§ 1.—Charles was the second son of Louis le Debonnaire, king of 1264 a.d.
Inf. xix. 99. Purg. vii. 113, 124, 128, 129; xi. 137; xx. 67-69. France, and grandson of the good King Philip, the blear-eyed, his grandfather, whereof we before made mention, and brother of the good King Louis of France, and of Robert, count of Artois, and of Alfonso, count of Poitou; all these four brothers were the children of Queen Bianca, daughter of the King Alfonso of Spain. The said Charles, count of Anjou, by inheritance from his father, and count of Provence, this side the Rhone, by inheritance through his wife, the daughter of the Purg. xx. 61-63. good Count Raymond Berenger, so soon as he was elected king of Sicily and of Apulia by the Pope and by the Church, made preparation of knights and barons to furnish means for his enterprise and expedition into Italy, as we before narrated. But in order that those who come after may have fuller knowledge how this Charles was the first of the kings of Sicily and of Apulia descended from the house of France, we will tell somewhat of his virtues and conditions; and it is very fitting that we should preserve a record of so great a lord, and so great a friend and protector and defender of Holy Church, and of our city of Florence, as we shall make mention hereafter. This Charles was wise, prudent in counsel and valiant in arms, and harsh, and much feared and redoubted by all the kings of the earth, great-hearted and of high purposes, steadfast in carrying out every great undertaking, firm in every adversity, faithful to every promise, speaking little and acting much, scarcely smiling, chaste as a monk, catholic, harsh in judgment, and of a fierce countenance, tall and stalwart in person, Purg. vii. 113, 124. olive-coloured, large-nosed, and in kingly majesty he exceeded any other lord, and slept little and woke long, and was wont to say that all the time of sleep was so much lost; liberal was he to knights in arms, but greedy in acquiring land and lordship and money, from whencesoever it came, to furnish means for his enterprises and wars; in jongleurs, minstrels or jesters he never took delight; his arms were those of France, that is an azure field charged with the golden lily, barred with vermilion above; so far they were diverse from the arms of France. This Charles, when he passed into Italy, was forty-six 1265 a.d. years of age, and he reigned nineteen years in Sicily and Apulia, as we shall make mention hereafter. He had by his wife two sons and several daughters; the first was named Charles II., and was somewhat Purg. vii. 126. crippled, and was prince of Capua; and after the first Charles, his father, he became king of Sicily and of Apulia, as we shall make mention hereafter. The second was Philip, who was prince of the Morea in his wife's right; but he died young and without issue, for he ruptured himself in straining a crossbow. We will now leave for a while to speak of the progeny of the good King Charles, and will continue our story of his passing into Italy, and of other things which followed thereupon.

§ 2.—How the Guelf refugees from Florence took the arms of Pope Clement, and how they joined the French army of Count Charles.

In those times the Guelf refugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany, who were much advantaged by the booty they had made of the cities of Modena and Reggio, whereof we before made mention, hearing that Count Charles was preparing to pass into Italy, gathered all their strength in arms and in horses, each one doing all in his power; and they numbered more than 400 good horsemen of gentle lineage and proved in arms, and they sent their ambassadors to Pope Clement, to the end he might recommend them to Count Charles, King elect of Sicily, and to proffer themselves for the service of Holy Church; which were graciously received by the said Pope, and provided with money and other benefactions; and the said Pope required that for love of him the Guelf party from Florence should always bear his proper arms on their standard and seal, which was, and is, a white field with a vermilion eagle above a green serpent, which they bore and kept henceforward, and down to our present times, though it is true that the Guelfs added afterwards a small vermilion lily above the head of the eagle; and with this banner they departed from Lombardy in company with the French horsemen of Count Charles when they journeyed to Rome, as we shall make mention hereafter; and they were among the best warriors and the most skilled in arms, of all those which King Charles had at the battle against Manfred. We will now leave for the present to speak of the Guelf refugees from Florence, and will tell of the coming of Count Charles and of his followers.

§ 3.—How Count Charles departed from France, and passed by sea from Provence to Rome.

In the year of Christ 1265, Charles, count of Anjou and of Provence, having collected his barons and knights of France, and money to furnish means for his expedition, and having mustered his troops, left Count Guy of Montfort, captain and leader of 1,500 French horsemen, which were to journey to Rome by way of Lombardy; and having kept the feast of Easter, of the Resurrection of Christ, with King Louis of France and with his other brothers and friends, he straightway departed from Paris with a small company. Without delay he came to Marseilles in Provence, where he had had prepared thirty armed galleys, upon which he embarked with certain barons whom he had brought with him from France, and with certain of his ProvenÇal barons and knights, and put out to sea on his way to Rome in great peril, inasmuch as King Manfred with his forces had armed in Genoa, and in Pisa, and in the Kingdom, more than eighty galleys, which were at sea on guard, to the intent that the said Charles might not be able to pass. But the said Charles, like a bold and courageous lord, prepared to pass without any regard to the lying-in-wait of his enemies, repeating a proverb, or perhaps the saying of a philosopher, that runs: Good care frustrates ill fortune. And this happened to the said Charles at his need; for being with his galleys on the Pisan seas, by tempest of the sea they were dispersed, and Charles with three of his galleys, utterly forespent, arrived at the Pisan port. Hearing this, Count Guido Novello, then vicar in Pisa for King Manfred, armed himself with his German troops to ride to the port and take Count Charles; the Pisans seized their moment, and closed the doors of the city, and ran to arms, and raised a dispute with the vicar, demanding back the fortress of Mutrone, which he was holding for the Lucchese, which was very dear and necessary to them; and this had to be granted before he was able to depart. And on account of the said interval and delay, when Count Guido had departed from Pisa and reached the port, Count Charles, the storm being somewhat abated, had with great care refitted his galleys and put out to sea, having departed but a little time before from the port, so great peril and misfortune being past; and thus, as it pleased God, passing afterwards hard by the fleet of King Manfred, sailing over the high seas, he arrived with his armada safe and sound at the mouth of the Roman Tiber, in the month of May of the said year, the which coming was held to be very marvellous and sudden, and by King Manfred and his people could scarce be believed. Charles having arrived in Rome, was received by the Romans with great honour, inasmuch as they loved not the lordship of Manfred; and immediately he was made senator of Rome by the will of the Pope and the people of Rome. Albeit Pope Clement was in Viterbo, yet he gave him all aid and countenance against Manfred, both spiritual and temporal; but by reason of his mounted troops, which were coming from France by land, and which through the many hindrances prepared by the followers of Manfred in Lombardy, had much difficulty in reaching Rome, as we shall make mention, it behoved Count Charles to abide in Rome, and in Campagna, and in Viterbo throughout that summer, during which sojourn he took counsel and ordered how he might enter the Kingdom with his host.

§ 4.—How Count Guy of Montfort, with the horse of Count Charles, passed through Lombardy.

Count Guy of Montfort, with the horsemen which Count Charles had left him to lead, and with the countess, wife to the said Charles, and with her knights, departed from France in the month of June of the said year. * * * * * * And they took the way of Burgundy and of Savoy, and crossed the mountains of Monsanese [M. Cenis]; and when they came into the country about Turin and Asti, they were received with honour by Cf. Purg. vii. 133-136. Conv. iv. 11: 125-127. the marquis of Monferrato, which was lord over that country, forasmuch as the marquis held with the Church, and was against Manfred; and by his conduct, and with the aid of the Milanese, they set out to pass through Lombardy, from Piedmont as far as Parma, all in arms, and riding in troops, with much difficulty, forasmuch as the Marquis Pallavicino, kinsman of Manfred, with the forces of the Cremonese, and of the other Ghibelline cities of Lombardy which were in league with Manfred, was guarding the passes with more than 3,000 horsemen, some Germans and some Lombards. At last, as it pleased God, albeit the two hosts came very nigh one another at the place called . . . the French passed through without any battle being fought and arrived at the city of Parma. Truly it is said that one Master Buoso, of the house of da Inf. xxxii. 115, 116. Duera, of Cremona, for money which he received from the French, gave counsel in such wise that the host of Manfred was not there to contest the pass, as had been arranged, wherefor the people of Cremona afterwards destroyed the said family of da Duera in fury. When the French came to the city of Parma they were graciously received, and the Guelf refugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany, with more than 400 horsemen (whereof they had made captain Count Guido Guerra of the Counts Guidi) went out to meet them as far as the city of Mantua. And when the French met with the Guelf refugees from Florence and from Tuscany, they seemed to them such fine men, and so rich in horses and in arms, that they marvelled greatly, that being in banishment from their cities they could be so nobly accoutred, and their company highly esteemed our exiles. And afterwards they took them round by Lombardy to Bologna, and by Romagna and by the March, and by the Duchy, for they could not pass through Tuscany, forasmuch as it all pertained to the Ghibelline party, and was under the lordship of Manfred; for the which thing they spent long time in their journeying, so that it was not till the beginning of the month of December, in the said year 1265, that they arrived in Rome; and when they were come to the city of Rome, Count Charles was very joyful, and received them with great gladness and honour.

§ 5.—How King Charles was crowned in Rome king of Sicily, and how he straightway departed with his host to go against King Manfred.

When the mounted troops of Count Charles had reached Rome, he purposed to assume his crown; and on the day of the Epiphany in the said year 1265, by two cardinal legates, despatched by the Pope to Rome, he was consecrated and crowned over the realm of Sicily and Apulia, he and his lady with great honour; and so soon as the festival of his coronation was ended, without any delay he set out with his host by way of the Campagna, towards the kingdom of Apulia, and Campagna; and very soon he had a large part thereof at his command without dispute. King Manfred hearing of their coming, to wit, first of the said Charles, and then of his people, and how through failure of his great host, which was in Lombardy, they had passed onward, was much angered. Immediately he gave all his care to defend the passes of the Kingdom, and at the pass at the bridge at Cepperano he placed the Count Giordano and the count of Caserta, the which were of the house of da Quona, with many followers, both foot and horse; and in San Germano he placed a great part of his German and Apulian barons, and all the Saracens of Nocera with bows and crossbows, and great store of arrows, trusting more in this defence than in any other, by reason of the strong place and the position, which has on the one side high mountains, and on the other marshes and stagnant waters, and was furnished with victuals and with all things necessary for more than two years. King Manfred having fortified the passes, as we have said, sent his ambassadors to King Charles to treat with him concerning a truce or peace; and their embassage being delivered, it was King Charles's will to make answer with his own mouth; and he said in his language, in French: "Allez, et ditez pour moi au sultan de Nocere, aujourdhui je mettrai lui en enfer, ou il mettra moi en paradis;" which was as much as to say: I will have nothing but battle, and in that battle, either he shall slay me, or I him; and this done without delay he set out on his road. It chanced that King Charles having arrived with his host at Fresolone in Campagna, as he was descending towards Cepperano, the said Count Giordano, which was defending that Cf. Inf. xxviii. 16. pass, seeing the king's followers coming to pass through, desired to defend the pass; the count of Caserta said that it was better to let some of them pass first so that they might seize them on the other side of the pass without stroke of sword. Count Giordano, when he saw the people increase, again desired to assail them in battle; then the count of Caserta, who was in the plot, said that the battle would be a great risk, seeing that too many of them had passed. Then Count Giordano, seeing the king's followers to be so powerful, abandoned the place and bridge, some say from fear, but more say on account of the pact made by the king with the count of Caserta, inasmuch as he loved not Manfred, who, of his inordinate lust, had forcibly ravished the count of Caserta's wife. Wherefore he held himself to be greatly shamed by him, and sought to avenge himself by this treachery. And to this we give faith, because he and his were among the first who gave themselves up to King Charles; and having left Cepperano, they did not return to the host of King Manfred at San Germano, but abode in their castles.

§ 6.—How, after King Charles had taken the pass of Cepperano, he stormed the city of San Germano.

When King Charles and his host had taken the pass of Cepperano, they took Aquino without opposition, and they stormed the stronghold of Arci, which is among the strongest in that country; and this done, they encamped the host before San Germano. The inhabitants of the city, by reason of the strength of the place, and because it was well furnished with men and with all things, held the followers of King Charles for nought, and in contempt they insulted the servants which were leading the horses to water, saying vile and shameful things, calling out: "Where is your little Charles?" For which reason the servants of the French began to skirmish, and to fight with those of the city, whereat all the host of the French rose in uproar, and fearing that the camp would be attacked, the French were all suddenly in arms, running towards the city; they within, not being on their guard, were not so quickly all in arms. The French with great fury assailed the city, fighting against it in many places; and those who could find no better protection, dismounting from their horses, took off their saddles, and with them on their heads went along under the walls and towers of the town. The count of VendÔme, with M. John, his brother, and with their standard, which were among the first to arm themselves, followed the grooms of the besieged which had sallied forth to skirmish, and pursuing them, entered the town together with them by a postern which was open to receive them; and this was not without great peril, forasmuch as the gate was well guarded by many armed folk, and of those which followed the count of VendÔme and his brother, some were there slain and wounded, but they by their great courage and strength nevertheless were victorious in the combat around the gate by force of arms, and entered in, and straightway set their standard upon the walls. And among the first which followed them were the Guelf refugees from Florence, whereof Count Guido Guerra was captain, and the ensign was borne by Messer Stoldo Giacoppi de' Rossi; the which Guelfs at the taking of San Germano bore themselves marvellously and like good men, for the which thing the besiegers took heart and courage, and each one entered the city as he best could. The besieged, when they saw the standards of their enemies upon the walls, and the gate taken, fled in great numbers, and few of them remained to defend the town; wherefore King Charles's followers took the town of San Germano by assault, on the 10th day of February, 1265, and it was held to be a very great marvel, by reason of the strength of the town, and rather the work of God than of human strength, forasmuch as there were more than 1,000 horsemen within, and more than 5,000 footmen, among which there were many Saracen archers from Nocera; but by reason of a scuffle which arose the night before, as it pleased God, between the Christians and the Saracens, in the which the Saracens were vanquished, the next day they were not faithful in the defence of the city, and this among others was truly one of the causes why they lost the town of San Germano. Of Manfred's troops many were slain and taken, and the city was all overrun and robbed by the French; and there the king and his host abode some time to take repose and to learn the movements of Manfred.

§ 7.—How King Manfred went to Benivento, and how he arrayed his troops to fight against King Charles.

King Manfred, having heard the news of the loss of San Germano, and his discomfited troops having returned thence, he was much dismayed, and took counsel what he should do, and he was counselled by the Count Calvagno, and by the Count Giordano, and by the Count Bartolommeo, and by the Count Chamberlain, and by his other barons, to withdraw with all his forces to the city of Benivento, as a stronghold, in order that he might give battle on his own ground, and to the end he might withdraw towards Apulia if need were, and also to oppose the passage of King Charles, forasmuch as by no other way could he enter into the Principality and into Naples, or pass into Apulia save by the way of Benivento; and thus it was done. King Charles, hearing of the going of Manfred to Benivento, immediately departed from San Germano, to pursue him with his host; and he did not take the direct way of Capua, and by Terra di Lavoro, inasmuch as they could not have passed the bridge of Capua by reason of the strength of the towers of the bridge over the river, and the width of the river. But he determined to cross the river Volturno near Tuliverno, where it may be forded, whence he held on by the country of Alifi, and by the rough mountain paths of Beniventana, and without halting, and in great straits for money and victual, he arrived at the hour of noon at the foot of Benivento in the valley over against the city, distant by the space of two miles from the bank of the river Calore which flows at the foot of Benivento. King Manfred seeing the host of King Charles appear, having taken counsel, determined to fight and to sally forth to the field with his mounted troops, to attack the army of King Charles before they should be rested; but in this he did ill, for had he tarried one or two days, King Charles and his host would have perished or been captive without stroke of sword, through lack of provisions for them and for their horses; for the day before they arrived at the foot of Benivento, through want of victual, many of the troops had to feed on cabbages, and their horses on the stalks, without any other bread, or grain for the horses; and they had no more money to spend. Also the people and forces of King Manfred were much dispersed, for M. Conrad of Antioch was in Abruzzi with a following, Count Frederick was in Calabria, the count of Ventimiglia was in Sicily; so that, if he had tarried a while, his forces would have increased; but to whom God intends ill, him He deprives of wisdom. Manfred having sallied forth from Benivento with his followers, passed over the bridge which crosses the said river of Calore into the plain which is called S. Maria della Grandella, to a place called the Pietra a Roseto; here he formed three lines of battle or troops, the first was of Germans, in whom he had much confidence, who numbered fully 1,200 horse, of whom Count Calvagno was the captain; the second was of Tuscans and Lombards, and also of Germans, to the number of 1,000 horse, which was led by Count Giordano; the third, which Manfred led, was of Apulians with the Saracens of Nocera, which was of 1,400 horse, without the foot soldiers and the Saracen bowmen which were in great numbers.

§ 8.—How King Charles arrayed his troops to fight against King Manfred.

King Charles, seeing Manfred and his troops in the open field, and ranged for combat, took counsel whether he should offer battle on that day or should delay it. The most of his barons counselled him to abide till the coming morning, to repose the horses from the fatigue of the hard travel, and M. Giles le Brun, constable of France, said the contrary, and that by reason of delay the enemy would pluck up heart and courage, and that the means of living might fail them utterly, and that if others of the host did not desire to give battle, he alone, with his lord Robert of Flanders and with his followers, would adventure the chances of the combat, having confidence in God that they should win the victory against the enemies of Holy Church. Seeing this, King Charles gave heed to and accepted his counsel, and through the great desire which he had for the combat, he said with a loud voice to his knights, "Venu est le jour que nous avons tant desirÉ," and he caused the trumpets to be sounded, and commanded that every man should arm and prepare himself to go forth to battle; and thus in a little time it was done. And he ordered, after the fashion of his enemies, over against them, three principal bands: the first band was of Frenchmen to the number of 1,000 horse, whereof were captains Philip of Montfort and the marshal of Mirapoix; of the second King Charles with Count Guy of Montfort, and with many of his barons and of the queen's knights, and with barons and knights of Provence, and Romans, and of the Campagna, which were about 900 horse; and the royal banners were borne by William, the standard-bearer, a man of great valour; the third was led by Robert, count of Flanders, with his Prefect of the camp, Marshal Giles of France, with Flemings, and men of Brabant, and of Aisne, and Picards, to the number of 700 horse. And besides these troops were the Guelf refugees from Florence, with all the Italians, and they were more than 400 horse, whereof many of the greater houses in Florence received knighthood from the hand of King Charles upon the commencement of the battle; and of these Guelfs of Inf. xvi. 34-39. Florence and of Tuscany Guido Guerra was captain, and their banner was borne in that battle by Conrad of Montemagno of Pistoia. And King Manfred seeing the bands formed, asked what folk were in the fourth band, which made a goodly show in arms and in horses and in ornaments and accoutrements: answer was made him that they were the Guelf refugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany. Then did Manfred grieve, saying: "Where is the help that I receive from the Ghibelline party whom I have served so well, and on whom I have expended so much treasure?" And he said: "Those people (that is, the band of Guelfs) cannot lose to-day"; and that was as much as to say that if he gained the victory he would be the friend of the Florentine Guelfs, seeing them to be so faithful to their leader and to their party, and the foe of the Ghibellines.

§ 9.—Concerning the battle between King Charles and King Manfred, and how King Manfred was discomfited and slain.

The troops of the two kings being set in order on the plain of Grandella, after the aforesaid fashion, and each one of the said leaders having admonished his people to do well, and King Charles having given to his followers the cry, "Ho Knights, Monjoie!" and King Manfred to his, "Ho, Knights, for Suabia!" the bishop of Alzurro as papal legate absolved and blessed all the host of King Charles, remitting sin and penalty, forasmuch as they were fighting in the service of Holy Church. And this done, there began the fierce battle between the two first troops of the Germans and of the French, and the assault of the Germans was so strong that they evilly entreated the French troop, and forced them to give much ground and they themselves took ground. The good King Charles seeing his followers so ill-bestead, did not keep to the order of the battle to defend himself with the second troop, considering that if the first troop of the French, in which he had full confidence, were routed, little hope of safety was there from the others; but immediately with his troop he went to succour the French troop, against that of the Germans, and when the Florentine refugees and their troop beheld King Charles strike into the battle, they followed boldly, and performed marvellous feats of arms that day, always following the person of King Charles; and the same did the good Giles le Brun, constable of France, with Robert of Flanders and his troop; and on the other side Count Giordano fought with his troop, wherefore the battle was fierce and hard, and endured for a long space, no one knowing who was getting the advantage, because the Germans by their valour and strength, smiting with their swords, did much hurt to the French. But suddenly there arose a great cry among the French troops, whosoever it was who began it, saying: "To your daggers! To your daggers! Strike at the horses!" And this was done, by the which thing in a short time the Germans were evilly entreated and much beaten down, and well-nigh turned to flight. King Manfred, who with his troop of Apulians remained ready to succour the host, beholding his followers not able to abide the conflict, exhorted the people of his troop that they should follow him into the battle, but they gave little heed to his word, for the greater part of the barons of Apulia and of the Kingdom, among others the Count Chamberlain, and him of Acerra and him of Caserta, and others, either through cowardice of heart, or seeing that they were coming by the worse, and there are those who say through treachery, as faithless Cf. Inf. xxviii. 16. folk, and desirous of a new lord, failed Manfred, abandoning him and fleeing, some towards Abruzzi and some towards the city of Benivento. Manfred, being left with few followers, did as a valiant lord, who would rather die in battle as king than flee with shame; and whilst he was putting on his helmet, a silver eagle which he wore as crest fell down before him on his saddle bow; and he seeing this, was much dismayed, and said to the barons, which were beside him, in Latin: "Hoc est signum Dei, for I fastened this crest with my own hand after such a fashion that it should not have been possible for it to fall"; yet for all this he did not give up, but as a valiant lord he took heart, and immediately entered into the battle, without the royal insignia, so as not to be recognised as king, but like any other noble, striking bravely into the thickest of the fight; nevertheless, his followers endured but a little while, for they were already turning; and straightway they were routed and King Manfred slain in Purg. iii. 118, 119. the midst of his enemies, it was said by a French esquire, but it was not known for certain. In that battle there was great mortality both on the one side and on the other, but much more among the followers of Manfred; and whilst they were fleeing from the field towards Benivento, they were pursued by the army of King Charles, which followed them as far as the city (for night was already falling), and took the city of Benivento and those who were fleeing. Many chief barons of King Manfred were taken; among the others were taken Count Giordano, and Messer Piero Asino degli Uberti; which two King Charles sent captive to Provence, and there he caused them to die a cruel death in prison. The other Apulian and German barons he kept in prison in divers places in the Kingdom; and a few days after, the wife of the said Manfred, and his children and his sister, who were in Nocera of the Saracens in Apulia, were delivered as prisoners to King Charles, and they afterwards died in his prison. And without doubt there came upon Manfred and his heirs the malediction of God, and right clearly was shown the judgment of God upon him because he was excommunicated, and the enemy and persecutor of Holy Church. At his end, search was made for Manfred for more than three days, and he could not be found, and it was not known if he was slain, or taken, or escaped, because he had not borne royal insignia in the battle; at last he was recognised by one of his own camp-followers by sundry marks on his person, in the midst of the battle-field; and his body being found by the said camp-follower, he threw it across an ass he had and went his way crying, "Who buys Manfred? Who buys Manfred?" And one of the king's barons chastised this fellow and brought the body of Manfred before the king, who caused all the barons which had been taken prisoners to come together, and having asked each one if it was Manfred, they all timidly said Yes. When Count Giordano came, he smote his hands against his face, weeping and crying: "Alas, alas, my lord," wherefor he was commended by the French; and some of the barons prayed the king that he would give Manfred the honour of sepulture; but the king made answer: "Je le fairois volontiers, s'il ne fÛt excommuniÉ"; but forasmuch as he was excommunicated, King Charles would not have him laid in a holy place; but at the foot of the bridge of Benivento he was buried, and upon his grave each one of the host threw a stone; Purg. iii. 124-132. whence there arose a great heap of stones. But by some it was said that afterwards, by command of the Pope, the bishop of Cosenza had him taken from that sepulchre, and sent him forth from the Kingdom which was Church land, and he was buried beside the river of Verde [Garigliano], on the borders of the Kingdom and Campagna; this, however, we do not affirm. This battle and defeat was on a Friday, the last day of February, in the year of Christ 1265.

§ 10.—How King Charles had the lordship of the Kingdom and of Sicily, and how Don Henry of Spain came to him. §11.—How the Saracens of Berber passed into Spain, and how they were there routed. §12.—How the Florentine Ghibellines laid siege to Castelnuovo in 1266 a.d. Valdarno, and how they departed thence worsted.

§ 13.—How the Thirty-six were established in Florence, and how the Guilds of Arts were formed and standards given thereto.

When the news came to Florence and to Tuscany of the discomfiture of Manfred, the Ghibellines and the Germans began to be discouraged and to fear in all places; and the Guelf refugees from Florence, which were in rebellion, and those who were under bounds in the territory, and in many places, began to be strengthened and to take heart and courage, and coming nearer to the city, plotted changes and mutations within the city, by compacts with their friends within, which had understanding with them, and they came as far as to the Servi of S. Maria to take counsel, having hope from their people which had been at the victory with King Charles, from whom with his French folk they were expecting aid; wherefore the people of Florence, which were at heart more Guelf than Ghibelline, through the losses they had received, one of his father, another of his son, a third of his brothers, at the defeat of Montaperti, likewise began to take courage, and to murmur and to talk through the city, complaining of the spendings and the outrageous burdens which they endured from Count Guido Novello, and from the others which were ruling the city; whence those which were ruling the city of Florence for the Ghibelline party, hearing in the city the said tumult and murmuring, and fearing lest the people should rebel against them, by a sort of half measure, and to content the people, chose two knights of the Jovial Friars of Inf. xxiii. 103-108. Bologna as PodestÀs of Florence, of which one was named M. Catalano of the Malavolti, and the other M. Roderigo of Landolo, one held to be of the party of the Guelfs, to wit, M. Catalano, and the other of the party of the Ghibellines. And note that Jovial Friars was the name of the Knights of S. Mary, and they became knights when they took that habit, for they wore a white gown and a grey mantle; and for arms, a white field with a red cross and two stars; and they were bound to defend widows, and children under ward, and to be peace makers; and other ordinances they had, as religious persons. And the said M. Roderigo was the beginner of this Order; but it endured but a short while, for the fact followed the name, to wit, they gave themselves more to joviality than to aught else. These two friars were brought thither by the people of Florence, and they put them in the People's Palace over against the Badia, believing that by virtue of their habit they would be impartial, and would guard the commonwealth from extravagant spendings; the which, albeit in heart they were of diverse parties, under cover of false hypocrisy were at one, more for their own gain than for the public weal; and they ordained thirty-six good men, merchants and artificers of the greatest and best which there were in the city, the which were to give counsel to the said two PodestÀs, and were to provide for the spendings of the commonwealth; and of this number were both Guelfs and Ghibellines, popolani and magnates which were to be trusted, which had remained in Florence at the banishment of the Guelfs. And the said thirty-six met together every day to take counsel as to the common well-being of the city, in the shop and court of the consuls of Calimala, which was at the foot of the house of the Cavalcanti in the Mercato Nuovo; the which made many good ordinances for the common weal of the city, among which they decreed that each one of the seven principal Arts in Florence should have a college of consuls, and each should have its ensign and standard, to the intent that, if any one in the city rose with force of arms, they might under their ensigns stand for the defence of the people and of the commonwealth. And the ensigns of the seven greater Arts were these: the judges and notaries, an azure field charged with a large golden star; the merchants of Calimala, to wit, of French cloths, a red field with a golden eagle on a white globe; money changers, a red field sewn with golden florins; wool merchants, a red field charged with a white sheep; physicians and apothecaries, a red field, thereupon S. Mary with her son Christ in her arms; silk merchants and mercers, a white field charged with a red gate, from the title of Porta Sante Marie; furriers, arms vair, and in one corner an Agnus Dei upon an azure field. The next five, following upon the greater arts, were regulated afterwards when the office of Priors of the Arts was created, as in time hereafter we shall make mention; and they had assigned to them after a similar fashion to the seven Arts, standards and arms: to wit, the Baldrigari (that is, retail merchants of Florentine cloths, of stockings, of linen cloths, and hucksters), white and red standard; butchers, a yellow field with a black goat; shoemakers, the transverse stripes, white and black, known as the pezza gagliarda [gallant piece]; workers in stone and in timber, a red field charged with the saw, and the axe, and the hatchet, and the pick-axe; smiths and iron workers, a white field charged with large black pincers.

§ 14.—How the second Popolo rose in Florence, for the which cause Count Guido Novello, with the Ghibelline leaders, left Florence.

By reason of the said doings in Florence by the said two PodestÀs and the Thirty-six, the Ghibelline magnates in Florence, such as the Uberti, the Fifanti, and Lamberti, and Scolari, and the others of the great Ghibelline houses, began to have their factious fears raised, for it seemed to them that the said Thirty-six supported and favoured the Guelf popolani which had remained in Florence, and that every change was against their party. Through this jealousy, and because of the news of the victory of King Charles, Count Guido Novello sent for help to all the neighbouring allies, such as were the Pisans, Sienese, Aretines, Pistoians, and them of Prato, of Volterra, Colle, and Sangimignano, so that with 600 Germans which he had, his horsemen in Florence numbered 1,500. It came to pass that in order to pay the German troops, which were with Count Guido Novello, captain of the league, he required that an impost of 10 per cent. should be levied; and the said Thirty-six sought some other method of finding the money, less burdensome to the people. For this cause, when they delayed some days longer than appeared fitting to the Count and to the other great Ghibellines of Florence, by reason of the suspicion which they felt concerning the ordinances made by the Popolo, the said nobles determined to put the town in an uproar, and destroy the office of the said Thirty-six, with the help of the great body of horse which the vicar had in Florence; and when they were armed, the first that began were the Lamberti, which with their armed troops sallied forth from their houses in Calimala, saying, "Where are these thieving Thirty-six, that we may cut them all in pieces?" which Thirty-six were then taking counsel together in the shop where the consuls of Calimala administered justice, under the house of the Cavalcanti in the Mercato Nuovo. When the Thirty-six heard this they broke up the council, and straightway the town rose in uproar, and the shops were closed, and every man flew to arms. The people all gathered in the wide street of Santa Trinita, and Messer Gianni de' Soldanieri made himself head of Inf. xxxii. 121. the people to the end he might rise in estate, not considering the end, that it must bring about loss to the Ghibelline party, and damage to himself, which seems always to have happened in Florence to whomsoever becomes head of the people; and thus armed, at the foot of the house of the Soldanieri, the popolani gathered in very great numbers and put up barricades at the foot of the tower of the Girolami. Count Guido Novello, with all the horsemen and with the Ghibelline magnates of Florence, was in arms and mounted in the piazza of S. Giovanni; and they advanced against the people, and drew up before the barricade on the ruins of the houses of the Tornaquinci, and made some show and attempt at fighting, and some mounted Germans passed within the barricade; the people defended it boldly with crossbows and by hurling missiles from the towers and houses. When the Count saw that they could not dislodge the people, he reversed the banners and returned with all the horsemen to the piazza of S. Giovanni, and then came to the palace on the piazza of S. Apollinari, where were the two PodestÀs, M. Catalano and M. Roderigo, the Jovial Friars; the horsemen meanwhile having command of the city from Porte San Piero as far as San Firenze. The Count demanded the keys of the gates of the city to depart from the town; and for fear missiles should be hurled at him from the houses, he had for his safety on one side of him Uberto de' Pucci, and on the other Cerchio dei Cerchi, and behind him Guidingo Savorigi, which were of the said Thirty-six, and among the greatest in the town. The said two friars were crying from the palace, demanding with loud voices that the said Uberto and Cerchio should come to them, to the end they might pray the Count to return to his house and not depart; and they themselves would quiet the people, and see that the soldiers were paid. The Count being in greater suspicion and fear of the people than was called for, would not wait, but would only have the keys of the gate; and this showed that it was more the work of God than any other cause; for that great and puissant body of horse had not been opposed nor driven out, nor dismissed, nor was there any force of enemies against them; for albeit the people were armed and gathered together, this was more from fear than to oppose the Count and his horsemen, and they would soon have been quieted, and have returned to their houses, and laid down their arms. But when the judgment of God is ripe, the occasion is ever at hand. When the Count had gotten the keys, during a great silence, he caused a cry to be made whether all the Germans were there; he was told that they were. Then the same was asked concerning the Pisans, and likewise concerning all the cities of the league; and when he knew that all were there, he gave orders to his standard-bearer to advance with banners, and this was done; and they took the wide road of San Firenze, and behind San Pietro Scheraggio and San Romeo to the old Ox Gate, and when this was opened, the Count, with all his horsemen, sallied forth, and held on by the moats behind San Jacopo, and by the piazza of Santa Croce, where as yet there were no houses, and along the Borgo di Pinti; and there stones were cast upon them; and they turned by Cafaggio, and in the evening went to Prato; and this was on S. Martin's Day, the 11th day of November, in the year of Christ 1266.

§ 15.—How the Popolo restored the Guelfs to Florence, and how they afterwards drave out the Ghibellines.

When Count Guido Novello, with all his horsemen and with many Ghibelline leaders of Florence, reached Prato, they perceived that they had done very foolishly in departing from the city of Florence, without stroke of sword and not driven thence, and they perceived that they had done ill, and took counsel to return to Florence the following morning; and this they did; and they came all armed and in battle array at the hour of tierce to the gate of the Carraia Bridge, where is now the borough of Ognissanti, but there were no houses then; and they demanded that the gate should be opened to them. The people of Florence were in arms, and for fear lest the Count, returning with his horsemen into Florence, might take vengeance upon them and devastate the city, agreed together not to open the gate, but to defend the city, which was very strong, with walls and with moats full of water around the second circle; and when they would have made a dash for the gate, they were shot at and wounded; and there they abode until after noon, and neither by persuasions nor by threats were they allowed to enter in. They returned to Prato gloomy and shamed, and as they were returning, being angry, they attacked the fortress of Capalle, but did not take it. And when they came to Prato they bitterly reproached each other; but after a thing ill-judged, and worse carried out, repentance is in vain. The Florentines which were left reorganized the town, and dismissed the said two PodestÀs, the Jovial Friars of Bologna, and sent to Orvieto for aid in soldiers, and for a PodestÀ and Captain, which Orvietans sent 100 horsemen to guard the city, and M. Ormanno Monaldeschi was PodestÀ, and another gentleman of Orvieto was the Captain of the People. And by a treaty of peace, the following January the Popolo restored to Florence both Guelfs and Ghibellines, and caused many marriages and alliances to be made between them, among the which these were the chief: that M. Bonaccorso Bellincioni degli Adimari gave for wife to M. Forese, his son, the daughter of Count Guido Novello, and M. Bindo, his brother, took one of the Ubaldini; and M. Cavalcante, of the Cavalcanti, gave Cf. Inf. x. 58-69, 110, 111. Purg. xi. 97-99. for wife to his son Guido the daughter of M. Farinata degli Uberti; and M. Simone Donati gave his daughter to M. Azzolino, son of M. Farinata degli Uberti; for the which alliances the other Guelfs of Florence distrusted their loyalty to the party; and for the said Vita Nuova iii. 96-104; xxiv. 18, 19; xxv. 111-113; xxxi. 21-24; xxxiii. 2-4. Sonnet xxxiii. 1. De Vulg. El. i. 13: 36; ii. 6: 68, 69; ii. 12: 16, 17, 62, 63. reason the said peace endured but a little while; for when the said Guelfs had returned to Florence, feeling themselves stronger and emboldened by the victory which they had gained over Manfred, with King Charles, they sent secretly into Apulia to the said King Charles for soldiers, and for a captain, and he sent Count Guy of Montfort, with 800 French horsemen, and he came to Florence on Easter Day of the Resurrection in the year of Christ 1267. And when the Ghibellines heard of his coming, the night before they departed from Florence without stroke of sword, and some went to Siena, and some to Pisa, and to other places. The Florentine Guelfs gave the lordship over the city to King Charles for ten years, and when they sent him their free and full election by solemn embassy, with authority over life and death and in lesser judgments, the king answered that he desired from the Florentines their love and good-will and no other jurisdiction; nevertheless, at the prayer of the commonwealth he accepted it simply, and sent thither year by year his vicars; and he appointed twelve good citizens to rule the city with the vicar. And it may be noted concerning this banishment of the Ghibellines, that it was on the same day, Easter Day of the Resurrection, whereon they had committed the murder of M. Bondelmonte de' Bondelmonti, whence the factions in Florence broke out, and the city was laid waste; and it seemed like a Cf. Inf. x. 51. judgment from God, for never afterwards did they return to their estate.

§ 16.—How, after the Ghibellines had been driven from Florence, the ordinances and councils of the city were reorganized.

When the Guelf party had returned to Florence, and the vicar or PodestÀ was come from King Charles (the first of them being M. . . .), and after twelve good men had been appointed, as of old the Ancients, to rule the republic, the council was re-made of 100 good men of the people, without whose deliberation no great thing or cost could be carried out; and after any measure had been passed in this council, it was put to the vote in the council of the colleges of consuls of the greater Arts, and the council of the credenza [privy council of the Captain of the People] of eighty. These councillors, which, when united with the general council, numbered 300, were all popolani and Guelfs. After measures had been passed in the said councils, the following day the same proposals were brought before the councils of the PodestÀ, first before the council of ninety, including both magnates and popolani (and with them associated yet again the colleges of consuls of the Arts), and then before the general council, which was of 300 men of every condition; and these were called the occasional councils; and they had in their gift governorships of fortresses, and dignities, and small and great offices. And this ordered, they appointed revisors, and corrected all statutes and ordinances, and ordered that they should be issued each year. In this manner was ordered the state and course of the commonwealth and of the people of Florence at the return of the Guelfs; and the chancellors of finance were the monks of Settimo and of Ognissanti on alternate half-years.

§ 17.—How the Guelfs of Florence instituted the Ordinances of the Party.

In these times, when the Ghibellines had been driven out from Florence, the Guelfs which had returned thither being at strife concerning the goods of the Ghibelline rebels, sent their ambassadors to the court, to Pope Urban and to King Charles, to order their affairs, which Pope Urban and King Charles for their estate and peace ordered them in this manner, that the goods should be divided into three parts—one part to be given to the commonwealth, the second to be awarded in compensation to the Guelfs which had been ruined and exiled, the third to be awarded for a certain time to the "Guelf Party"; but afterwards all the said goods fell to the Party, whence they formed a fund, and increased it every day, as a reserve against the day of need of the Party; concerning which fund, when the Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini heard thereof, he said, "Since the Guelfs of Cf. Inf. x. 120. Florence are funding a reserve, the Ghibellines will never return thither." And by the command of the Pope and the king, the said Guelfs made three knights heads of the Party, and called them at first consuls of the knights, and afterwards they called them Captains of the Party, and they held office for two months, the sesti electing them alternately, three and three; and they gathered to their councils in the new church of Santa Maria Sopra Porta, being the most central place in the city, and where there are most Guelf houses around; and their privy council consisted of fourteen, and their larger council of sixty magnates and popolani, by whose vote were elected the Captains of the Party and other officers. And they called three magnates and three popolani Priors of the Party, to whom were committed the order and care of the money of the Party; and also one to hold the seal, and a syndic to prosecute the Ghibellines. And all their secret documents they deposited in the church of the Servi Sancte Marie. After like manner the Ghibelline refugees made ordinances and captains. We have said enough of the Ordinances of the Party, and we will return to the general events, and to other things.

§ 18.—How the soldan of the Saracens took Antioch. §19.—How the Guelfs of Florence took the castle of Santellero, with many Ghibelline rebels. §20.—How many cities and towns of Tuscany went over to the Guelf party. §21.—How King Charles's marshal advanced upon Siena with the Florentines, and how the king came to Florence and took Poggibonizzi. §22.—How King Charles with the Florentines marched upon the city of Pisa.

§ 23.—How the young Conradino, son of King Conrad, came from Germany into Italy against King Charles.

King Charles being in Tuscany, the Ghibelline refugees from Florence formed themselves into a league and company with the Pisans and Sienese, and came to an agreement with Don Henry of Spain, which was Roman senator, and already at enmity with King Charles, his cousin. Therefore, with certain barons of Apulia and Sicily, he made oath and conspiracy to make certain towns in Sicily and in Apulia to rebel, and to send into Germany, and to stir up Conradino, which was the son of Conrad, the son of the Emperor Frederick, to cross into Italy to take away Sicily and the Kingdom from King Charles. And so it was done; for immediately in Apulia there rose in rebellion Nocera of the Saracens, and Aversa in Terra di Lavoro, and many places in Calabria, and almost all in Abruzzi, if we except Aquila, and in Sicily almost all, or a great part of the island of Sicily, if we except Messina and Palermo; and Don Henry caused Rome to rebel, and all Campagna and the country around; and the Pisans and the Sienese and the other Ghibelline cities sent of their money 100,000 golden florins to stir up the said Conradino, who being very young, sixteen years old, set forth from Germany, against his mother's will, who was daughter of the duke of Austria, and who was not willing for him to depart because of his youth. And he came to Verona in the month of February, in the year of Christ 1267, with many barons and good men-at-arms from Germany in his train; and it is said that there followed him as far as Verona nigh upon 10,000 men on horses or ponies, but through lack of means a great part returned to Germany, yet there remained of the best 3,500 German cavalry. And from Verona he passed through Lombardy, and by the way of Pavia he came to the coast of Genoa, and arrived beyond Saona at the shores of Varagine, and there put out to sea, and by means of the forces of the Genoese, with their fleet of twenty-five galleys, came by sea to Pisa, and arrived there in May in 1268, and by the Pisans 1268 a.d. and by all the Ghibellines of Italy was received with great honour, almost as if he had been Emperor. His cavalry came by land, crossing the mountains of Pontremoli, and arrived at Serrazzano, which was held by the Pisans, and then took the way of the seacoast with an escort as far as Pisa. King Charles, hearing how Conradino was come into Italy, and hearing of the rebellion of his cities in Sicily and Apulia, caused by the treacherous barons of the Kingdom (the most of whom he had released from prison), and by Don Henry of Spain, immediately departed from Tuscany, and by hasty marches came into Apulia, and left in Tuscany M. William di Belselve, his marshal, and with him M. William, the standard-bearer, with 800 French and ProvenÇal horsemen to keep the cities of Tuscany for his party, and to oppose Conradino so that he should not be able to pass. And Pope Clement, hearing of the coming of Conradino, sent to him his messengers and legates, commanding him, under pain of excommunication, not to go forward, nor to oppose King Charles, the champion and vicar of Holy Church. But Conradino did not by reason of this abandon his enterprise, nor would he obey the commands of the Pope, forasmuch as he believed that his cause was just, and that the Kingdom and Sicily were his, and of his patrimony, and therefore he fell under sentence of excommunication from the Church, which he despised and cared little for; but being in Pisa, he collected money and people, and all the Ghibellines and whosoever belonged to the imperial party, gathered themselves to him, whence his force grew greatly. And being in Pisa, his host marched against the city of Lucca, which was held for the party of Holy Church, and within it were the marshal of King Charles with his people, and the legate of the Pope and of the Church, with the forces of the Florentines and of the other Guelfs of Tuscany, and with many who had taken the cross, and through proclamations and indulgences and pardons given by the Pope and by his legates, had come against Conradino; and he remained over against Lucca ten days with his host; and the two hosts met together to fight at Ponterotto, two miles distant from Lucca, but they did not fight, but each one shunned the battle, and they remained one on each side of the Guiscianella; so they returned, the one part to Pisa, and the other to Lucca.

§ 24.—How the marshal of King Charles was defeated at Ponte a Valle by Conradino's army.

Then Conradino departed with his followers from Pisa, and came to Poggibonizzi, and when the inhabitants thereof heard how Conradino was come to Pisa, they rebelled against King Charles and against the commonwealth of Florence, and sent the keys to Pisa to Conradino. And then from Poggibonizzi he went to Siena, and by the Sienese was received with great honour; and whilst he sojourned in Siena, the marshal of King Charles, which was called, as we have said, M. William di Belselve, with his people, departed from Florence on S. John's Day in June to go to Arezzo to hinder the movements of Conradino; and by the Florentines they were escorted and accompanied as far as Montevarchi; and they desired to accompany him till he should be nigh unto Arezzo, hearing that the journey was like to be disputed, and fearing an ambush in the region round about Arezzo. The said marshal, being beyond measure confident in his people, would have the Florentines accompany him no further, and in front of the cavalcade he set M. William, the standard-bearer, with 300 horsemen well armed and in readiness, and he passed on safe and sound. The marshal, with 500 of his horsemen, not on their guard nor keeping their ranks, and for the most part unarmed, prepared to advance, and when they came to the bridge at Valle which crosses the Arno nigh to Laterino, there sallied forth upon their rear an ambush of the followers of Conradino, which, hearing of the march of the said marshal, had departed from Siena under conduct of the Ubertini and other Ghibelline refugees from Florence; and being come to the said bridge, the French, not being prepared, and without much defence, were defeated and slain, and the greater part were taken, and those which fled towards Valdarno to the region round about Florence were taken and spoiled as if they had been enemies; and the said M. William, the marshal, and M. Amelio di Corbano, and many other barons and knights were taken and brought to Siena to Conradino, and this was the day after the Feast of S. John, the 25th day of the month of June, in the year of Christ 1268. At which defeat and capture the followers of King Charles and all those of the Guelf party were much dismayed, and Conradino and his people increased thereupon in great pride and courage, and held the French almost for naught. And this being heard in the Kingdom, many cities rebelled against King Charles. And at this time King Charles was at the siege of the city of Nocera of the Saracens in Apulia, which had rebelled, to the end that the others on the coast of Apulia, which were all subject to him, might not rebel against him.

§ 25.—How Conradino entered into Rome, and afterwards with his host passed into the kingdom of Apulia.

Conradino, having sojourned somewhat in Siena, departed to Rome, and by the Romans and by Don Henry, the senator, was received with great honour, as if he had been Emperor, and in Rome he gathered together people and money, and despoiled the treasures of S. Peter and the other churches of Rome to raise monies; and he had in Rome more than 5,000 horsemen, what with Germans and Italians, together with those of the senator, Don Henry, brother of the king of Spain, which had with him full 800 good Spanish horsemen. And Conradino, hearing that King Charles was with his host in Apulia at the city of Nocera, and that many of the cities and barons of the Kingdom had rebelled, and that others were suspected, it seemed to him a convenient time to enter into the Kingdom, and he departed from Rome the 10th day of August, in the year of Christ 1268, with the said Don Henry, and with his company and his barons, and with many Romans; and he did not take the way of Campagna, forasmuch as he knew that the pass of Cepperano was furnished and guarded; wherefore he did not desire to contest it, but took the way of the mountains between the Abruzzi and the Campagna by Valle di Celle, where there was no guard nor garrison; and without any hindrance he passed on and came into the plain of San Valentino in the country of Tagliacozzo.

§ 26.—How the host of Conradino and that of King Charles met in battle at Tagliacozzo.

King Charles, hearing how Conradino was departed from Rome with his followers to enter into the Kingdom, broke up his camp at Nocera, and with all his people came against Conradino by hasty marches, and at the city of Aquila in Abruzzi awaited his followers. And being at Aquila, he took counsel with the men of the city, exhorting them to be leal and true, and to make provision for the host; whereupon a wise and ancient inhabitant rose and said: "King Charles, take no further counsel, and do not avoid a little toil, to the end thou mayest have continual repose. Delay no longer, but go against the enemy, and let him not gain ground, and we will be leal and true to thee." The king, hearing such sage counsel, without any delay or further parley, departed by the road crossing the mountains, and came close to the host of Conradino in the place and plain of San Valentino, and there was nought between them save the river of . . . King Charles had of his people, between Frenchmen and ProvenÇals and Italians, less than 3,000 cavaliers, and seeing that Conradino had many more people than he, he took the counsel of the good M. Alardo di Valleri, a French knight of great wisdom and prowess, which at that time had arrived in Inf. xxviii. 17, 18. Apulia from over seas from the Holy Land, who said to King Charles, if he desired to be victorious it behoved him to use stratagems of war rather than force. King Charles, trusting much in the wisdom of the said M. Alardo, committed to him the entire direction of the host and of the battle, who drew up the king's followers in three troops, and of one he made captain M. Henry of Cosance, tall in person, and a good knight at arms; he was armed with royal insignia in place of the king's person, and led ProvenÇals and Tuscans and Lombards, and men of the Campagna. The second troop was of Frenchmen, whereof were captains M. Jean de ClÉry, and M. William, the standard-bearer; and he put the ProvenÇals to guard the bridge over the said river, to the end the host of Conradino might not pass without the disadvantage of combat. King Charles, with the flower of his chivalry and barons, to the number of 800 cavaliers, he placed in ambush behind a little hill in a valley, and with King Charles there remained the said M. Alardo di Valleri, with M. William de Ville, and Arduino, prince of the Morea, a right valiant knight. Conradino, on the other side, formed his followers in three troops, one of Germans, whereof he was captain with the duke of Austria, and with many counts and barons; the second of Italians, whereof he made captain Count Calvagno, with certain Germans; the third was of Spaniards, whereof was captain Don Henry of Spain, their lord. In this array, one host over against the other, the rebel barons of the Kingdom guilefully, in order to cause dismay to King Charles and his followers, caused false ambassadors to come into the camp of Conradino, in full pomp, with keys in their hands, and with large presents, saying that they were sent from the commonwealth of Aquila to give him the keys and the lordship of the city, as his men and faithful subjects, to the end he might deliver them from the tyranny of King Charles. For which cause the host of Conradino and he himself, deeming it to be true, rejoiced greatly; and this being heard in the host of King Charles caused great dismay, forasmuch as they feared to lose the victual which came to them from that side, and also the aid of the men of Aquila. The king himself, hearing this, was seized with so great pangs that in the night season he set forth with a few of the host in his company, and came to Aquila that same night, and causing the guards at the gates to be asked for whom they held the city, they answered, For King Charles: who, having entered in without dismounting from his horse, having exhorted them to good watch, immediately returned to the host, and was there early in the morning: and because of the weariness of going and returning by night from Aquila, King Charles laid him down and slept.

§ 27.—How Conradino and his people were defeated by King Charles.

Now Conradino and his host were puffed up with the vain hope that Aquila had rebelled against King Charles, and therefore, all drawn up in battle array, they raised their battle cry, and made a vigorous rush to force the passages of the river and engage with King Charles. King Charles, albeit he was reposing, as we have said, hearing the din of the enemy, and how they were in arms and ready for battle, immediately caused his followers to arm and array themselves after the order and fashion whereof we before made mention. And the troop of the ProvenÇals, which was led by M. Henry of Cosance, being at guard on the bridge to hinder the passing of Don Henry of Spain and his people, the Spaniards set themselves to ford the river, which was not very great, and began to enclose the troop of ProvenÇals which were defending the bridge. Conradino and the rest of his host, seeing the Spaniards had crossed, began to pass the river, and with great fury assailed the followers of King Charles, and in a short time had routed and defeated the ProvenÇal troop; and the said M. Henry of Cosance; and the standard of King Charles was beaten down, and M. Henry himself was slain. Don Henry and the Germans, believing they had got King Charles in person, inasmuch as he wore the royal insignia, all fell upon him at once. And the said ProvenÇal troop being routed, they dealt in like fashion with the French and the Italian troop, which was led by M. Jean de ClÉry and M. William, the standard-bearer, because the followers of Conradino were two to one against those of King Charles, and very fierce and violent in battle; and the followers of King Charles, seeing themselves thus sore bestead, took to flight, and abandoned the field. The Germans believed themselves victorious, not knowing of King Charles's ambush, and began to scatter themselves over the field, giving their minds to plunder and booty. King Charles was upon the little hill above the valley, where was his troop, with M. Alardo di Valleri, and with Count Guy of Montfort, beholding the battle; and when he saw his people thus routed, first one troop and then the other thus put to flight, he was deadly grieved, and longed even to put in motion his own troop to go to the succour of the others. M. Alardo, which was commander of the host, and wise in war, Inf. xxviii. 17, 18. with great temperance and with wise words much restrained the king, saying that for God's sake he should suffer it a while, if he desired the honour of the victory, because he knew the cupidity of the Germans, and how greedy they were for booty; and he must let them break up more from their troops; and when he saw them well scattered, he said to the king: "Let the banners set forth, for now it is time;" and so it was done. And when the said troop sallied forth from the valley, neither Conradino nor his followers believed that they were enemies, but that they were of their own party; and they were not upon their guard; and the king, coming with his followers in close ranks, came straight to where was the troop of Conradino, with the chief among his barons, and there began fierce and violent combat, albeit it endured not long, seeing that the followers of Conradino were faint and weary with fighting, and had not near so many horsemen in battle array as those of the king, forasmuch as the greater part were wandering out of the ranks, some pursuing the enemy and some scattered over the field in search of booty and prisoners; and the troop of Conradino, by reason of the unexpected assault of the enemy, was continually diminishing, and that of King Charles continually increasing, because his first troops, which had been put to flight through the first defeat, recognising the royal standard, joined on to his company, insomuch that in a little while Conradino and his followers were discomfited. And when Conradino perceived that the fortunes of war were against him, by the counsel of his greater barons he took to flight, together with the duke of Austria, and Count Calvagno, and Count Gualferano, and Count Gherardo da Pisa, and many more. M. Alardo di Valleri, seeing the enemy put to flight, cried aloud, praying and entreating the king and the captains of the troop not to set forth either in pursuit of the enemy or other prey, fearing lest the followers of Conradino should gather together, or should sally forth from some ambush, but to abide firm and in order on the field; and so was it done. And this was very fortunate, for Don Henry, with his Spaniards, and other Germans, which had pursued into a valley the ProvenÇals and Italians whom they had first discomfited, and which had not seen King Charles offer battle nor the discomfiture of Conradino, had now gathered his men together, and was returning to the field; and seeing King Charles' troop, he believed them to be Conradino and his following, so that he came down from the hill where he had assembled his men, to come to his allies; and when he drew nigh unto them, he recognised the standards of the enemy, and how much deceived he had been; and he was sore dismayed; but, like the valiant lord he was, he rallied and closed up his troop after such a fashion that King Charles and his followers, which were spent by the toils of the combat, did not venture to strike into Don Henry's troop, and to the end they might not risk the game already won, they abode in array over against one another a good space. The good M. Alardo, seeing this, said to the king that they must needs make the enemy break their ranks in order to rout them; whereon the king bade him act after his mind. Then he took of the best barons of the king's troop from twenty to thirty, and they set forth from the troop, as though they fled for fear, as he had instructed them. The Spaniards, seeing how the standard-bearers of sundry of these lords were wheeling round as though in act to flee, with vain hope began to cry: "They are put to flight," and began to leave their own ranks, desiring to pursue them. King Charles, seeing gaps and openings in the troop of Spaniards, and others on the German side, began boldly to strike among them, and M. Alardo with his men wisely gathered themselves together and returned to the troop. Then was the battle fierce and hard; but the Spaniards were well armed, and by stroke of sword might not be struck to the ground, and continually after their fashion they drew close together. Then began the French to cry out wrathfully, and to take hold of them by the arms and drag them from their horses after the manner of tournaments; and this was done to such good purpose that in a short time they were routed, and defeated, and put to flight, and many of them lay dead on the field. Don Henry, with many of his followers, fled to Monte Cascino, and said that King Charles was defeated. The abbot, which was lord of those lands, knew Don Henry, and judging by divers signs that they were fugitives, caused him and great part of his people to be seized. King Charles, with all his followers, remained upon the field, armed and on horseback, until the night, to the end he might gather together his men, and to be sure of full victory over the enemy; and this defeat was on the vigil of S. Bartholomew, on the 23rd day of August, in the year of Christ 1268. And in that place King Charles afterwards caused a rich abbey to be built for the souls of his men which had been slain; which is called S. Mary of the Victory, in the plain of Tagliacozzo.

§ 28.—Of the vision that came to Pope Clement concerning the discomfiture of Conradino.

§ 29.—How Conradino and certain of his barons were taken by King Charles, and how he caused their heads to be cut off.

Conradino, with the duke of Austria and with many others, which were fled from the field with him, arrived at the beach towards Rome upon the seashore hard by a place which is called Asturi, which pertained to the Infragnipani, noblemen of Rome; and when they were come thither, they had a pinnace furnished to pass into Sicily, hoping to escape from King Charles; and in Sicily, which had almost all rebelled against the king, to recover state and lordship. They having already embarked unrecognised on the said vessel, one of the said Infragnipani which was in Asturi, seeing that they were in great part Germans, and fine men and of noble aspect, and knowing of the defeat, was minded to gain riches for himself, and therefore he took the said lords prisoners; and having learnt of their conditions, and how Conradino was among them, he led them captive to King Charles, for which cause the king gave him land and lordship at Pilosa, between Naples and Benivento. And when the king had Conradino and those lords in his hands, he took counsel what he should do. At last he was minded to put them to death, and he caused by way of process an inquisition to be made against them, as against traitors to the Crown and enemies of Holy Church, and this was carried out; for on the . . . day were Purg. xx. 68. beheaded Conradino, and the duke of Austria, and Count Calvagno, and Count Gualferano, and Count Bartolommeo and two of his sons, and Count Gherardo of the counts of Doneratico of Pisa, on the market place at Naples, beside the stream of water which runs over against the church of the Carmelite friars; and the king would not suffer them to be buried in a sacred place, but under the sand of the market place, forasmuch as they were excommunicate. And thus with Conradino ended the line of the house of Suabia, which was so powerful both in emperors and in kings, as before we have made mention. But certainly we may see, both by reason and by experience, that whosoever rises against Holy Church, and is excommunicate, his end must needs be evil for soul and for body; and therefore the sentence of excommunication of Holy Church, just or unjust, is always to be feared, for very open miracles have come to pass confirming this, as whoso will may read in ancient chronicles; as also by this present chronicle it may be seen with regard to the emperors and lords of past times, which were rebels and persecutors of Holy Church. Yet because of the said judgment King Charles was much blamed by the Pope and by his cardinals, and by all wise men, forasmuch as he had taken Conradino and his followers by chance of battle, and not by treachery, and it would have been better to keep him prisoner than to put him to death. And some said that the Pope assented thereto; but we do not give faith to this, forasmuch as he was held to be a holy man. And it seems that by reason of Conradino's innocence, which was of such tender age to be adjudged to death, God showed forth a miracle against King Charles, for not many years after God sent him great adversities when he thought himself to be in highest state, as hereafter in his history we shall make mention. To the judge which condemned Conradino, Robert, son of the count of Flanders, the king's son-in-law, when he had read the condemnation, gave a sword-thrust, saying that it was not lawful for him to sentence to death so great and noble a man, from which blow the judge died; and it was in the king's presence, and there was never a word said thereof, forasmuch as Robert was very high in the favour of the king, and it seemed to the king and to all the barons that he had acted like a worthy lord. Now Don Henry of Spain was likewise in the king's prison, but forasmuch as he was his cousin by blood, and because the abbot of Monte Cascino, which had brought him prisoner to the king, to the end he might not break his rule, had made a compact with him that he should not be put to death, the king would not condemn him to death, but to perpetual imprisonment, and sent him prisoner to the fortress in the hill SanctÆ MariÆ in Apulia; and many other barons of Apulia and of Abruzzi, which had opposed King Charles and been rebellious against him, he put to death with divers torments.

§ 30.—How King Charles recovered all the lands in Sicily and in 1268 a.d. Apulia which had rebelled against him.

§ 31.—How the Florentines defeated the Sienese at the foot of Colle di Valdelsa.

In the year of Christ 1269, in the month of June, the Sienese, whereof M. Provenzano Salvani, of Siena, was governor, with Count Guido Novello, with the German and Spanish troops, and with the Ghibelline refugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany, and with the forces of the Pisans, to the number of 1,400 horse and 8,000 foot, marched upon the stronghold of Colle di Valdelsa, which was under the lordship of the Florentines; and this they did because the Florentines had come in May with an army to destroy Poggibonizzi. And when they had encamped at the abbey of Spugnole, and the news was come to Florence on Friday evening, on Saturday morning M. Giambertaldo, vicar of King Charles for the league of Tuscany, departed from Florence with his troops which he then had with him in Florence to wit 400 French horse; and sounding the bell, and being followed by the Guelfs of Florence on horse and on foot, he came with his cavalry to Colle on Sunday evening, and there were about 800 horsemen or less with but few of the people, forasmuch as they could not reach Colle so speedily as the horsemen. It came to pass that on the following Monday morning, the day of S. Barnabas, in June, the Sienese, hearing that the horsemen had come from Florence, broke up their camp near the said abbey and withdrew to a safer place. M. Giambertaldo, seeing the camp in motion, without awaiting more men passed the bridge with his horse and marshalled his troops with the cavalry of Florence and such of the people as had arrived together with them of Colle (who by reason of the sudden coming of the Florentines were not duly arrayed either with captains of the host or with the standard of the commonwealth); and M. Giambertaldo took the standard of the commonwealth of Florence and requested of the horsemen of Florence, amongst whom were representatives of all the Guelf houses, that one of them should take it; but none advanced to take it, whether through cowardice or through jealousy, one of the other; and after they had been a long time in suspense, M. Aldobrandini, of the house of Pazzi, boldly stepped forward and said: "I take it to the honour of God and of the victory of our commonwealth;" wherefore he was much commended for his boldness; and straightway he advanced, and all the horsemen followed him, and struck boldly into the ranks of the Sienese; and albeit it was not held to be very wise and prudent leadership, yet as it pleased God these bold and courageous folk with good success broke up and defeated the Sienese and their allies, which numbered well-nigh twice as many horse and a great number of foot, whereof many were slain and taken; and if on the Florentine side the foot had arrived and had been at the battle, scarce one of the Sienese would have escaped. Count Guido Novello fled, and M. Provenzano Salvani, lord and commander of Purg. xiii. 115-119. the host of the Sienese, was taken prisoner; and they cut off his head and carried it through all the camp fixed on a lance. And truly thus was fulfilled the prophecy and revelation made to him by the devil by means of incantation, though he did not understand it; for having invoked him to learn how he would fare in that expedition, he made a lying answer and said, "Thou wilt go and fight; thou goest to conquer not to die in the battle, and thy head shall be the highest in the field;" and he, thinking to have the victory from these words, and thinking he would remain lord over all, did not put the stop in the right place and detect the fraud, where he said, "Thou goest to conquer not, to die," etc. And therefore it is great folly to believe in such counsel as is that of the devil. This M. Provenzano was a great man in Siena in his day after the victory which he gained at Montaperti, and he ruled all the city; and all the Ghibelline party in Purg. xi. 109-114, 120-123. Tuscany made him their head, and he was very presumptuous in will. In this battle the said M. Giambertaldo bore himself like a valiant lord in fighting against his enemies, and likewise did his followers and all the Guelfs of Florence, making great slaughter of their enemies to avenge their kinsfolk and friends which were slain at the defeat of Montaperti; and none, or scarce any, did they lead to prison, but put them all to death and to the sword; wherefore the city of Siena, in comparison with the number of its inhabitants, suffered greater loss of its citizens in this defeat than Florence did on the day of Montaperti; and they left on the field all their belongings. For the which thing a little while after, the Florentines restored the Guelf refugees to Siena and drave out the Ghibellines and made peace between one commonwealth and the other, remaining ever after friends and allies. And in this manner ended the war between the Florentines and the Sienese which had endured so long.

§ 32.—How the Florentines took the castle of Ostina in Valdarno. 1269 a.d. §33.—How the Florentines, serving for the Lucchese, marched upon Pisa.

§ 34.—How there was a great flood of waters which carried away the Santa Trinita Bridge and the Carraia Bridge.

In the said year 1269, on the night of the first of October, there was so great a flood of rain and waters from heaven, raining down continually for two nights and one day, that all the rivers of Italy increased more than had ever been known before; and the river of Arno overflowed its borders so beyond measure that a great part of the city of Florence became a lake, and this was by reason of much wood which the rivers brought down, which was caught and lay across at the foot of the Santa Trinita Bridge in such wise, that the water of the river was so stopped up that it spread through the city, whence many persons were drowned and many houses ruined. At last so great was the force of the river that it tore down the said bridge of Santa Trinita, and again by the disgorging thereof the rush of the water and of the timber struck and destroyed the Carraia Bridge; and when they were destroyed and cast down the height of the river, which had been kept up by the said retention and damming of the river, went down, and the fulness of the water ceased which had spread through the city.

§ 35.—How certain rebel nobles in Florence were beheaded. §36.—How the Florentines took the stronghold of Piandimezzo in Valdarno, and how they destroyed Poggibonizzi.

§ 37.—-How King Louis of France made an expedition to Tunis, wherein he died.

In the year of Christ 1270 the good King Louis of France, which was a most Christian man, and of good life and works, not only as becomes a man of the world, being king over so great a realm and dominion, but also as becomes a man of religion, ever working for the good of Holy Church and of Christianity, not fearing the great toil and cost which he endured in the expedition over seas when he and his brothers were taken prisoners at Monsura by the Saracens, as we made mention before; set his heart, as it pleased God, on going once more against the Saracens and the enemies of the Christians; and this he carried out with great zeal and preparation, taking the cross and gathering treasure, and calling upon all his barons and knights and good men of his realm. And this done, he set forth from Paris and came into Provence, and from there with a great fleet he set sail from his port of Aigues Mortes in Provence with his three sons, Philip and John and Louis, and with the king of Navarre, his son-in-law, and with all his chief men, counts and dukes and barons of the realm of France, and his friends from without the realm. And on his expedition there afterwards followed him Edward, son of the king of England, with many Englishmen and Scots and Frisians and Germans, more than 5,000 horse; the which army and crusade was an almost innumerable company on horse and on foot, and were reckoned 200,000 fighting men. And believing it to be the better course they determined to go against the kingdom of Tunis, thinking that if it could be taken by the Christians they would be in a very central place whence they could more easily afterwards take the kingdom of Egypt, and could cut off and wholly impede the force of the Saracens in the realm of Ceuta, and also that of Granada. And the said host with their fleet passed over safe and sound and came to the port of the ancient city of Carthage, which is distant from Tunis fifteen miles; the which Carthage, whereof some part had been rebuilt and fortified by the Saracens in defence of the port, was very soon stormed by the Christians. And when the Christians would have entered into the city of Tunis, as it pleased God, by reason of the sins of the Christians, the air of those shores began to be greatly corrupted, and above all in the camp of the Christians, by reason that they were not accustomed to the air, and by reason of their hardships and the excessive crowding of men and of animals, for the which thing there died first John, son of the said King Louis, and then the cardinal of Albano, which was there for the Pope, and afterwards there fell sick and died the said good King Louis with a very great number of counts and of barons; and an innumerable company of the common folk died there. Wherefore Christendom suffered very great loss, and the said host was well-nigh all dispersed, and came well-nigh to naught without stroke of the enemy. And albeit the said King Louis had not had good success in his enterprises against the Saracens, yet in his death he had good success for his soul; and the king of Navarre, which was there present, wrote in his letters to the cardinal of Tusculum that in his infirmity he did not cease to praise God, continually saying this prayer: "Cause us, Lord, to hate the prosperity of the world, and to fear no adversity." Then he prayed for the people which he had brought with him, saying, "Lord, be Thou the Sanctifier and Guardian of Thy people," and the other words which follow in the said prayer. And at last, when he came to die, he lift up his eyes to heaven and said: "Introibo in domum tuam, adorabo ad templum sanctum tuum, et confitebor nomini tuo" [see Ps. v. 7]. And this said he died in Christ. And when his host heard of his death they were greatly troubled, and the Saracens greatly rejoiced; but in this sorrow Philip, his son, was made king of France, and King Charles, brother of the said King Louis, which had sent for him before he died, came from Sicily and arrived in Carthage with a great fleet and with many followers and reinforcements, whence the Christian host regained great vigour, and the Saracens were afraid. And albeit the Saracen host was increased by an innumerable company, for from every place the Arabs were come to succour them, and there were many more of them than of the Christians, yet they never dared to come to a pitched battle with the Christians; but they came with ambushes and with artifices, and did them much hurt; and this was one among others, that the said country is very sandy, and when it is dry there is very much dust; wherefore the Saracens, when the wind was blowing against the Christian host, stationed themselves in great numbers upon the hills where was the said sand, and stirring it up with their horses and with their feet, set it all in motion, and caused much annoyance and vexation to the host; but when water rained down from heaven the said plague ceased, and King Charles with the Christians, having prepared engines of divers fashions both for sea and land, set himself to attack the city of Tunis; and of a truth it is said, if they had gone on, in a short time they would have taken the city by force, or the king of Tunis with his Turks and Arabs would have abandoned it.

§ 38.—How King Charles concluded a treaty with the king of Tunis, and how the host departed.

The king of Tunis with his Saracens seeing themselves in evil case, and fearing to lose the city and the country round about, sought to make peace with King Charles and with the other lords by free and liberal covenants, to which peace King Charles consented and concluded it in the following manner: first, that all the Christians which were prisoners in Tunis, or in all that realm, should be freed, and that monasteries and churches might be built by the Christians, and therein the sacred office might be celebrated; and that the gospel of Christ might be freely preached by the minor friars and the preaching friars and by other ecclesiastical persons; and whatsoever Saracen should desire to be baptized, and turn to the faith of Christ, might freely be allowed so to do; and all the expenses which the said kings had incurred were to be fully restored to them; and beyond that the king of Tunis was to pay tribute every year to Charles, king of Sicily, of 20,000 golden pistoles; and there were many other articles which it were long to tell. Concerning this peace some said that King Charles and the other lords did for the best, considering their evil state from the pestilential air and the mortality among the Christians; for the king of Navarre, when King Louis was dead, fell sick and departed from the host and died in Sicily, and the cardinal legate of the Pope died; and the Church of Rome in those times had no pastor which could provide for all things, and Philip, the new king of France, desired to depart from the host and return to France with his father's body. Others blamed King Charles, saying that he did it through avarice, to the end he might henceforward, by reason of the said peace, always receive tribute from the king of Tunis for his own special benefit; for if the kingdom of Tunis had been conquered by all the host of the Christians, it would have afterwards pertained in part to the king of France, and to the king of England, and to the king of Navarre, and to the king of Sicily, and to the Church of Rome, and to divers other lords which were at the conquest. And it may have been, both one cause and the other; but however that may have been, when the said treaty was concluded the said host departed from Tunis, and when they came with their fleet to the port of Trapali in Sicily, as it pleased God, so great a storm overtook them while the fleet was in the said port that without any redemption the greater part perished, and one vessel broke the other, and all the belongings of that host were lost, which were of untold worth, and many folk perished there. And it was said by many that this came to pass by reason of the sins of the Christians, and because they had made a covenant with the Saracens through greed of money when they could have overcome and conquered Tunis and the country.

§ 39.—How Gregory X. was made pope at Viterbo, and how Henry, son of the king of England, there died.

When the said Christian host was come to Sicily, they abode there sometime to recover the sick, and to be refreshed, and to repair their fleet; and those kings and lords were held in much honour by Charles, king of Sicily; and afterwards they departed from Sicily, and King Charles with them, and came into the kingdom of Apulia, and by Calabria to Viterbo, where was the papal court without a Pope, and at Viterbo there tarried the said kings Philip of France, and Charles of Sicily, and Edward, and Henry his brother, sons of the king of England, to see that the cardinals, which were in disunion, should elect a good pastor to reform the papal chair. And since they were not able to agree upon any one of those there present, they elected Pope Gregory X., of Piacenza, which was cardinal legate of Syria in the Holy Land; and when he was elected, and had returned from beyond seas, he was consecrated Pope in the year of Christ 1272. Whilst the aforesaid lords were in Viterbo, there came to pass a scandalous and abominable thing, under the government of King Charles; for Henry, brother of Edward, son of King Richard of England, being in a church at Mass, at the hour when the sacrifice of the body of Christ was being celebrated, Guy, count of Montfort, which was vicar for King Inf. xii. 118-120. Charles in Tuscany, having no regard for reverence towards God, nor towards King Charles his lord, stabbed and slew with his own hand the said Henry in revenge for Count Simon of Montfort, his father, slain, through his own fault, by the king of England. And of this it is well to preserve a notable record. When Henry, father of the good Edward, was reigning in England, he was a man of simple life, so that the Purg. vii. 130-132. barons held him for nought, wherefore he sent for the said Count Simon, his kinsman, to guide the realm for him, seeing that Edward was but young. This Simon was much feared and dreaded; and when he saw the government of the realm in his hands, as a felon and traitor, he falsely averred that the king had passed certain iniquitous laws against the people, and he put him and Edward in prison in the castle of Dover, and held the realm himself. The queen, . . . Edward's maternal aunt, was desirous of saving him, and knew that Count Simon came every Easter to Dover, and took Edward out of the castle, and made him ride with him; and when he departed he caused him to be again imprisoned with strong and strict guard, that he might not so much as have letters. So the wise queen sent to Dover a wise and beautiful damsel, which knew how to work in jewels, purses, and pouches. And when Edward saw her he loved her, and so wrought with his guards that they brought him the said damsel, and when he would have touched her, she said to him: "I am here for other matters," and she drew forth letters sent him by the queen, advising him as to his deliverance and welfare; and therein she advised him that she was sending him one of our Florentine horse-dealers, which was named Persona Fulberti, with fine steeds, and a small ship equipped with many oars, and advising him what he was to do. Now, after his wont, at Easter, Count Simon came to Dover, and took Edward out of the castle, and while they were trying the steeds of the said dealer, Edward, with the count's permission, mounted the best of them, and galloping round in a wide sweep, at last took to the field and made off, and came to the port and found the bark prepared. Then he left the horse, and embarked, and came to France, and then with aid from the king of France, and Flanders, and Brabant, and Germany, with a great host he passed into England, and fought against Count Simon, and discomfited him, and seized him by the scalp, and had him dragged along the ground, and then hung. Then he set his father free; and when he was dead, then was Edward crowned king of England with great honour. And now we return to our chief subject—how was slain Count Henry, earl of Cornwall, brother of King Edward, in revenge for this, as we said before. The court was greatly disturbed, giving much blame therefor to King Charles, who ought not to have suffered this if he knew thereof, and if he did not know it he ought not to have let it go unavenged. But the said Count Guy, being provided with a company of men-at-arms on horse and on foot, was not content only with having done the said murder; forasmuch as a cavalier asked him what he had done, and he replied, "J'ai fait ma vangeance," and that cavalier said, "Comment? Votre pÈre fÛt trainÉ;" and immediately he returned to the church, and took Henry by the hair, and dead as he was, he dragged him vilely without the church; and when he had done the said sacrilege and homicide, he departed from Viterbo, and came safe and sound into Maremma to the lands of Count Rosso, his father-in-law. By reason of the death of the said Henry, Edward, his brother, very wrathful and indignant against King Charles, departed from Viterbo, and came with his followers through Tuscany, and abode in Florence, and knighted many citizens, giving them horses and all knightly accoutrements very nobly, and then he came into England, and set the heart of his said brother in a golden cup upon a pillar at the head of London Bridge Inf. xii. 120. over the river Thames, to keep the English in mind of the outrage sustained. For the which thing, Edward, after he became king, was never friendly towards King Charles, nor to his folk. After like manner, Philip, king of France, departed with his folk, and came and dwelt many days in Florence; and when he was come into France, he buried the body of the good King Louis, his father, with great honour, and had himself crowned with great solemnity at Rheims.

§ 40.—How the Tartars came down into Turkey, and drave thence the 1270 a.d.
1271 a.d. Saracens. §41.—How King Enzo, son of the Emperor Frederick, died in prison at Bologna.

§ 42.—How Pope Gregory came with his court to Florence, and caused peace to be made between the Guelfs and Ghibellines.

In the year 1272, Gregory X., of Piacenza, having returned from his mission over seas, was consecrated and crowned Pope, and because of the great affection and desire which he had to succour the Holy Land, and that a general crusade should set forth over seas, therefore so soon as he was made Pope, he called a general council at Lyons-on-Rhone in Burgundy, and by his mandate caused the electors of Purg. vi. 103-105; vii. 91-96; Convivio iv. 3: 37-42. the empire of Germany to elect as king of the Romans, Rudolf, count of Friburg, which was a valiant man-at-arms, albeit he was of small possessions; but by his prowess he conquered Suabia and Austria; and the duchy of Austria being vacant, since the duke had been slain with Conradino by King Charles, he made Albert, his son, to be duke. The Purg. vi. 97-117.
1273 a.d. aforesaid Pope, the year after his coronation, set forth with his court from Rome to go to Lyons-on-Rhone to the council which he had summoned, and he entered into Florence with his cardinals, and with King Charles, and with the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople, which was of the lineage of the chief house of Flanders. This Baldwin was son of Henry, the brother of the first Baldwin, which conquered Constantinople with the Venetians, as we before made mention. And with the Pope, and with King Charles, there came to Florence many other lords and barons, on the 18th day of June, in the year of Christ 1273, and were received with honour by the Florentines. And the situation of Florence being pleasing to the Pope, by reason of the convenience of the water, and the pure air, and that the court found much comfort there, he purposed to abide there, and pass the summer in Florence. And finding that this good city of Florence was being destroyed by reason of the parties (the Ghibellines being now in exile), he determined that they should return to Florence, and should make peace with the Guelfs; and so it came about, and on the 2nd day of July in the said year, the said Pope, with his cardinals, and with King Charles, and with the said Emperor Baldwin, and with all the barons and gentlemen of the court (the people of Florence being assembled on the sands of the Arno hard by the head of the Rubaconte Bridge, great scaffolds of wood having been erected in that place whereon stood the said lords), gave sentence, under pain of excommunication if it were disobeyed, upon the differences between the Guelf and Ghibelline parties, causing the representatives of either party to kiss one another on the mouth, and to make peace, and to give sureties and hostages; and all the castles which the Ghibellines held they gave back into the hands of King Charles, and the Ghibelline hostages went into Maremma under charge of Count Rosso. The which peace endured but a short time, as hereafter we shall make mention. And on that day the said Pope founded the church of San Gregorio, and called it after his own name, which church was built by them of the house of Mozzi, which were merchants for the Pope and for the Church, and in a little time were come to great riches and state; and the said Pope dwelt in their palaces at the head of the Rubaconte Bridge on the further side of Arno, whilst he abode in Florence; and King Charles abode in the garden of the Frescobaldi, and the Emperor Baldwin at the Bishop's Palace. But on the fourth day thereafter, the Pope departed from Florence, and went to sojourn in Mugello with Cardinal Ottaviano, which was of the house of the Ubaldini, who were his hosts, and who did him great honour. At the end of the summer, the Pope departed, and his cardinals and King Charles, and went over the mountains to Lyons-on-Rhone in Burgundy. And the reason why the Pope departed suddenly from Florence was that when he had caused the representatives of the Ghibelline party to come to Florence, and to kiss the representatives of the Guelfs on the mouth in token of peace, and to remain in Florence to complete the treaty of peace, and they returned to the place of their sojourn in the house of the Tebalducci in Orto San Michele, it was told them, whether it were true or false, that King Charles' marshal, on the petition of the great Guelfs would cause them to be hewn in pieces if they did not depart from Florence. And that this was the cause we believe by reason of the virulence of the factions. And straightway they left Florence and departed, and the said peace was broken; wherefore the Pope was sorely disturbed, and departed from Florence, leaving the city under an interdict, and went, as we have said, to Mugello; and for this cause he continued in great wrath against King Charles.

§ 43.—How Pope Gregory held a council at Lyons on the Rhone. 1274 a.d. §44.—How the Ghibelline party were expelled from Bologna. §45.—How the judge of Gallura with certain Guelfs was driven out of Pisa. §46.—Of a great miracle which came to pass in Baldacca and 1275 a.d. Mansul [Bagdad and Mosul] over seas. §47.—How Count Ugolino with all the remaining Guelfs was driven out of Pisa. §48.—How the Bolognese were discomfited at the bridge of San Brocolo by the Count of Montefeltro and by the Romagnuoli. §49.—How the Pisans were discomfited by the Lucchese at the stronghold of Asciano.

§ 50.—Of the death of Pope Gregory, and of three other Popes after him.

In the year of Christ 1275, on the eighteenth day of the month of December, when Pope Gregory X. was returning from the council at Lyons-on-Rhone, he arrived in the country of Florence; and forasmuch as the city of Florence was under interdict, and her inhabitants excommunicate, because they had not observed the treaty of peace which he had made between the Guelfs and Ghibellines, as was aforesaid, he was not minded to enter into Florence, but by cunning he was led past the old walls, and some said that he could have done no other, because the river Arno was so swollen by rain that he could not cross the ford, but needs must cross over the Rubaconte Bridge, so that unwittingly, and not being able to do otherwise, he entered into Florence; and whilst he was passing over the bridge, and through the Borgo San NicolÒ, he took off the interdict, and passed on, blessing the folk; but so soon as he was without he renewed the interdict, and excommunicated the city afresh, with a wrathful mind repeating that verse of the Psalter which says: "In camo et frÆno maxillas eorum constringe" [Ps. xxxiii. 9]; wherefore the Guelfs which were governing Florence were in great doubt and fear. And the said Pope departing from Florence, went to the abbey at Ripole, and from there straightway he departed to Arezzo; and being come to Arezzo, he fell sick, and as it pleased God, he passed from this life on the tenth day of the following month of January, and was buried in Arezzo with great honour; at whose death the Guelfs of Florence rejoiced greatly, by reason of the evil will which the said Pope had towards them. And when the Pope was dead, straightway the cardinals were shut up, and on the twentieth day of the said month of January they proclaimed as Pope, Innocent V. a Burgundian, which had been a preaching friar and then a cardinal; and he lived as Pope until the following June, so that he 1276 a.d. did little, and died in the city of Viterbo, and was there buried honourably. And after him, on the twelfth day of July, Cardinal Ottobuono dal Fiesco, of the city of Genoa, was elected, which lived as Pope but twenty-nine days, and was called Pope Adrian V., and was Purg. xix. 98-145. buried in Rome. And after him, in the month of September following, Cardinal Piero Spagnuolo was elected Pope, which was called Pope John Par. xii. 134, 135. XXI., and lived as Pope but eight months and some days; for as he was sleeping in his room at Viterbo the ceiling fell down upon him and he 1277 a.d. died; and he was buried at Viterbo on the twentieth day of May, 1277; and the chair was vacant six months. And in that same year there was great scarcity of all victuals, and the bushel of wheat was sold for fifteen shillings, of thirty shillings to the florin. And a great and true vision should be noted concerning the death of the said Pope, which was seen by one of our Florentine merchants of the Company of Apothecaries, which was called Berto Forzetti, and it is well that this should be told. The said merchant had a natural infirmity of a wandering fancy, so that often when sleeping he would rise and sit upon his bed, and speak of strange wonders; and there is yet more, for being questioned by those around him as to what he was saying, he would answer rationally, and all the time he was sleeping. It came to pass, on the night when the said Pope died, the said man being in a ship on the high seas, journeying to Acre, rose and cried out, "Alas, alas!" His companions awoke, and asked him what ailed him; he replied: "I see a gigantic man in black with a great club in his hand, and he is about to break down a pillar, above which is a ceiling." And after a little he cried out again, and said: "He has broken it down, and he is dead." He was asked: "Who?" He replied: "The Pope." The said companions wrote down the words, and the night; and when they were come to Acre, a short time after there came to them the news of the death of the said Pope, which came to pass in that same night. And I, the writer, had testimony of this from those merchants which were present with the said man upon the said ship, and heard the said Berto, which were men of great authority, and worthy of belief; and the fame of this spread throughout all our city. Afterwards was elected Pope Nicholas III., of the house of the Orsini of Rome, which Inf. xix. 69-87. was called by his proper name, Cardinal Gianni Guatani, which lived as Pope two years and nine months and a half. We have spoken of the 1280 a.d. aforesaid Popes because four Popes died in sixteen months. We will say no more, at this present time, of the aforesaid Popes, and we will speak of those things which came to pass in their days in Florence and throughout the world.

§ 51.—How the Florentines and Lucchese defeated the Pisans at the 1275 a.d.
1276 a.d.
1277 a.d. moat called Arnonico. §52.—How the Della Torre of Milan were defeated. §53.—How King Philip of France caused all the Italian money-lenders to be seized.

§ 54.—How Nicholas III., of the Orsini, was made Pope, and concerning that which he did in his time.

In the said year, whereof we related somewhat before, M. Gianni Guatani was made Pope, a cardinal, of the house of the Orsini of Rome, which, whilst he was young, as priest and then cardinal, was virtuous and of good life, and it is said that he was virgin in his body; but after he was called Pope Nicholas III. he had great schemes, and through warmth towards his kinsfolk, he undertook many things to make them great, and was among the first, if not the first, of the Popes in whose court simony was openly practised on behalf of his kindred, by the which thing he increased them much in possessions, and in castles, Inf. xix. 52-84. and in treasure beyond all the Romans, during the short time that he lived. This Pope made seven Roman cardinals, whereof the most part were his kinsfolk; among others, at the prayer of M. Gianni, head of the house of Colonna, his cousin, he made M. Jacopo della Colonna a cardinal, to the end the Colonnesi might not lend aid to the Annibaldeschi, enemies of the Orsini, but might rather aid these latter; and this was held a great thing; because the Church had deprived all the Colonnesi, and those of their kindred, of any ecclesiastical benefice, since the time of Pope Alexander III., forasmuch as they had held with the Emperor Frederick I. against the Church. Afterwards the said Pope caused the noble and great papal palaces to be built at S. Peter's; then he entered into strife with Inf. xix. 98, 99. King Charles by reason that the said Pope had requested King Charles to form an alliance with him by marriage, desiring to give one of his nieces as wife to a nephew of the King's, to which alliance King Charles would not consent, saying, "Albeit he wears red hose, yet is Cf. Inf. xix. 81. not his lineage worthy to mate with ours; and his lordship will not be hereditary." For the which thing the Pope's wrath was kindled against him, and he was no longer his friend, but opposed him secretly in all things, and openly made him renounce the office of Roman senator, and of vicar of the Empire, which he held from the Church during the imperial vacancy; and he was much against him in all his undertakings, and for money which it was said he received from Paleologus, he consented, and gave aid and favour to the plot and rebellion in the island of Sicily, as hereafter we shall narrate; and he took from the Church the castle Santangiolo, and gave it to M. Orso, his nephew. Again the said Pope made Rudolf, king of the Romans, invest him, on behalf of the Church, with the county of Romagna, and the city of Bologna, by reason that he was debtor to the Church for the fulfilment of the promise which he had made to Pope Gregory at the council of Lyons-on-Rhone, when he confirmed his election, to wit that he would pass into Italy, and equip the expedition over seas, as we before made mention; which thing he had not done by reason of his other undertakings and wars in Germany. Now this gift to the Church of the privileges of the country of Romagna and the city of Bologna, neither could nor ought to have been made by right; among other reasons, because the said Rudolf had not yet attained to the imperial benediction; but that which the clergy take, they are slow in giving back. So soon as the said Pope held privilege over Romagna, he made Bertoldo degli Orsini, his nephew, count thereof, in the Church's name, and sent him into Romagna with a company of horsemen and men-at-arms, and with him as legate Brother Latino, of Rome, cardinal of Ostia, his nephew, his sister's son, of the family of the Brancaleoni, of which was the chancellor of Rome by inheritance; and this he did to take the lordship out of the hand of Guido di Montefeltro, which held it and ruled there tyrannically; and this was Inf. xxvii. 67. done in such wise, that in a short time almost all Romagna came under the Church's rule, but not without war and great cost to the Church, as hereafter we will tell in due place and time.

§ 55.—How King Rudolf of Germany defeated and slew the king of 1277 a.d. Bohemia.

§ 56.—How the Cardinal Latino, by the Pope's command, made peace between the Guelfs and Ghibellines of Florence, and composed all the other feuds in the city.

In these times the Guelf magnates of Florence—having rest from their wars without, with victory and honour, and fattening upon the goods of the exiled Ghibellines, and through other gains—by reason of pride and envy began to strive among themselves; whence arose in Florence many quarrels and enmities between the citizens, with death and wounds. Among the greater of these was the contest between the house of the Adimari on the one side, which were very great and powerful, and on the other side the Tosinghi, and the house of the Donati, and the Pazzi, all leagued together against the Adimari in such sort that almost all the city was divided, and one held with one side, and one with the other; wherefore the city and the Guelf party were in great peril. For the which thing the commonwealth and the Captains of the Guelf party sent their solemn ambassadors to the court to Pope Nicholas, that he should take counsel, and give aid in making peace among the Guelfs of Florence; if not, the Guelf party would be broken up, and one side would drive out the other. And in like guise the Ghibelline refugees from Florence sent their ambassadors to the said Pope, to pray and entreat him to put into execution the treaty of peace which Pope Gregory IX. had commanded between them and the Guelfs of Florence. For the foregoing reasons the said Pope put forth and confirmed the said treaty, and ordained a mediator and legate, and committed the said questions to the Cardinal Frate Latino which represented the Church in Romagna; a man of great authority and learning, and highly considered by the Pope, who, by command of the Pope, departed from Romagna, and came to Florence with 300 horsemen, in service of the Church, on the eighth day of the month of October, in the year of Christ 1278, and by the Florentines and the clergy was received with great honour and with a procession, the carroccio coming out to meet him, with many jousters; and afterwards the said legate on the day of S. Luke the Evangelist in that same year and month, founded and blest the first stone of the new church of Santa Maria Novella, which pertained to the Order of Preaching Friars, whereof he was a friar; and in that place of the friars he dealt with and ordained generally the treaties of peace between all the Guelf citizens, and between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. And the first was between the Uberti and the Bondelmonti (and it was the third peace between them), save only that the sons of M. Rinieri Zingane de' Bondelmonte would not consent thereto, and were excommunicated by the legate and banished by the commonwealth. But the peace was not set aside on their account; for afterwards the legate very happily concluded it in the month of February following, when the people of Florence were assembled in parliament on the old piazza of the said church, which was all covered with cloths and with great wooden scaffolds, whereon were the said cardinal, and many bishops, and prelates, and clergy, and monks, and the PodestÀ, and the Captain, and all the counsellors, and the orders of Florence. And at that time a very noble speech was made by the said legate with citation of great and very fine authorities, as behoved the matter, seeing that he was a very dexterous and beautiful preacher; and this done, he caused the representatives ordained by the Guelfs and Ghibellines to kiss one another on the mouth, making peace with great joy among all the citizens, and there were 150 on either side. And in that place, and at that same time, he gave judgment as to the terms and agreements and conditions which were to be observed, both on one side and on the other, confirming the said peace with solemn and authentic documents, and with all due sureties. And from that time forward the Ghibellines and their families were to be allowed to return to Florence; and they did return, and they were free from all sentence of banishment and condemnation; and all the books of condemnation and banishment which were in the chamber were burnt; and the said Ghibellines recovered their goods and possessions, save that to some of the chief leaders, it was commanded for more security of the city that for a certain time they should be under bounds. And when the cardinal legate had done this, he made contracts of peace between single citizens; and the first was that one where had been greatest discord, to wit, between the Adimari, and the Tosinghi, and Donati, and Pazzi, bringing about several marriages between them, and in like manner were all the agreements made in Florence and in the country round about, some willingly, and some by command of the commonwealth, the cardinal having pronounced sentence, with good securities and sureties; by which contracts of peace the said legate won much honour, and well-nigh all of them were observed, and the city of Florence abode thereafter long time in peaceful and good and tranquil state. And the said legate gave and ordained, for the general government of the city, fourteen good men, magnates and popolani, whereof eight were Guelfs and six Ghibellines, and their term of office endured for two months, and there was a certain order in their election; and they assembled in the house of the Badia of Florence, over the gate which goes to Santa Margherita, and returned to their homes to eat and to sleep. And this done, the said Cardinal Latino returned to Romagna to his legation with great honour. We will now leave the affairs of Florence for a while, and we will tell of other things which came to pass in those times, and especially of the revolt of the island of Sicily against King Charles, which was notable and great, and whence afterwards grew much ill; and it was a thing well-nigh marvellous and impossible, and therefore we will treat of it more at large.

§ 57.—How there was a treacherous plot to cause the island of Sicily 1279 a.d.
1281 a.d. to rebel against King Charles. §58.—How Pope Nicholas III., of the Orsini, died, and how Martin of Tours, in France, was made Pope. §59.—How Peter, king of Aragon, promised and vowed to Paleologus and to the Sicilians, to come into Sicily and take the lordship thereof. §60.—How the said king of Aragon set about preparing his armada, and how the Pope sent to him and forbade him.

§ 61.—How and after what manner the island of Sicily rebelled against King Charles.

In the year of Christ 1282, on Easter Monday of the Resurrection, which was the 30th day of March, as had been purposed by M. John of Procita, all the barons and chiefs which had a hand in the plot were in the city of Palermo for Easter, and the inhabitants of Palermo, men and women, going in a body, on horse and on foot, to the festival at Monreale, three miles outside the city (and as those of Palermo went, so also went the Frenchmen, and the captain of King Charles, for their disport), it came to pass, as was purposed by the enemy of God, that a Frenchman in his insolence laid hold of a woman of Palermo to do her villainy; she beginning to cry out, and the people being already sore and all moved with indignation against the French, the retainers of the barons of the island began to defend the woman, whence arose a great battle between the French and the Sicilians, and many were wounded and slain on either side; but those of Palermo came off worst. Straightway, all the people returned in flight to the city, and the men flew to arms, crying, "Death to the French." They gathered Par. viii. 75. together in the market place, as had been ordained by the leaders of the plot; and the justiciary, which was for the king, fighting at the castle, was taken and slain, and as many Frenchmen as were in the city were slain in the houses and in the churches, without any mercy. And this done, the said barons departed from Palermo, and each one in his own city and country did the like, slaying all the Frenchmen which were in the island, save that in Messina they delayed some days before rebelling; but through tidings from those in Palermo giving account of their miseries in a fair epistle, and exhorting them to love liberty and freedom and fraternity with them, the men of Messina were so moved to rebellion that they afterwards did the like of what they of Palermo had done against the French, and yet more. And there were slain in Sicily more than 4,000 of them, and no one could save another though he were never so much his friend, no not if he would lay down his life for him; and if he had concealed him, he must needs yield him up or slay him. This plague spread through all the island, whence King Charles and his people received great hurt both in person and in goods. These adverse and evil tidings the Archbishop of Monreale straightway made known to the Pope and to King Charles by his messengers.

§ 62.—How King Charles complained to the Church, and to the king of 1282 a.d. France, and to all his friends, and the aid which he received from them. §63.—How they of Palermo, and the other Sicilians, sent their ambassadors to Pope Martin. §64.—Of the aid which the commonwealth of Florence sent to King Charles. §65.—How King Charles led an expedition against Messina by sea and by land. §66.—How the king's forces took Melazzo, and how the Messinese sent for the legate to treat for peace with King Charles. §67.—How the treaty of peace was broken which the legate had arranged between King Charles and the Messinese. §68.—How Messina was attacked by King Charles' forces, and how it was defended. §69.—How Peter, king of Aragon, departed from Catalonia and came to Sicily, and how he was made and crowned king by the Sicilians. §70.—Of the parliament Purg. vii. 112, 114-116, 125, 129. which the king of Aragon held in Palermo, to succour the city of Messina. §71.—The letter that the king of Aragon sent to King Charles. §72.—How King Charles called his council and answered the king of Aragon by his letter. §73.—What was King Charles' answer in his letter to the king of Aragon. §74.—How the king of Aragon sent his admiral to capture the fleet of King Charles. §75.—How King Charles must needs depart from the siege of Messina, and how he returned into the Kingdom. §76.—Who was the first Christian king 1281 a.d. of Aragon. §77.—How the Lucchese burnt and destroyed the city of Pescia. §78.—How Rudolf, Emperor elect, sent his vicar into Tuscany.

§ 79.—How the Office of Priors was first created in Florence.

In the year of Christ 1282, the city of Florence being under government of the order of the fourteen good men as the Cardinal Latino had left it, to wit eight Guelfs and six Ghibellines, as we afore made mention, it seemed to the citizens that this government of fourteen was too numerous and confused; and to the end so many divided hearts might be at one, and, above all, because it was not pleasing to the Guelfs to have the Ghibellines as partners in the government by reason of the events which were come to pass (such as the loss which King Charles had already sustained of the island of Sicily, and the coming into Tuscany of the imperial vicar, and likewise the wars begun in Romagna by the count of Montefeltro on the Ghibelline side), for the safety and welfare of the city of Florence they annulled the said office of the fourteen and created and made a new office and lordship for the government of the said city of Florence, to wit, the Priors of the Arts; the which name, Priors of the Arts, means to say "the first," chosen over the others; and it was taken from the Holy Gospel, where Christ says to His disciples, "Vos estis priores." And this invention and movement began among the consuls and council of the art of Calimala, to which pertained the wisest and most powerful citizens of Florence, and the most numerous following, both magnates and popolani, of those which pursued the calling of merchants, seeing the most part of them greatly loved the Guelf party and Holy Church. And the first priors of the Arts were three, whereof the names were these: Bartolo di M. Jacopo de' Bardi, for the sesto of Oltrarno and for the art of Calimala; Rosso Bacherelli, for the sesto of San Piero Scheraggio, for the art of the exchangers; Salvi del Chiaro Girolami, for the sesto of San Brancazio and for the woollen art. And their office began in the middle of June of the said year, and lasted for two months, unto the middle of August, and thus three priors were to succeed every two months, for the three greater Arts. And they were shut up to give audience (sleeping and eating at the charges of the commonwealth), in the house of the Badia where formerly, as we have aforesaid, the Ancients were wont to assemble in the time of the old Popolo, and afterwards the fourteen. And there were assigned to the said priors six constables and six messengers to summon the citizens; and these priors, with the Captain of the Popolo, had to determine the great and weighty matters of the commonwealth, and to summon and conduct councils and make regulations. And when the office had endured the two months, it was pleasing to the citizens; and for the following two months they proclaimed six, one for each sesto, and added to the said three greater Arts the art of the doctors and apothecaries, and the art of the Porta SantÆ MariÆ, and that of the furriers and skin-dressers; and afterwards from time to time all the others were added thereto, to the number of the twelve greater Arts; and there were among them magnates, as well as popolani, great men of good repute and works, and which were artificers or merchants. And thus it went on until the second Popolo was formed in Florence, as hereafter, in due time, we shall relate. From thenceforward there were no magnates among them, but there was added thereto the gonfalonier of justice. And sometimes there were twelve priors, according to the changes in the condition of the city and special occasions that arose; and they were chosen from the number of all the twenty-one Arts, and of those which were not themselves artificers, albeit their forefathers had been artificers. The election to the said office was made by the old priors with the colleges of consuls of the twelve greater Arts, and with certain others which elected the priors for each sesto, by secret votes; and whosoever had most votes the same was made prior; and this election took place in the church of San Piero Scheraggio; and the Captain of the Popolo was stationed over against the said church in the houses which pertained to the Tizzoni. We have said so much of the beginning of this office of the priors, forasmuch as many and great changes followed therefrom to the city of Florence, as hereafter, in due place and time, we shall relate. At present we will leave telling, for a time, of the doings of Florence, and we will tell of other events which came to pass in those times.

§ 80.—How Pope Martin sent M. Jean d'Appia into Romagna, and how he 1282 a.d. took the city of Faenza and besieged ForlÌ.

§ 81.—How M. Jean d'Appia, count of Romagna, was defeated at ForlÌ by the count of Montefeltro.

In the said time, when the said M. Jean d'Appia, count of Romagna, was in Faenza, and was making war against the city of ForlÌ, he dabbled in practices whereby he might gain the said city by treachery; the which practices Count Guido of Montefeltro himself, which was lord of the city, had set in motion and floated, as one that was master both of Inf. xxvii. 76-78. plots and of war, and who knew the folly of the French. At last, on the first day of May, in the year of Christ 1282, the said M. Jean came with his forces in the morning very early before day to the city of ForlÌ, thinking to have it; and as it was ordered by the count of Montefeltro, the entrance to one gate was granted him, which he entered with part of his followers, and part he left without with the orders, if need arose, to succour those within, and if things went against them, to assemble all his forces in a field under a great oak. The French which entered into ForlÌ rode through the city without meeting any opposition; and the count of Montefeltro, which knew all the plot, had gone forth from the city with his followers; and it was said that this same count of Montefeltro was guided by the augury and counsel of one Guido Bonatti, a roof-maker, who had turned astrologer Inf. xx. 118. or the like, and that it was he who prompted his actions; and for this emprise he gave him the standard and said, "Thou hast it at such a pitch, that so long as a rag of it hold, wheresoever thou bearest it thou shalt be victorious." But I more believe that his victories were won by his own wit and mastery of war. And according as he had planned, he charged those without under the tree, and put them to rout. They which had entered in, thinking the city was theirs, had given themselves to plunder and gone into the houses; and as was ordered by the count of Montefeltro, the citizens had taken off the bridles and saddles from the most of their horses; and suddenly the said count, with part of his followers, entered again into ForlÌ by one of the gates, and overran the city; and part of his horse and foot he left in troops drawn up under the oak, as the French had been. M. Jean d'Appia and his men, seeing themselves thus handled, when they thought they had conquered the city, held themselves for dead and betrayed, and whosoever could recover his horse fled from the city, and came to the tree without, thinking to find friends there; and when they came thither they were taken or slain by their enemies, and likewise they which had remained within the city; wherefore the French and the followers of the Church suffered great discomfiture and loss, Inf. xxvii. 44. and there died there many good French knights, and of the Latin leaders, among others, Count Taddeo da Montefeltro, cousin to Count Guido, which by reason of disputes concerning his inheritance held with the Church against the said Count Guido; and there died there Tribaldello de' Manfredi, which had betrayed Faenza, and many others; Inf. xxxii. 122. albeit the count of Romagna, M. Jean d'Appia, escaped with certain others from the said discomfiture, and returned to Faenza.

§ 82.—How ForlÌ surrendered to the Church, and how there was peace 1282 a.d. in Romagna. §83.—How the king of Armenia with a great company of Tartars was defeated at Cammella [Emesa] in Syria by the soldan of Egypt. §84.—How the war between the Genoese and Pisans began. §85.—How the prince, son of King Charles, with many barons of France and of Provence, came to Florence to march against the Sicilians. §86.—How King Charles and King Peter of Aragon engaged to fight in 1283 a.d. single combat at Bordeaux, in Gascony, for the possession of Sicily. §87.—How on the appointed day, King Peter, of Aragon, failed to appear at Bordeaux, wherefore he was excommunicated and deposed by the 1282 a.d.
1283 a.d. Pope. §88.—How there was in Florence a flood of waters and great scarcity of victuals. §89.—How a noble court and festival was held in the city of Florence, whereat all were arrayed in white. §90.—How the Genoese did great hurt to the Pisans returning from Sardinia. §91.—Still of the doings of the Pisans and the Genoese. 1284 a.d. §92.—How the Genoese discomfited the Pisans at Meloria. §93.—How Charles, prince of Salerno, was defeated and taken prisoner at sea, by Ruggeri di Loria, with the fleet of the Sicilians. §94.—How King Charles arrived at Naples with his fleet, and then made ready to pass to Sicily.

§ 95.—How the good King Charles passed from this life at the city of Foggia in Apulia.

When King Charles had returned with his host to Brindisi, he disbanded them and returned to Naples to make his arrangements, and to furnish himself with money and with men to go again to Sicily the coming spring. And like one whose anxious mind could not rest, when mid-December was past, he returned into Apulia, to be at Brindisi to hasten on his fleet. When he was at Foggia, in Apulia, as it pleased God, he fell sick of a grievous sickness, and passed from this life on the day following the Epiphany, on the 7th day of January, in the year of Christ 1284. But before he died, with great contrition taking the Body of Christ, he said with great reverence these words: "Sire Dieu, comme je crois vraiment que vous Étes mon Sauveur, ainsi je vous prie, que vous ayez merci de mon ame; ainsi comme je fis la prise du royaume de Cicile plus pour servir sainte Eglise que pour mon profit ou autre convoitise, ainsi vous me pardonniez mes pÉchÉs;" and a short time Purg. vii. 113, 124, 128. after he passed from this life, and his body was brought to Naples; and after great lamentation had been made over his death, he was buried at the archbishop's at Naples with great honour. Concerning this death of King Charles there was a great marvel, for the same day whereon he died, the tidings of his death were published by one Brother Arlotto, a minister of the Minor Friars, and by M. Giardino da Carmignanola, a teacher in the University; and when this came to the notice of the king of France he sent for them to learn whence they knew it. They said that they knew his nativity, which was under the lordship of Saturn, and by its influence had resulted his exaltations and his adversities; and some said that they knew it by revelation of some spirit, for each of them was a great astrologer and necromancer. This Charles was the most feared and redoubted lord, and the most valiant in arms, and of the most lofty designs, of all the kings of the house of France from Charles the Great to his own day, and the one which most exalted the Church of Rome; and he would have done more if, at the end of his life, fortune had not turned against him. Afterwards there came as guardian and defender of the kingdom, Robert, count of Artois, cousin of the said king, with many French knights, and with the princess, and with the prince's son, grandson to King Charles, which was called after him Charles Martel, and which was some Par. viii. 31, 49-72; ix. 1. twelve or thirteen years old. Of King Charles there remained no other heir than Charles II., prince of Salerno, of whom we have made mention. And this Charles was comely in person, and gracious and Cf. Par. viii. 82, 83; Purg. xx. 79-84. liberal, and whilst his father was living and afterwards he had many children by the princess, his wife, daughter and heiress of the king of Hungary. The first was the said Charles Martel, which was afterwards king of Hungary; the second was Louis, which became a Minor Friar, and afterwards was bishop of Toulouse; the third was Robert, Par. viii. 76-84. duke of Calabria; the fourth was Philip, prince of Taranto; the fifth was Raymond Berenger (count that was to be of Provence); the sixth was John, prince of Morea; the seventh was Peter, count of Eboli.

§ 96.—How the prince, son to King Charles, was condemned to death by 1284 a.d. the Sicilians, and afterwards was sent prisoner into Catalonia by Queen Constance. §97.—How there was a great flood of waters in Florence, which overwhelmed part of the Poggio de' Magnoli. §98.—How the Florentines, with the Genoese and with the Tuscans, made a league against the Pisans, whereby the Ghibellines were driven out of Pisa. §99.—How the Florentines began the foundation of the gates, to build the new walls of the city. §100.—Of the great events that came to pass among the Tartars of Turigio. §101.—How 1285 a.d. the Saracens took and destroyed Margatto in Syria. §102.—How King Philip of France went with a great army against the king of Aragon. §103.—How the king of Aragon was discomfited and wounded by the French, of the which wound he afterwards died. §104.—How the king of France took the city of Gerona, and how his fleet was discomfited at sea.

§ 105.—How the king of France departed from Aragon, and died at Perpignan.

King Philip of France, seeing his fortune so changed and adverse, and his fleet, which was bringing victuals to his host, taken and burnt, was overcome with grief and melancholy in such wise that he fell grievously sick with fever and a flux, wherefore his barons took counsel to depart and return to Toulouse, and of necessity they were forced thereto by lack of victuals, and by reason of the adverse season of autumn, and because of the sickness of their king. And thus they departed about the first day of October, carrying their sick king in a litter, and they dispersed with but little order, each one getting away as best he could and most quickly; wherefore, when they were crossing the difficult pass of the Schiuse through the great mountains of Pirris [? the defiles of the great mountains of Pertus], the Aragonese and Catalans which were at the pass, sought to hinder the passing of the litter wherein the king of France lay sick. And when the French saw this, they gave battle in despair to them which were at the pass, to the end they might not take the body of the king, and by force of arms they broke them up and discomfited them, and drave them from the pass; but many of the French common people on foot were taken and slain, and many mules and horses and much baggage destroyed and taken by the Catalans and Aragonese. And a little while after the departure of the king of France and of his host, the king of Aragon received Gerona back on conditions. And when the host of the king of France in guise as if defeated came to Perpignan, as it pleased God, King Philip of France passed from this life on the 6th Purg. vii. 105. day of October, in the year of Christ 1285; and in Perpignan the queen of Morea, his wife, with her company made great lamentation and sorrow. And afterwards Philip and Charles, his sons, caused the body to be brought to Paris, and he was buried at S. Denys with his predecessors, with great honour. This enterprise against Aragon was attended with greater loss of men and more cost in horses and money, than the realm of France had almost ever suffered in times past; for afterwards the king which succeeded the said Philip, and the greater part of the barons, were always in debt and ill provided with money. And after the death of King Philip of France, King Philip the Fair, his eldest son, was made king of France, and crowned king in the city Cf. Purg. vii. 109. of Rheims, with the Queen Joanna of Navarre, his wife, on the day of the Epiphany next following. And note, that in one year or little Par. xix. 143-148. more, as it pleased God, there died four such great lords of Christendom, as were Pope Martin, and the good Charles, king of Sicily and of Apulia, and the valiant King Peter of Aragon, and the powerful King Philip of France, of whom we have made mention. This King Philip was a lord of a great heart, and in his life did high emprises; first, when he went against the king of Spain, and then against the count of Foix, and then against the king of Aragon, with greater forces than ever his predecessor had gathered. We will leave now speaking of the doings beyond the mountains, whereof we have said enough for this time, and we will go back to speak of the doings of our Italy which came to pass in the said time.

§ 106.—Of the death of Pope Martin IV., and how Honorius de' Savelli 1285 a.d.
Purg. xxiv. 20-24.
1286 a.d. of Rome was made Pope. §107.—How a certain Genoese flotilla was taken by the Pisans. §108.—How Count Guido of Montefeltro, lord of Romagna, surrendered to the Church of Rome. §109.—How Pope Honorius changed the habit of the Carmelite Friars. §110.—How the bishop of Arezzo caused Poggio a Santa Cecilia, in the territory of Siena, to rebel, and how it was recovered. §111.—How there was great scarcity of victual in Italy. §112.—How M. Prezzivalle dal Fiesco came into Tuscany as Imperial Vicar. §113.—How Pope 1287 a.d. Honorius de' Savelli died.

§ 114.—Of a notable thing which came to pass in Florence at this time.

In the said year, M. Matteo da Fogliano di Reggio, being PodestÀ of Florence, had taken and condemned to be beheaded for murder one Totto de' Mazzinghi da Campi, which was a great warrior and leader; and as he was on his way to execution, M. Corso dei Donati with his following would have rescued him from the officers by force; for the which thing the said PodestÀ caused the great bell to be sounded: wherefore all the good people of Florence armed themselves and assembled at the palace, some on horse and some on foot, crying: "Justice, justice." For the which thing the said PodestÀ carried out his sentence, but whereas the said Totto should have been beheaded, he caused him to be dragged along the ground, and then hung by the neck, and he condemned to a fine those who had begun the uproar and impeded justice.

§ 115.—How the Guelfs were driven out of Arezzo, whence war arose between the Florentines and the Aretines. §116.—Of a great fire which broke out in Florence. §117.—How the armada of Charles Martel took the city of Agosta in Sicily, and how their armada was defeated at sea by Ruggeri di Loria. §118.—How a great fire broke out in Florence at the houses of the Cerchi. §119.—Of the calling of Pope Nicholas IV., of Ascoli. §120.—Of a great expedition which 1288 a.d. the commonwealth of Florence made against the city of Arezzo, and how as they departed the Sienese were defeated at the Pieve [parish Inf. xiii. 120, 121. church] al Toppo.

§ 121.—How the judge of Gallura and the Guelf party were driven from Pisa, and the Count Ugolino taken prisoner.

In the year of Christ 1288, in the month of July, great divisions and factions having arisen in Pisa concerning the government, for of one party Judge Nino di Gallura de' Visconti was head with certain Guelfs, Purg. viii. 53. and of another Count Ugolino dei Gherardeschi with another party of the Guelfs, and of a third the Archbishop Ruggeri degli Ubaldini with Inf. xxxiii. 31-33. the Lanfranchi, and Gualandi, and Sismondi, with the other Ghibelline houses. And the said Ugolino, in order to gain power, sided with the archbishop and his party, and betrayed Judge Nino, not considering that he was his grandson, his daughter's son; and they ordained that he should be driven out of Pisa with his followers, or taken prisoner. Judge Nino hearing this, and seeing that he was not well able to defend himself, left the city and went to his castle of Calci, and allied himself with the Florentines and Lucchese to make war against Pisa. Count Ugolino, before the departure of Judge Nino, to the end he might hide his treachery when he had planned the banishment of the judge, departed from Pisa, and went to one of his manors in the country, which was called Settimo. When he heard of the departure of Judge Nino, he returned to Pisa with great rejoicing; and the Pisans made him their lord with great rejoicings and festivities; but he abode only a short time in the government, for Fortune turned against him, as it pleased God, because of his treacheries and crimes; for of a truth it was said that he caused Count Anselm of Capraia, his nephew, his sister's son, to be poisoned, from envy, and because he was beloved in Pisa, and he feared lest he might rob him of his state. And that happened to Count Ugolino, which a little while before had been foretold him by a wise and valiant man of affairs, named Marco Lombardo; for when the count was called by all lord of Pisa, and when Purg. xvi. 46. he was in greatest state and happiness, he prepared a rich feast on his birthday, and invited thereto his sons and grandsons, and all his lineage and kinsfolk, both men and women, with great pomp in dress and ornaments, and preparations for a great festival. The count taking the said Marco, showed him all his grandeur and possessions, and the preparations for his feast; and this done, he asked him: "Marco, what thinkest thou of all this?" The sage answered and said unto him at once: "You are better prepared for evil fortune than any nobleman of Italy." And the count fearing these words of Marco's, said: "Why?" and Marco answered: "Because the wrath of God is the only thing lacking to you." And of a truth the wrath of God soon came upon him, as it pleased God, because of his treacheries and crimes; for when the archbishop of Pisa and his followers had succeeded in driving out Nino and his party, by the counsel and treachery of Count Ugolino, the forces of the Guelfs were diminished; and then the archbishop took counsel how to betray Count Ugolino, and in a sudden uproar of the people, he was attacked and assaulted at the palace, the archbishop giving the people to understand that he had betrayed Pisa, and given up their fortresses to the Florentines and the Lucchese; and being without any defence, the people having turned against him, he surrendered himself prisoner, and at the said assault one of his bastard sons and one of his grandsons were slain, and Count Ugolino was taken, and two of his sons, and three grandsons, his son's children, and they were put in prison; and his household and followers, and the Visconti and Ubizinghi, Guatani, and all the other Guelf houses were driven out of Pisa. And thus was the traitor betrayed by the traitor; wherefore the Guelf party in Tuscany was greatly cast down, and the Ghibellines greatly exalted because of the said revolution in Pisa, and because of the force of the Ghibellines of Arezzo, and because of the power and victories of Don James of Aragon, and of the Sicilians against the heirs of King Charles.

§ 122.—How the Lucchese took the castle of Asciano from the Pisans. 1288 a.d. §123.—How the Pisan mercenaries, coming from Campagna, were routed by the Florentine mercenaries in Maremma. §124.—Of the dash on Latterina made by the Florentines as an attack on Arezzo. §125.—How Prince Charles was released from the prison of the king of Aragon. §126.—Of a great flood of water that was in Florence. §127.—How the Aretines came and laid waste the territory of Florence as far as San Donato in Collina.

§ 128.—How the Pisans chose for captain the count of Montefeltro, and how they starved to death Count Ugolino and his sons and grandsons.

In the said year 1288, in the said month of March, the wars in Tuscany between the Guelfs and Ghibellines becoming hot again (by reason of the war begun by the Florentines and Sienese against the Aretines, and by the Florentines and Lucchese against the Pisans), the Pisans chose for their captain of war Count Guido of Montefeltro, giving him wide jurisdiction and lordship; and he passed the boundaries of Piedmont, within which he was confined by his terms of surrender to the Church, and came to Pisa; for the which thing he and his sons and family, and all the commonwealth of Pisa, were excommunicated by the Church of Rome, as rebels and enemies against Holy Church. And when the said count was come to Pisa in the said month of March, the Pisans which had put in prison Count Ugolino and his two sons, and two sons of Count Guelfo, his son, as we before made mention, in a tower on the Piazza degli Anziani, caused the door of the said tower to be locked, and the keys thrown into the Arno, and refused to the said prisoners any food, which in a few days died there of hunger. And albeit first Inf. xxxiii. 1-90. the said count demanded with cries to be shriven; yet did they not grant him a friar or priest to confess him. And when all the five dead bodies were taken out of the tower, they were buried without honour; and thenceforward the said prison was called the Tower of Hunger, and will be always. For this cruelty were the Pisans greatly blamed throughout the whole world wherever it was known, not so much by reason of the count, which because of his crimes and treacheries was peradventure worthy of such a death, but by reason of his sons and grandsons which were young and innocent boys; and this sin committed by the Pisans did not go unpunished, as in due time hereafter may be found. We will leave speaking, for a while, of the affairs of Florence and of Tuscany, and will tell of other events which took place in the said times and came to pass through the whole world.

§ 129.—How the Saracens took Tripoli in Syria.

§ 130.—Of the coronation of King Charles II., and how he passed through Florence, and left Messer Amerigo di Nerbona as captain of war for the Florentines.

In the said year, on the 2nd day of May, there came to Florence Prince Charles, son of the great King Charles, which was returning from France after he had been loosed from prison, and was going to the court at Rieti where was the Pope; and he was received by the Florentines with great rejoicing, and the Florentines did him much honour and made him many presents; and having sojourned three days in Florence, he departed on his journey towards Siena. And when he was departed, tidings came to Florence that the troops of Arezzo were making ready to go into the country of Siena to hinder or bring shame upon the said Prince Charles, which had but a small company of men-at-arms. Straightway the Florentines caused the horsemen of the cavalry to ride forth, wherein were all the flower of the best families of Florence, together with mercenaries which were in Florence, and they were in number 800 horse, and 3,000 foot, to accompany the prince; wherefore the prince took in very good part such honourable service, and speedy and unasked succour of so many good men, though it came not to the pinch of need withal; for the Aretines having heard of the riding forth of the Florentines, did not venture to go out against them; but nevertheless the Florentines accompanied the said prince beyond Bricola to the borders of the territory of Siena and of Orvieto. And when the commonwealth of Florence asked of the prince to appoint them a captain of war, and also that he would grant them to carry forth the royal standard with the host, the prince allowed it, and knighted Amerigo di Nerbona, a man very noble, and brave and wise in war, and gave him to them for captain; which M. Amerigo with his company, about 100 mounted men, came to Florence with the said horse; and the prince came to the court, and was honourably received by Pope Nicolas IV. and by his cardinals; and the day of Pentecost following, on the 29th day of May, 1289, in the city of Rome the said Charles was crowned by the said Pope, king of Sicily and of Apulia, with great honour, solemnity and rejoicing, and many favours and grand presents of jewels and of money were made to him by the Church, with subsidies of tithes to aid him in his war in Sicily. And this done, King Charles departed from the court, and went into the Kingdom.

§ 131.—How the Florentines defeated the Aretines at Certomondo in Casentino.

In the said year, and month of May, the horsemen of Florence being returned from escorting Prince Charles, with their captain, M. Amerigo di Nerbona, a host was straightway gathered against the city of Arezzo, by reason of outrages received from the Aretines, and the banners of war were given out on the 13th day of May, and the royal standard was borne by M. Gherardo Ventraia de' Tornaquinci; and so soon as they were given to them, they bore them to the abbey at Ripoli, as was their wont, and there they left them under guard, making as though they would march by that road upon the city of Arezzo. And the allies being come and the host being ordered, by secret counsel they purposed to depart by the way of Casentino, and suddenly, the 2nd day of June, the bells sounding a toll, the ever-prosperous host of the Florentines set forth, and they bore the banners which were at Ripoli across the Arno, and held the way of Pontassieve, and encamped to await the gathering of forces on Monte al Pruno; and there were assembled 1,600 horse and 10,000 foot, whereof 600 were citizens with their horses, the best armed and mounted which ever sallied forth from Florence; and 400 mercenaries, together with the following of the Captain, M. Amerigo, in the pay of the Florentines; and of Lucca there were 150 horsemen; and of Prato, 40 horsemen and foot soldiers; of Pistoia, 60 horse and foot; and of Siena, 120 horse; and of Volterra, 40 horse; and of Bologna, their ambassadors with their company; and of Samminiato, and of Sangimignano, and of Colle, men mounted and on foot from each place; and Maghinardo of Susinana, a good and wise captain in war, with his Romagnoli. And the said host being assembled, they descended into the Inf. xxvii. 49-51. Purg. xiv. 118, 119. plain of Casentino, devastating the places of Count Guido Novello, who was PodestÀ of Arezzo. Hearing this, the bishop of Arezzo, with the other captains of the Ghibelline party (for there were many men of name amongst them), determined to come with all their host to Bibbiena, to the end it might not be destroyed; and they were 800 horse and 8,000 foot, very fine men; and many wise captains of war were among them, for they were the flower of the Ghibellines of Tuscany, of the March, and of the Duchy, and of Romagna; and all were men experienced in arms and in war; and they desired to give battle to the Florentines, having no fear, albeit the Florentines were two horsemen to one against them; but they despised them, saying that they adorned themselves like women, and combed their tresses; and they derided them and held them for nought. Truly there was further cause why the Aretines should declare battle against the Florentines, albeit their horsemen were two to one against them; for they were in fear of a plot which the bishop of Arezzo had set on foot with the Florentines, and conducted by M. Marsilio de' Vecchietti, to give over to the Florentines Bibbiena, Civitella, and all the castles of his see, and he to have 5,000 golden florins each year of his life, on the security of the company of the Cerchi. The progress of this plot was interrupted by M. Guiglielmino Pazzo, his nephew, to the end the bishop might not be slain by the Ghibelline leaders; and therefore they hastened the battle, and took thither the said bishop, where he was left dead, together with the rest; and thus was the bishop punished for his treason, who at the same time sought to betray both the Florentines and his own Aretines. And the Florentines, having joyfully received the gage of battle, arrayed themselves; and the two hosts stood over against one another, after more ordered fashion, both on one side and on the other, than ever in any battle before in Italy, in the plain at the foot of Poppi, in the region called Certomondo, for such is the name of the place, and of a church of the Franciscans, which is near there, and in a plain which is called Campaldino; and this was a Saturday morning, the 11th day of June, the day of S. Barnabas the Apostle. M. Amerigo and the other Florentine captains drew up in well-ordered troops, and enrolled 150 forefighters of the best of the host, among the which were twenty new-made knights, who then received their spurs; and M. Vieri de' Cerchi being among the Cf. Par. xvi. 65, 94-96. captains, and being lame in his leg, would not therefore desist from being among the forefighters; and since it fell to him to make the selection for his sesto, he would not lay this service upon any who did not desire to be chosen, but chose himself, and his son and nephews; the which thing was counted to him as of great merit; and for his good example and for shame many other noble citizens offered themselves as forefighters. And this done, they flanked them on either side by troops of light-armed infantry, and crossbowmen, and unmounted lancers. Then, behind the forefighters, came the main body, flanked in its turn by footmen, and, behind all, the baggage, so collected as to close up the rear of the main body, outside of which were stationed two hundred horse and foot of the Lucchese and Pistoians and other Purg. xxiv. 82. Cf. Par. iii. 106, 107. foreigners, whereof was captain M. Corso Donati, which then was PodestÀ of Pistoia; and their orders were to take the enemy in flank, should occasion rise. The Aretines on their part ordered their troops wisely, inasmuch as there were, as we have said, good captains of war amongst them; and they appointed many forefighters, to the number of 300, among the which were chosen twelve of the chief leaders, who were called the Twelve Paladins. And each side having given a war-cry to their host, the Florentines, "Ho, knights, Nerbona," and the Aretines, "Ho, knights, San Donato," the forefighters of the Aretines advanced with great courage, and struck spur to smite into the Florentine host; and the rest of their troop followed after, save that Count Guido Novello, which was with a troop of 150 horse to charge in flank, did not adventure himself into the battle, but drew back, and then fled to his castle. And the movement and assault made upon the Florentines by the Aretines, who esteemed themselves to be valiant men-at-arms, was to the end that by their bold attack they might break up the Florentines at the first onset, and put them to flight; and the shock was so great that most of the Florentine forefighters were unhorsed, and the main body was driven back a good space, but they were not therefore confounded nor broken up, but received the enemy with constancy and fortitude; and the wings of infantry on either side, keeping their ranks well, enclosed the enemy, and there was hard fighting for a good space. And M. Corso Donati, who was apart with the men of Lucca and Pistoia, and had been commanded to stand firm, and not to strike under pain of death, when he saw the battle begun, said, like a valiant man: "If we lose, I will die in the battle with my fellow-citizens; and if we conquer, let him that will, come to us at Pistoia to exact the penalty"; and he boldly set his troop in motion, and struck the enemy in flank, and was a great cause of their rout. And this done, as it pleased God, the Florentines had the victory, and the Aretines were routed and discomfited, and between horse and foot more than 1,700 were slain, and more than 2,000 taken, whereof many of the best were smuggled away, some for friendship, some in return for ransom; but there came of them bound to Florence more than 740. Among the dead left on the field were M. Guiglielmino of the Ubertini, bishop of Arezzo, the which was a great warrior, and M. Guiglielmino de' Pazzi of Valdarno and his nephews, the which was the best and the most experienced captain of war that there was in Italy in his time; Purg. v. 88-129. Inf. xxvii. 68-129. and there died there Bonconte, son of Count Guido of Montefeltro, and three of the Uberti, and one of the Abati, and two of the Griffoni of Fegghine, and many other Florentine refugees, and Guiderello d'Alessandro of Orvieto, a renowned captain, who bore the imperial standard, and many others. On the side of the Florentines was slain no man of renown save M. Guiglielmo Berardi, bailiff of M. Amerigo da Nerbona, and M. Bindo del Baschiera de' Tosinghi, and Ticci de' Visdomini; but many other citizens and foreigners were wounded. The news of the said victory came to Florence the same day, at the same hour that it took place, for after their meal, the Priors being gone to sleep and repose, after the care and wakefulness of the past night, suddenly there was a knocking on the chamber door, with the cry: "Arise, for the Aretines are discomfited"; and having risen and opened the door, they found no one, and their servants without had heard nothing, wherefore it was held to be a great and notable marvel, inasmuch as no person came from the host with tidings before the hour of vespers. And this was the truth, for I heard it and saw it; and all the Florentines marvelled whence this could be, and awaited the issue in suspense. But when they arrived which came from the host, and reported the tidings in Florence, there was great gladness and rejoicing; and there was good cause, for at the said discomfiture were slain many captains and valiant men of the Ghibelline party, and enemies of the commonwealth of Florence, and there were brought low the arrogance and pride not only of the Aretines, but of the whole Ghibelline party and of the Empire.

§ 132.—How the Florentines besieged the city of Arezzo, and laid waste the region round about.

After the said victory of the commonwealth over the Aretines, the trumpet was sounded for the return from pursuing the fugitives, and the Florentine host was marshalled upon the field; and this done, they departed to Bibbiena, and took it without any resistance; and having plundered and despoiled it of all its wealth and much booty, they caused the walls and the fortified houses to be destroyed to the foundations, and many other villages round about, and they abode there eight days. Whereas, if on the day following, the Florentine host had ridden upon Arezzo, without doubt they would have taken the city; but during that sojourn they that had escaped from the battle returned thither, and the peasants round about took refuge there, and order was taken for the defence and guard of the city. The host of the Florentines came thither after some days, and laid siege to the city, continually laying waste the region round about, and taking their fortresses, so that they gained them nearly all, some by force, and some on conditions; and the Florentines caused many thereof to be destroyed, but they kept possession of Castiglione of Arezzo, and Montecchio, and Rondine, and Civitella, and Laterina, and Montesansavino. And with the host there went two of the Priors of Florence as inspectors; and the Sienese came in a body, with much force of horse and foot, after the defeat, to regain their lands taken by the Aretines, and they took Lucignano of Arezzo, and Chiusura of Valdichiane, on conditions. And the said Florentine host being at Arezzo, in the old palace of the bishops, for twenty days, they laid Inf. xxii. 4, 5.
Cf. Par. xvi. 42. waste all round about them, and they ran their races there on the feast of S. Giovanni, and erected there many engines, and hurled into the city asses with mitres on their heads, in contempt and reproach of their bishop, and raised many wooden towers and other works to attack the city; and a fierce battle ensuing, a great part of the palisade (for there was not then any other wall in that part) was burnt and laid low; and if the captains of the host had made the besiegers fight lustily, they would have taken the city by storm; but where they should have fought, they caused the retreat to be sounded, wherefore they were held in abomination, forasmuch as this was done through greed of gain; for the which cause the people and the combatants, losing heart, were slack in skirmishing and on guard; wherefore the night following they of Arezzo issued forth and set fire to many wooden towers, and burnt them, with many other works. And this done, the Florentines lost hope of taking the city by battle, and the better part of the host departed, leaving the aforesaid strongholds guarded, to the end they might continually harry the city; and the host returned to Florence on the 23rd day of July with great rejoicing and triumph, and there came to meet them the clergy in procession, the men of birth jousting, and the populace with the standards and ensigns of each of the Arts, with its company; and they set a canopy of cloth of gold over the head of M. Amerigo di Nerbona, borne upon pikes by many knights, and likewise over M. Ugolino de' Rossi of Parma, which was then PodestÀ of Florence. And note that all the expenses of the said host were furnished by our commonwealth by a tax of six and a quarter per cent., which raised more than 36,000 golden florins, so well ordered were then the registers of the city and country; and the other affairs and revenues of the commonwealth were equally well ordered. True it is that after the return of the said host the popolani began to suspect that the magnates, through pride of the said victory, might lay burdens on them beyond accustomed usage; and for this cause the seven greater Arts drew to themselves the five lesser Arts, and made ready among themselves arms, and shields, and certain standards, and this was in a sense a beginning of the Popolo, which afterwards took the form of the Popolo of 1292, as hereafter we shall narrate. From the aforesaid victory the city of Florence was much exalted, and rose to good and happy state, the best which it had seen until these times, and it increased greatly in people and in wealth, for every one was gaining by some merchandise, art, or trade; and it continued in peaceful and tranquil state for many years after, rising every day. And by reason of gladness and well-being, every year, on the first day of May, they formed bands and companies of gentle youths, clad in new raiment, and raised pavilions covered with cloth and silk and with wooden walls, in divers parts of the city; and likewise there were bands of women and of maidens going through the city dancing in ordered fashion, and ladies, by two and two, with instruments, and with garlands of flowers on their heads, continuing in pastimes and joyance, and at feasts and banquets.

§ 133.—Of a fierce and violent battle between the duke of Brabant 1289 a.d. and the count of Luxemburg. §134.—How Don James came from Sicily into Calabria with his armada, and there received some loss, and afterwards laid siege to Gaeta. §135.—How Charles Martel was Par. viii. 64-66. crowned king of Hungary. §136.—How they of Chiusi were routed, and the Guelf refugees restored. §137.—How the Lucchese, with the forces of Florence, marched upon the city of Pisa. §138.—Of an expedition that the Florentines made wherein they should have had Arezzo yielded up to them. §139.—Of a great fire that broke out in Florence in the house of the Pegolotti. §140.—How the Florentines and their allies made a third expedition against Arezzo. §141.—How Porto Pisano was taken and laid waste by the Florentines and Genoese and Lucchese. §142.—How the marquis of Montferrat was taken Purg. vii. 136. Convivio iv. 11: 126. prisoner by them of Alexandria. §143.—Of a great miracle that came to pass in Paris concerning the body of Christ. §144.—How they of Ravenna seized the count of Romagna, who was there to represent the Church.

§ 145.—How the soldan of Babylon conquered by force the city of Acre, to the great hurt of the Christians.

In the year of Christ 1291, in the month of April, the soldan of Babylon [Cairo] of Egypt having first garrisoned and provisioned Syria, traversed the desert and came into the said Syria with his host, and laid siege to the city of Acre, which of old was called in the Scriptures Ptolemais, and now is called Acon in Latin; and the soldan had with him so much people, both foot and horse, that his host stretched over more than twelve miles. But before we tell more of the loss of Acre, we will tell the reason why the soldan came to besiege it, and took it, as it was related to us by trustworthy fellow-citizens of our own, and merchants which were in Acre at that time. It is true that, because the Saracens had in foregoing times taken from the Christians the city of Antioch, and of Tripoli, and of Tyre, and many other towns which the Christians held on the seashore, the city of Acre had greatly increased, both in folk and in power, forasmuch as no other city was held by the Christians in Syria; so that the kings of Jerusalem, and of Cyprus, and the princes of Antioch, and of Tyre, and of Tripoli, and the Orders of the Templars and the Hospitallers, and other Orders, and the Pope's legates, and they which had gone over seas from the kings of France and of England, all gathered at Acre, and there were there seventeen hereditary lordships, which was a great confusion. And at that time there was truce between the Christians and the Saracens, and there were there more than 18,000 pilgrims who had taken the cross; and their pay not being forthcoming, and because they could not get it from the lords and states which had sent them forth, part of them, which were wild and lawless men, scrupled not to break the truce, and to rob and to slay all the Saracens which were in Acre, under the security of the truce, with their merchandise and victuals; and in like manner they went through many villages round about Acre, robbing and slaying the Saracens. For the which thing, the soldan holding himself much aggrieved, sent his ambassadors to Acre to those lords, demanding compensation for the wrongs that had been committed, and that for his honour and the satisfaction of his people, there should be sent to him as prisoners some of the chiefs and leaders of them which had broken the truce, to the end that he might execute justice upon them, the which requests were denied him. Wherefore he came with his army, as we have said, and because of the multitude of his people, by force they filled up part of the moats, which were very deep, and took the outer circle of the walls; and the next circle they caused in part to fall by the aid of mines and engines; and they took the great tower, which was called Accursed, because it had been foretold that by it Acre should be lost. But with all this they could not take the city, for albeit the Saracens broke down the walls by day, by night they were repaired and stopped up with planks, or with sacks of wool and of cotton, and vigorously defended on the day following, by the wise and valiant brother, Guillaume de Beaujeu, master of the Temple, which was captain-general of the war and of the defence of the city, and had, with much prowess and foresight and care, vigorously defended the city. But as it pleased God, and to punish the sins of the inhabitants of Acre, the said master of the Temple, lifting up his right arm in the combat, was shot by a Saracen with a poisoned arrow, which entered into the joints of his cuirass, by the which wound he shortly after died; and because of his death the whole city was moved and put in fear; and by reason of the confusion of so many lords and captains, as we before said, all fell into disorder, and there was discord in the guard and defence of the city; and each one who could gave heed to his own safety, taking refuge in ships and in other vessels which were in the port. For the which cause the Saracens, continuing the attacks by day and by night, entered the city by force and traversed it, robbing everywhere and slaying all who came in their way, and the young men and maidens they carried off as slaves; and there were of slain and prisoners, men, women and children, more than 60,000; and the loss of goods and booty was infinite. And having collected the booty and treasures, and carried away the prisoners out of the city, they broke down the walls and strongholds, and set fire to them, and destroyed all the city, whereby Christendom sustained very great hurt, for by the loss of Acre there remained in the Holy Land no city pertaining to the Christians; and never again was any one of the good trading cities, which are on our sea-shores and borders, worth one-half of its former profit in merchandise and arts; because of the loss of the city and port of Acre, by reason of its good situation right on the brow of our sea, and in the midst of Syria, and well-nigh in the midst of the inhabited world, seventy miles distant from Jerusalem, a magazine and port for all merchandise, both from the East and from the West; and all races of men in the world met there to barter merchandise; and there were interpreters there of all the languages of the world, so that it was like one of the elements of the world. And this disaster was not without the great and just judgment of God, for that city was more full of sinful men and of women of every kind of abandoned vice than any other Christian city. When the sorrowful tidings came to the West, the Pope proclaimed great indulgences and pardons to whosoever should give aid and succour to the Holy Land, sending word to all Christian lords that he purposed a general crusade; and he forbade, under pain of severe judgments and excommunications, that any Christian should go to Alexandria or the land of Egypt with merchandise, or victuals, or wood, or iron, or should give aid and favour there in any wise.

§ 146.—Of the death of King Rudolf of Germany.

In the said year 1291, King Rudolf of Germany died, but he never attained to the honours of the Empire, because he was always intent upon increasing his state and lordship in Germany, leaving the Purg. vi. 103-105. enterprises of Italy that he might increase land and possessions for his sons; who, by his energy and valour, from a small count rose to be Emperor, and gained for himself the duchy of Austria, and a great part of the duchy of Suabia.

§ 147.—How King Philip of France caused all the Italians to be taken prisoner, and then ransomed. §148.—How the Pisans recaptured the fortress of Pontadera.

§ 149.—How the city of ForlÌ in Romagna was taken by Maghinardo da Susinana.

In the said year all the county of Romagna, being obedient to Holy Church, and under the care of the bishop of Arezzo, which was count thereof for the Pope, Maghinardo da Susinana, with certain nobles and great men of Romagna, took the city of ForlÌ by theft, and in it they took the Count Aghinolfo of Romena with his sons, which was brother to the said count bishop of Arezzo; and they besieged the said count bishop in Cesena; whence arose great war in Romagna. The said Maghinardo was a great and wise tyrant, holding many castles between Casentino and Romagna, and having many followers; and he was wise in war and very fortunate in many battles, and in his time did great things. He was a Ghibelline by race and by his works, but with the Florentines he was a Guelf and the enemy of all their enemies, whether Cf. Inf. xxvii. 49-51. they were Guelfs or Ghibellines; and in every expedition and battle which the Florentines undertook, whilst he was alive, he was with his people in their service as a captain; and this was because, when his father died, which was called Piero Pagano, a great nobleman, leaving the said Maghinardo, a young child and with many enemies, to wit, the Counts Guidi and the Ubaldini and other lords of Romagna, this said father left him to the care and tutelage of the people and commonwealth of Florence, him and his lands; by the which commonwealth his patrimony was benignly increased and guarded and improved, and for this cause he was grateful and very faithful to the commonwealth of Florence in all its needs.

§ 150.—How the Florentines took the castle of Ampinana. 1292 a.d. §151.—How Pope Nicholas, of Ascoli, died. §152.—How the whole city of Noyon, in France, was burnt. §153.—How Adolf was elected king of the Romans. §154.—How the Florentines marched upon the city of Pisa. §155.—Of the miracles which were manifested in Florence by S. Maria d'Orto San Michele.

END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VII.

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