voluntary gout." Dion Cassius says that he preferred engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather than with Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would designedly act in such a way as to lose the victory.

[299] To meet the present insurrection—Tumulti causa. Any sudden war or insurrection in Italy or Gaul was called tumultus. See Cic. Philipp. v. 12.

[300] Their temples and their homes—Aris atque focis suis. See c. 52.

[301] LX. In a furious charge—Infestis siqnis.

[302] Offering but partial resistance—Alios alibi resistentes. Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in another.

[303] Among the first, etc.—In primis pugnantes cadunt. Cortius very properly refers in primis to cadunt.