§ 1.—1220 a.d.
Inf. x. 119; xiii. 59, 68, 75; xxiii. 66. Purg. xvi. 117. Par. iii. 120. Convivio iv. Canzone, ver. 21; also cap. 3: 37-44; 10: 6-12. De Vulg. El. i. 12: 20-35. Epist. vi. (5) 126-135. Par. iii. 118-120.In the year of Christ 1220, on the day of St. Cecilia in November, there was crowned and consecrated Emperor at Rome Frederick II., king of Sicily, son of the Emperor Henry of Suabia, and of the Empress Constance, by Pope Honorius III., with great honour. In the beginning he was a friend of the Church, and well might he be, so many benefits and favours had he received from the Church, for through the Church his father Henry had for wife Constance, queen of Sicily, and for dowry the said realm, and the kingdom of Apulia; and when his father was dead, he being left a little child, was cared for and guarded by the Church as by a mother, and also his kingdom was defended, and he was elected king of the Romans against the Emperor Otho IV., and he was afterwards crowned Emperor, as aforesaid. But he, son of ingratitude that he was, not acknowledging Holy Church as a mother, but as a hostile stepmother, in all things was her enemy and persecutor, he and his sons, almost more than his precursors, as hereafter we shall make mention. This Frederick reigned thirty years as Emperor, and was a man of great capacity and of great valour, wise in books, and of natural intelligence, universal in all things; was acquainted with the Latin tongue, and with our vernacular, with German and French, Greek and Arabic, of abounding talents, liberal and courteous in giving, courageous and prudent in arms, and was much feared. And he was dissolute and licentious after divers fashions, and had many concubines and catamites, after the manner of the Saracens, and he sought indulgence in all bodily pleasures, and led an epicurean life, not taking account that there were ever another life; and this was one chief cause why he became the enemy of the clergy and of Holy Inf. x. 119. Church. And the other was his greed in taking and sequestrating the revenues of Holy Church, to squander them evilly. And many monasteries and churches he destroyed in his kingdom of Sicily and Apulia, and throughout all Italy, and this, either through his own vices and defects, or by reason of the rulers of Holy Church who could not or Cf. Purg. xvi. 115-117. would not deal with him, nor be content that he should have the Imperial rights, wherefore he subdued and smote Holy Church; or because that God permitted it as a Divine judgment, because the rulers of the Church had been the means through whom he became the child of the holy nun, Constance, they not remembering the persecutions which Henry, his father, and Frederick, his grandfather, had caused Holy Church to endure. This Frederick did many noteworthy things in his time, and raised in all the chief cities of Sicily and of Apulia, strong and rich fortresses which are still standing, and built the fortress of Capovana, in Naples, and the towers and gate upon the bridge over the river of Volturno at Capua, the which are very marvellous; and he made the park for sport on the marsh of Foggia in Apulia, and made the hunting park near Gravina and Amalfi in the mountains. In winter he abode at Foggia, and in summer in the mountains, for the delights of the chase. And many other noteworthy things he caused to be made, as the castle of Prato, and the fortress of Samminiato, and many other things, as we shall make mention hereafter. And he had two sons by his first wife, Henry and Conrad, whom he caused each one during his lifetime to be elected king of the Romans; and by the daughter of King John of Jerusalem he had King Giordano, and by others he had King Frederick (from whom are descended the lineage of those who are called of Antioch), King Enzo and King Manfred, who were great enemies to Holy Church; and during his life he and his sons lived and ruled with much earthly splendour; but in the end he and his sons because of their sins came to an ill end, and their line was extinguished, as we shall make mention hereafter.

§ 2.—Of the cause why war broke out between the Florentines and the Pisans. §3.—How the Pisans were routed by the Florentines at 1222 a.d.
1224 a.d. Casteldelbosco. §4.—How the Florentines marched against Fegghine, and built l'Ancisa.

§ 5.—How the Florentines led an army against Pistoia, and laid waste the country round about.

In the year of Christ 1228, when M. Andrea of Perugia was PodestÀ of Florence, the Florentines led an army against Pistoia with the Carroccio, and this was because the Pistoians were making war against Montemurlo, and ill-treating it; and the said host laid waste the country round about the city up to the suburbs, and destroyed the towers of Montefiore which were very strong; and the fortress of Carmignano surrendered to the commonwealth of Florence. And note that upon the rock of Carmignano there was a tower seventy cubits high, and thereupon two arms in marble, whereof the hands were 'making the Cf. Inf. xxv. 1-3. figs' at Florence; wherefore the artificers of Florence, to express contempt for money or ought else offered to them, were wont to say: "I can't see it, for the fortress of Carmignano is in the way." And the Pistoians hereupon agreed to whatever terms the Florentines might devise, and caused the said fortress of Carmignano to be destroyed.

§ 6.—How the Sienese renewed the war with the Florentines on account 1229 a.d.
1232 a.d.
1233 a.d.
1234 a.d.
1235 a.d. of Montepulciano. §7.—Of a great miracle that came to pass in S. Ambrogio in Florence, concerning the body of Christ. §8.—Yet again of the war of the Florentines with the Sienese. §9.—Of the conflagration in Florence. §10.—Yet again of the war with Siena. §11.—The same. §12.—Of the conflagration in Florence. §13.—How peace was made between the Florentines and the Sienese.

§ 14.—How the Emperor Frederick came to enmity with the Church.

After that Frederick II. was crowned by Pope Honorius, as we have aforesaid, in the beginning he was the friend of the Church, but a little time after, through his pride and avarice, he began to usurp the rights of the Church throughout all his Empire, and in the realm of Sicily and Apulia, appointing bishops and archbishops and other prelates, and driving away those sent by the Pope, and raising imposts and taxes from the clergy, doing shame to Holy Church; for the which thing by the said Pope Honorius, which had crowned him, he was cited, and admonished that he should leave to Holy Church her rights, and render the dues. But the Emperor perceived himself to be great in power and estate, alike through the force of the Germans and through that of the realm of Sicily, and that he was lord over sea and land, and was feared by all the rulers of Christendom, and also by the Saracens, and was buttressed around by the sons which he had of his first wife, daughter of the landgrave of Germany, to wit Henry and Conrad, the which Henry he had caused to be crowned in Germany king of the Romans, and Conrad was duke of Suabia, and Frederick of Antioch, his first natural son, he made king, and Enzo, his natural son, was king of Sardinia, and Manfred prince of Taranto; wherefore he would not yield obedience to the Church, but rather was he obstinate, living after the fashion of the world, in all bodily delights. For the which thing by the said Pope Honorius he was excommunicated the year of Christ 1220, and did not for that reason cease from persecuting the 1220 a.d. Church, but so much the more usurped its rights, and so remained the enemy of the Church and of the Pope Honorius as long as he lived. The which Pope passed from this life the year of Christ 1226, and after 1226 a.d. him was made Pope Gregory IX., born at Alagna in the Campagna, the which reigned as pope fourteen years; the which Pope Gregory had a great war with the Emperor Frederick, forasmuch as the Emperor would in no wise relinquish the rights and jurisdiction of Holy Church, but rather the more usurped them; and many churches of the kingdom he caused to be pulled down and deserted, laying heavy imposts upon the clergy and the churches; and whereas there were certain Saracens in the mountains of Trapali in Sicily, the Emperor, that he might be the more secure in the island, and might keep them at a distance from the Saracens of Barbary, and also to the end that by them he might keep in fear his subjects in Apulia, by wit and promises drew them from those mountains, and put them in Apulia in an ancient deserted city, which of old was in league with the Romans, and was destroyed by the Samnites, to wit by those of Benivento, the which city was then called Licera, and now is called Nocera, and they were more than 20,000 men-at-arms; and that city they rebuilt very strong; the which ofttimes overran the places of Apulia to lay them waste. And when the said Emperor Frederick was at war with the Church, he caused them to Cf. De Vulg. El. i. 10: 50, 63. i. 11: 20. i. 13: 31. Par. xi. 53. come into the duchy of Spoleto, and besieged at that time the city of Assisi, and did great harm to Holy Church; for the which thing the said Pope Gregory confirmed against him the sentence given by Pope Honorius his predecessor, and again gave sentence of excommunication against him, the year of Christ 1230. 1230 a.d.

§ 15.—How peace was made between Pope Gregory and the Emperor 1233 a.d. Frederick. §16.—How the Church ordered a crusade over seas, whereof the Emperor Frederick was captain, and how, after the expedition had set forth, he turned back. §17.—How the Emperor 1234 a.d.
1236 a.d. Frederick passed over seas, and made peace with the Soldan, and recovered Jerusalem, against the will of the Church. §18.—How the Emperor returned from over seas because the Kingdom had rebelled against him, and how he began war again with the Church. §19.—How 1237 a.d.
1239 a.d.
1240 a.d. the Emperor Frederick caused the Pisans to capture at sea the prelates of the Church which were coming to the council. §20.—How the Milanese were discomfited by the Emperor. §21.—How the Emperor Frederick besieged and took the city of Faenza.

§ 22.—How the Emperor laid hold of King Henry, his son.

In these same times (albeit it had begun before) Henry Sciancato [the Lame], the first-born of the said Emperor Frederick, who had had him chosen king of the Romans by the electors of Germany as aforesaid, perceiving that the Emperor his father was doing all he might against Holy Church, and feeling the same heavy upon his conscience, time and again reproved his father, for that he was doing ill; whereat the Emperor set himself against him, and neither loving him nor dealing with him as with a son, raised up false accusers who testified that the said Henry had it in his mind to rebel against him as concerning his Empire, at the request of the Church. On the which plea (were it true or false) he seized his said son, King Henry, and two sons of his, little lads, and sent them into Apulia, into prison severally; and there he put him to death by starvation in great torment, and Purg. iii. 121. afterward Manfred put his sons to death. The Emperor sent to Germany, and again had Conrad, his second son, elected king of the Romans in succession to himself; and this was the year of Christ 1236. Then after a certain time the Emperor put out the eyes of that wise man 1236 a.d.
Inf. xiii. 31-108. Master Piero dalle Vigne, the famous poet, accusing him of treason, but this came about through envy of his great estate. And thereon the said M. Piero soon suffered himself to die of grief in prison, and there were who said that he himself took away his own life.

§ 23.—How the war began between Pope Innocent IV. and the Emperor Frederick.

It came to pass afterwards, as it pleased God, that there was elected Pope Messer Ottobuono dal Fiesco, of the counts of Lavagna of Genoa, Cf. Purg. xix. 100-102. the which was cardinal, and was made Pope as being the greatest friend and confidant whom the Emperor Frederick had in Holy Church, to the end there might be peace between the Church and him; and he was called Pope Innocent IV., and this was the year of Christ 1241, and he reigned as Pope eleven years, and added to the Church many cardinals from divers countries of Christendom. And when he was elected Pope, the tidings were brought to the Emperor Frederick with great rejoicing, knowing that he was his great friend and protector. But the Emperor, when he heard it, was greatly disturbed, whence his barons marvelled much, and he said: "Marvel not; for this election will be of much hurt to us; for he was our friend when cardinal, and now he will be our enemy as Pope;" and so it came to pass, for when the said Pope was consecrated, he demanded back from the Emperor the lands and jurisdictions which he held of the Church, as to which request the Emperor held him some time in treaty as to an agreement, but all was vanity and deception. In the end, the said Pope seeing himself to have been led about by deceitful words, to the hurt and shame of himself and of Holy Church, became more an enemy of the Emperor Frederick than his predecessors had been; and seeing that the power of the Emperor was so great that he ruled tyrannously over almost the whole of Italy, and that the roads were all taken and guarded by his guards, so that none could come to the court of Rome without his will and license, the said Pope seeing himself in the said manner thus besieged, sent secret orders to his kinsfolk at Genoa, and caused twenty galleys to be armed, and straightway caused them to come to Rome, and thereupon embarked with all his cardinals and with all his court, and immediately caused himself to be conveyed to his city of Genoa without any opposition; and having tarried some time in Genoa, he came to Lyons on the Rhone, by the way of Provence; and this was the year of Christ 1241.

§ 24.—Of the sentence which Pope Innocent pronounced at the council of Lyons-on-Rhone, upon the Emperor Frederick.

When Pope Innocent was at Lyons, he called a general council in the said place, and invited from throughout the whole world bishops and archbishops and other prelates, who all came thither; and there came to see him as far as the monastery of Crugni [Clugny] in Burgundy the good King Louis of France, and afterwards he came as far as to the council at Lyons, where he offered himself and his realm to the service of the said Pope and of Holy Church against the Emperor Frederick, and against all the enemies of Holy Church; and then he took the cross to go over seas. And when King Louis was gone the Pope enacted sundry things in the said council to the good of Christendom, and canonized sundry saints, as the Martinian Chronicle makes mention where it treats of him. And this done, the Pope summoned the said Frederick to the said council, as to a neutral place, to excuse himself of thirteen articles proved against him of things done against the faith of Christ, and against Holy Church; the which Emperor would not there appear, but sent thither his ambassadors and representatives—the bishop of Freneborgo [Freiburg] in Germany, and Brother Hugh, master of the mansion of S. Mary of the Germans, and the wise clerk and master Piero dalle Vigne of the Kingdom, who, making Inf. xiii. 55-78. excuses for the Emperor that he was not able to come by reason of sickness and suffering in his person, prayed the said Pope and his brethren to pardon him, and averred that he would cry the Pope mercy, and would restore that which he had seized of the Church; and they offered, if the Pope would pardon him, that he would bind himself so to frame it that within one year the soldan of the Saracens should render up to his command the Holy Land over seas. And the said Pope, hearing the endless excuses and vain offers of the Emperor, demanded of the said ambassadors if they had an authentic mandate for this, whereon they produced a full authorization, under the golden seal of the said Emperor, to promise and undertake it all. And when the Pope had it in his hand, in full council, the said ambassadors being present, he denounced Frederick on all the said thirteen criminal articles, and to confirm it said: "Judge, faithful Christians, whether Frederick betrays Holy Church and all Christendom or no: for according to his mandate he offers within one year to make the soldan restore the Holy Land, very clearly showing that the soldan holds it through him, to the shame of all Christians." And this said and declared, he caused the process against the said Emperor to be published; and condemned him and excommunicated him as a heretic and persecutor of Holy Church, laying to his charge many foul crimes proved against him; and he deprived him of the lordship of the Empire, and of the realm of Sicily, and of that of Jerusalem, absolving from all fealty and oaths all his barons and subjects, excommunicating whoever should obey him, or should give him aid or favour, or further should call him Emperor or king. And the said sentence was passed at the said council at Lyons on the Rhone, the year of Christ 1245, the 17th of July. The principal causes why Frederick was condemned were four: first, forasmuch as when the Church invested him with the realm of Sicily and of Apulia, and afterwards with the Empire, he swore to the Church before his barons, and before the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople, and before all the court of Rome, to defend Holy Church in all her honours and rights against all men, and to pay the rightful tribute, and to restore all the possessions and jurisdictions of Holy Church, of the which things he had done the contrary, and was perjured, and treacherous, and had vilely and wrongfully defamed Pope Gregory IX. and his cardinals by his letters throughout the whole world. The second thing was, that he broke the peace made by him with the Church, not remembering the pardons granted to him by withdrawal of the excommunications, and with respect to all the misdeeds done by him against Holy Church; and in that peace he had sworn and promised never to injure those who had been with the Church against him; but he had done quite the contrary, seeing that he had scattered them all, either by death or by exile, them and their families, taking away their possessions, and had not restored either to the Templars or to the Hospitallers their mansions which he had occupied, the which by the articles of the peace he had promised to restore and give back; and by force he had kept vacant eleven archbishoprics, with many bishoprics and abbeys in the Empire and in the Kingdom, not suffering those who were duly elected by the Pope to hold or to till them; doing violence and extortions on sacred persons, constraining them to appear and plead before his bailiffs and secular lords. The third cause was the sacrilege he had done, when by the galleys of Pisa, and by his son King Enzo, he had taken the cardinals and many prelates at sea, as we afore told, and caused some to be drowned in the sea, and kept some dying in cruel and harsh prisons. The fourth cause was, because he was found and convicted in many articles of heresy in the faith; and certainly he was no Christian Catholic, living always more after his delight and pleasure than according to reason or just law; and in fellowship with the Saracens. Likewise he used the Church and her offices but little or not at all, and did no alms; so that not without great and evident causes he was deposed and condemned; and albeit he did much injury and persecution to Holy Church after that he was condemned, yet in a short time every honour and state and power and greatness God took from him, and showed him His wrath, as we shall make mention hereafter. And because many have made question, who was to blame in the quarrel, whether the Church or the Emperor, hearing his excuses in his letters, therefore to this I make answer and say, that manifestly not by one divine miracle but by many was it shown that the Emperor was to blame, as God showed by open and visible judgments in His wrath upon Frederick and his seed.

§ 25.—How the Pope and the Church caused a new Emperor to be elected in place of Frederick, the deposed Emperor.

The said Frederick being deposed and condemned, as has been afore said, the Pope sent word to the electors of Germany who elect the king of the Romans, that they should without delay make a new choice for the Empire; and this was done, for they elected William, count of Holland and landgrave, a valiant lord, to whom the Church gave her support, causing a great part of Germany to rebel, and gave indulgence and pardon as if they were going over seas, to whoever should be against the said Frederick; whence in Germany there was great war between the said elected King William of Holland and King Conrad, son of the said Frederick; but the war endured but a short time, for the said King William died, the year of Christ . . . and the said Conrad reigned in Germany, whom his father Frederick the Emperor had caused to be elected king, as we shall make mention. From this sentence Frederick appealed to the successor of Pope Innocent, and sent his letters and messengers throughout all Christendom, complaining of the said sentence, and setting forth how iniquitous it was, as appears by his epistle written by the said Messer Piero dalle Vigne, which begins, after the salutation: "Although we believe, that words of the already current tidings, etc." But considering the real facts as to the process, and as to the deeds of Frederick against the Church, and as to his dissolute and uncatholic life, he was guilty and deserving of the deposition, for the reasons set forth in the said process; and afterwards for the deeds done by the said Frederick after his deposition; for if before he was and had been cruel and persecuting to Holy Church and to the believers in Tuscany and in Lombardy, afterwards he was much more so, as long as he lived, as hereafter we shall make mention. We will now leave for a time the story of the doings of Frederick, and turn back to where we left off telling of the doings of Florence and of the other noteworthy events which came to pass in those days throughout the whole world; returning afterwards to the doings and to the end of the said Frederick and of his sons.

§ 26.—We will tell an incident in the affairs of Florence.

The year of Christ 1237, Messer Rubaconte da Mandello of Milan being PodestÀ of Florence, the new bridge was made in Florence, and he laid the first stone with his own hand, and threw the first trowelful of mortar, and from the name of the said PodestÀ the bridge was named Cf. Purg. xii. 102. Rubaconte. And during his government all the roads in Florence were paved; for before there was but little paving, save in certain particular places, master streets being paved with bricks; and through this convenience and work the city of Florence became more clean, and more beautiful, and more healthy.

§ 27.—How and when there was a total eclipse of the sun. §28.—Of 1238 a.d. the coming of the Tartars into the parts of Europe, as far as Germany. §29.—Of a great miracle of an earthquake in Burgundy. §30.—Of a great miracle that took place in Spain. §31.—How the 1240 a.d.
1248 a.d. town of Sanginiegio was rebuilt and then destroyed. §32.—How the Tartars routed the Turks.

§ 33.—How the Guelf party was first driven from Florence by the Ghibellines and the forces of the Emperor Frederick.

In the said times when Frederick was in Lombardy, having been deposed from the title of Emperor by Pope Innocent, as we have said, in so far as he could he sought to destroy in Tuscany and in Lombardy the faithful followers of Holy Church, in all the cities where he had power. And first he began to demand hostages from all the cities of Tuscany, and took them from both Ghibellines and Guelfs, and sent them to Samminiato del Tedesco; but when this was done, he released the Ghibellines and retained the Guelfs, which were afterwards abandoned as poor prisoners, and abode long time in Samminiato as beggars. And forasmuch as our city of Florence in those times was not among the least notable and powerful of Italy, he desired especially to vent his spleen against it, and to increase the accursed parties of the Guelfs and Ghibellines, which had begun long time before through the death of M. Bondelmonte, and before, as we have already shown. But albeit ever since this the said parties had continued among the nobles of Florence (who were also ever and again at war among themselves by reason of their private enmities), and albeit they were divided into the said parties, each holding with his own, they which were called the Guelfs loving the side of the Pope and of Holy Church, and they which were called the Ghibellines loving and favouring the Emperor and his allies, nevertheless, the people and commonwealth had been maintained in unity to the well-being and honour, and good estate of the republic. But now the said Emperor sent ambassadors and letters to the family of the Uberti, which were heads of his party, and their allies which were called Ghibellines, inviting them to drive their enemies, which were called Guelfs, from the city, and offering them aid of his horsemen; and this caused the Uberti to begin dissension and civil strife in Florence, whence the city began to be disordered, and the nobles and all the people to be divided, some holding to one party, and some to the other; and in divers parts of the city there was Par. xvi. 109, 110. fighting long time. Among the other places, the chief was at the houses of the Uberti, which were where the great palace of the people now is. They gathered there with their allies, and fought against the Guelfs of the sesto of San Piero Scheraggio, whereof were leaders the family dal Bagno, called Bagnesi, and the Pulci, and the Guidalotti, 127. and all the allies of the Guelfs of that sesto; and also the Guelfs of Oltrarno passing over the mill-dams, came to succour them when they were attacked by the Uberti. The second place of combat was in the Porte San Piero, where the leaders of the Ghibellines were the Tedaldini, forasmuch as they had the strongest dwellings in palaces and towers, and with them held the Caponsacchi, the Lisei, the Giuochi 121, 104, 101, 112-114, 115-117. and Abati, and Galigari, and the fighting was against the house of the Donati, and the Visdomini, and Pazzi, and Adimari. And the third place of combat was in Porte del Duomo, at the tower of Messer Lancia of the Cattani of Castiglione, and of Cersino, to whom belonged the heads of the Ghibellines, with the Agolanti and Brunelleschi, and many popolari of their party, against the Tosinghi, Agli and Arrigucci. And the 108. fourth combat and battle was in San Brancazio, whereof the leaders for the Ghibellines were the Lamberti, and Toschi, Amieri, Cipriani, and 110, 111. Migliorelli, with many followers of the Popolo, against the Tornaquinci, and Vecchietti, and Pigli, albeit part of the Pigli were Ghibellines. And the Ghibellines drew up in San Brancazio at the tower of the Scarafaggio [ScarabÆus] of the Soldanieri, and from that tower an arrow struck M. Rustico Marignolli in the face (who was bearing the Guelf standard, to wit, a crimson lily on a white field), whence he Cf. Par. xvi. 151-154. died; and the very day that the Guelfs were expelled, and before they departed, they came in arms to bury him in San Lorenzo; and when the Guelfs were departed, the canons of San Lorenzo carried away the body, to the end that the Ghibellines might not unbury it and do it outrage, forasmuch as he was a great leader of the Guelf party. And the next force of the Ghibellines was in the Borgo, whereof the leaders were 93, 66, 140-144, 127, 93. the Scolari, and Soldanieri, and Guidi, against the Bondelmonti, Giandonati, Bostichi and Cavalcanti, Scali and Gianfigliazzi. In Oltrarno it was the Ubbriachi and the Mannelli (and there were no other nobles of renown, but families of the popolari) against the Rossi and the Nerli. Thus it came to pass that the said frays endured Par. xv. 115. long time, and there was fighting at barricades from street to street, and from one tower to another (for there were many in Florence in these times, 100 cubits and more in height), and with mangonels and other engines they fought together by day and by night. And in the midst of this strife and fighting the Emperor Frederick sent into Florence King Frederick, his bastard son, with 1,600 horsemen of his German followers. When the Ghibellines heard that they were nigh unto Florence, they took courage fighting with more force and boldness against the Guelfs, which had no allies, nor were expecting any succour, forasmuch as the Church was at Lyons on the Rhone beyond the mountains, and the power of Frederick was beyond measure great in all parts of Italy. And on this occasion the Ghibellines used a device of war; for at the house of the Uberti the greater part of the Ghibelline forces assembled, and when the fight began at the places of battle set forth above, they went in a mass to oppose the Guelfs, and in this wise they overcame them well nigh in every part of the city, save in their own neighbourhood against the barricades of the Guidalotti and the Bagnesi, which endured more stoutly; and to that place the Guelfs repaired, and all the forces of the Ghibellines against them. At last, the Guelfs saw themselves to be hard pressed, and heard that Frederick's knights were already in Florence (King Frederick having already entered with his followers on Sunday morning), yet they held out until the following Wednesday. Then, not being able longer to resist the forces of the Ghibellines, they abandoned the defence, and departed from the city on the night of S. Mary Candlemas in the year Cf. Inf. x. 48. of Christ 1248. When the Guelf party were driven from Florence, the nobles of that party withdrew, some of them to the fortress of Montevarchi in Valdarno, and some to the fortress of Capraia; and Pelago, and Ristonchio, and Magnale, up to Cascia, were held by the Guelfs, and were called the League; and therein they made war against the city and the territory around Florence. Other popolani of that party repaired to their farms and to their friends in the country. The Ghibellines which remained masters in Florence, with the forces and the horsemen of the Emperor Frederick, changed the ruling of the city after their mind, and caused thirty-six fortresses of the Guelfs to be destroyed, palaces and great towers, among the which the most noble was that of the Tosinghi upon the Mercato Vecchio, called the Palace, 90 cubits high, built with marble columns, and a tower thereto 130 cubits. Also the Ghibellines attempted a yet more impious deed, forasmuch as the Guelfs resorted much to the church of S. Giovanni, and all the good people assembled there on Sunday morning, and there they solemnized marriages; and when the Ghibellines came to destroy the towers of the Guelfs, there was one among them very great and beautiful, which was upon the piazza of S. Giovanni, at the entrance of the street of the Adimari, and it was called the tower of the Guardamorto, forasmuch as of old all the good folk which died were buried at S. Giovanni; and the Ghibellines, purposing to rase to the ground the said tower, caused it to be propped up in such wise that when the fire was applied to the props it should fall upon the church of S. Giovanni; and this was done. But as it pleased God, by reverence and miracle of the blessed John, the tower, which was 120 cubits high, showed manifestly, when it came to fall, that it would avoid the holy church, and turned and fell directly upon the piazza, wherefore all the Florentines marvelled and the popolo rejoiced greatly. And note, that since the city of Florence had been rebuilt, not one house had been destroyed, and the said accursed destruction thereof was then begun by the Ghibellines. And they ordained that of the Emperor Frederick's followers there should remain 1,800 German horsemen in their pay, whereof Count Giordano was captain. It came to pass that in the same year when the Guelfs were driven from Florence, they which were at Montevarchi were attacked by the German troops which were in garrison in the fortress of Gangareta in the market place of the said Montevarchi, and there was a fierce battle of but few people, as far as the Arno, between the Guelf refugees from Florence, and the Germans. In the end the Germans were discomfited, and a great part thereof slain and taken prisoners, and this was in the year of Christ 1248.

§ 34.—How the host of the Emperor Frederick was defeated by the Parmesans, and by the Pope's legate.

At this time the Emperor Frederick was laying siege to the city of Parma in Lombardy, because they had rebelled against his lordship and held with the Church; and within Parma was the Pope's legate with mounted men-at-arms sent by the Church to aid them. Frederick was without the city, with all his forces and with the Lombards, and abode there many months, and had sworn never to depart thence until he should have taken it; and for this reason he had made a camp over against the said city of Parma, after the manner of another town, with moats and palisades and towers, and houses roofed and walled, to which he gave the name of Vittoria; and by the said siege he had much straitened the city of Parma, and it was so poorly furnished with victuals, that they could hold out but a short while longer, and this the Emperor knew well by his spies; and for the said cause he held them for folk well-nigh vanquished, and troubled himself little about them. It came to pass, as it pleased God, that one day the Emperor was taking his pleasure in the chase, with birds and with dogs, going forth from Vittoria with certain of his barons and servants; and the Epist. vi. (5) 127-135. citizens of Parma, having learnt this from their spies, as folk reckless, or rather desperate, all sallied forth from Parma in arms, foot and horse together, and vigorously attacked the said camp of Vittoria in divers parts. The Emperor's soldiers, unprepared and in disorder, with insufficient guards (as they who took little thought of their enemies), seeing themselves thus suddenly and fiercely attacked, and being unable to defend themselves in the absence of their lord, were all put to flight and discomfiture, albeit there were three times as many horse and foot as there were in Parma; in which defeat many of them were taken or slain, and the Emperor himself, when he heard the news, fled with great shame to Cremona; and the Parmesans took the said camp, wherein they found great store of muniments of war, and victual, and vessels of silver, and all the treasure which the Emperor had in Lombardy, and the crown of the said Emperor, which the Parmesans still have in the sacristy of their bishop's palace; whereby they were all enriched. And when they had spoiled the said place of its booty, they set fire thereto, and destroyed it utterly, to the end there might be no trace of it, whether as city or as camp, for ever. And this was the first Tuesday in February, in the year of Christ 1248.

§ 35.—How the Guelf refugees from Florence were taken in the fortress of Capraia.

A short time afterwards the Emperor departed from Lombardy, leaving there his natural son Enzo, king of Sardinia, with many horsemen, as his vicar-general over the Lombard League, and came into Tuscany, and found that the Ghibelline party which was ruling the city of Florence had laid siege in the month of March to the fortress of Capraia, wherein were the leaders of the chief families of Guelf nobles exiled from Florence. And when the Emperor came into Tuscany, he would not enter into the city of Florence, nor ever had entered therein, but was ware of it, for by soothsayers or by the saying of some demon or prophecy, he had discovered that he should die in Firenze, wherefore he feared greatly. Nevertheless, he came to the army, and went to sojourn in the castle of Fucecchio, and left the greater part of his followers at the siege of Capraia, which stronghold being straitly besieged, and having scanty provisions, was not able to hold out 1249 a.d. longer; and the besieged held counsel about coming to parley, and they would have been granted any liberal terms which they desired; but a certain shoemaker, an exile from Florence, which had been a leading Ancient, not being invited to the said council, came to the gate very wrathful, and cried to the host that the town could hold out no longer, for the which thing the host would not consent to treat, wherefore they within, as dead men, surrendered themselves to the mercy of the Emperor. And this was in the month of May, in the year of Christ 1249. And the captains of the said Guelfs were Count Ridolfo of Capraia, and M. Rinieri Zingane of the Bondelmonti. And when they came to Fucecchio to the Emperor, he took them all with him prisoners to Apulia; and afterwards, by reason of letters and ambassadors sent to him by the Ghibellines of Florence, he put out the eyes of all which belonged to the great noble families in Florence, and then drowned them in the sea, save M. Rinieri Zingane, because he found him so wise and great of soul that he would not put him to death, but he put out his eyes, who afterwards ended his life as a monk in the island of Montecristo. And the aforesaid shoemaker was spared by the besiegers; and when the Guelfs had returned to Florence, he also returned thither, and being recognised in the parliament, at the outcry of the people he was stoned, and vilely dragged along the ground by the children, and thrown into the moats.

§ 36.—How King Louis of France was routed and taken prisoner by the 1250 a.d. Saracens at la Monsura in Egypt. §37.—How King Enzo, son of the Emperor Frederick, was routed and taken prisoner by the Bolognese. §38.—How certain Ghibellines of Florence were discomfited in the village of Fegghine by the Guelf refugees.

§ 39.—How the Primo Popolo was formed in Florence to be a defence against the violence and attacks of the Ghibellines.

When the said host came back to Florence there was great contention amongst the citizens, inasmuch as the Ghibellines, who ruled the land, crushed the people with insupportable burdens, taxes, and imposts; and with little to show for it, for the Guelfs were already established up and down in the territory of Florence, holding many fortresses and making war upon the city. And besides all this, they of the house of the Uberti and all the other Ghibelline nobles tyrannized over the people with ruthless extortion and violence and outrage. Wherefore the good citizens of Florence, tumultuously gathering together, assembled themselves at the church of San Firenze; but not daring to remain there, because of the power of the Uberti, they went and took their stand at the church of the Minor Friars at Santa Croce, and remaining there under arms they dared not to return to their homes, lest when they had laid down their arms they should be broken by the Uberti and the other nobles and condemned by the magistrates. So they went under arms to the houses of the Anchioni of San Lorenzo, which were very strong, and there, still under arms, they forcibly elected thirty-six corporals of the people, and took away the rule from the PodestÀ, which was then in Florence, and removed all the officials. And this done, with no further conflict they ordained and created a popular government with certain new ordinances and statutes. They elected captain of the people M. Uberto da Lucca, and he was the first captain of Florence, and they elected twelve Ancients of the people, two for each sesto, to guide the people and counsel the said captain, and they were to meet in the houses of the Badia over the gate which goes to Santa Margherita, and to return to their own homes to eat and sleep; and this was done on the twentieth day of October, the year of Christ 1250. And on this day the said captain distributed twenty standards amongst the people, giving them to certain corporals divided according to companies of arms and districts, including sundry parishes, in order that when need were every man should arm himself and draw to the standard of his company, and then with the said standards draw to the said captain of the people. And they had a bell made which the said captain kept in the Lion's Tower. And the chief standard of the people, which was the captain's, was dimidiated white and red.

******

§ 40.—Of the ensigns of war which were borne by the commonwealth of Florence.

§ 41.—How the Emperor Frederick died at Firenzuola in Apulia.

In the said year 1250, the Emperor Frederick being in Apulia, in the city of Firenzuola, at the entrance to the Abruzzi, fell grievously sick, and for all his augury he knew not how to take heed; for he had learned that he must die in Firenze, wherefore, as aforesaid, never would he set foot in Firenze, neither in Faenza; yet ill did he interpret the lying word of the demon, for he was bidden beware lest he should die in Firenze, and he took no heed of Firenzuola. It came to pass that, his malady increasing upon him, there being with him one of his bastard sons, named Manfred, which was desirous of having the treasure of Frederick, his father, and the lordship of the kingdom and of Sicily, and fearing that Frederick might recover him of that sickness, or leave a testament, the said Manfred made a league with his private chamberlain, and promising him many gifts and great Cf. Purg. iii. 121. lordship, covered the mouth of Frederick with a bolster and so stifled him, and after the said manner the said Frederick died, deposed from the Empire, and excommunicated by Holy Church, without repentance or sacrament of Holy Church. And by this may we note the word which Christ said in the Gospel: "Ye shall die in your sins," for so it came to pass with Frederick, which was such an enemy to Holy Church, who brought his wife and King Henry, his son, to death, and saw himself discomfited, and his son Enzo taken, and himself, by his son Manfred, vilely slain, and without repentance; and this was the day of S. Lucy in December, the said year 1250. And him dead, the said Manfred became guardian of the realm and of all the treasure, and caused the body of Frederick to be brought and buried with honour in the church of Monreale above the city of Palermo in Sicily, and at his burying he desired to write many words of his greatness and power and the mighty deeds done by him; but one Trottano, a clerk, made these brief verses, the which were very pleasing to Manfred and to the other barons, and he caused them to be engraven on the said sepulchre, the which said:—

And note, that at the time when the Emperor Frederick died, he had sent into Tuscany for all the hostages of the Guelfs to cause them to be put to death; and on the way to Apulia, when they were in Maremma, they heard news of the death of Frederick, and the guards, for fear, abandoned them, who escaped to Campiglia, and thence returned to Florence and to the other cities of Tuscany, very poor and in great need.

§ 42.—How the Popolo of Florence peaceably restored the Guelfs to Florence.

The same night that the Emperor Frederick died, the PodestÀ who ruled for him in Florence, died also, who was named Messer Rinieri di Montemerlo; for, as he slept in his bed, there fell upon him of the vaulting from the roof of the chamber, which was in the house of the Abati. And this was a sure sign that in the city of Florence his lordship was to be ended, and this came to pass very soon; for the common people having risen in Florence against the violence and outrages of the Ghibelline nobles, as we have said, and tidings coming to Florence of the death of the said Frederick, a few days after, the people of Florence recalled and restored to Florence the party of the Guelfs who had been banished thence, causing them to make peace with Cf. Inf. x. 49, 50. the Ghibellines, and this was the seventh day of January, year of Christ 1250.

§ 43.—How at the time of the said Popolo the Florentines discomfited the men of Pistoia, and afterwards banished certain families of the Ghibellines from Florence.

Greatly did the party for the Church and the Guelf party rejoice throughout all Italy at the death of the Emperor; and the party for the Empire, and the Ghibellines were brought low, inasmuch as Pope Innocent returned from beyond the mountains with his court to Rome, bringing aid to the faithful followers of the Church. It came to pass that in the month of July, in the year of Christ 1251, the people and commonwealth of Florence gathered a host against the city of Pistoia, which had rebelled against them, and fought with the said inhabitants of Pistoia, and discomfited them at Mount Robolini with great loss in slain and prisoners of the men of Pistoia. And at that time Messer Uberto da Mandella of Milan was PodestÀ of Florence. And because the government of the Popolo was not pleasing to the greater part of the Ghibelline families in Florence, forasmuch as it seemed to them that they favoured the Guelfs more than was pleasing to them, and as in past times they were used to do violence, and to be tyrannical, relying on the Emperor, therefore they were even now unwilling to follow the people and the commonwealth on the said expedition against Pistoia, rather did they both in word and in deed oppose it through factious hatred; forasmuch as Pistoia was ruled in those days by the Ghibelline party; whereby was caused so great mistrust, that when the host returned victorious from Pistoia, the said Ghibelline families in Florence were banished and sent forth from the city by the people of Florence, the said month of July, 1251. And the heads of the Ghibellines in Florence being banished, the people and the Guelfs who remained in the lordship of Florence, changed the arms of the commonwealth of Florence; and whereas of old they bore the field red and the lily white, they now made on the contrary the field white and Par. xvi. 151-154. the lily red; and the Ghibellines retained the former standard, but the ancient standard of the commonwealth dimidiated white and red, to wit, the standard that went with the host upon the carroccio, never was changed. We will leave for a while the doings of the Florentines, and we will tell somewhat of the coming of King Conrad, son of the Emperor Frederick.

§ 44.—How King Conrad, son of Frederick the Emperor, came from Germany into Apulia, and had the lordship over the realm of Sicily, and how he died.

When King Conrad of Germany heard of the death of the Emperor Frederick, his father, he prepared with a great company to pass into Apulia and Sicily, to take possession of the said Kingdom, of the which Manfred, his bastard brother, had become vicar-general, and was ruling it altogether, save only the cities of Naples and of Capua, the which had rebelled after the death of Frederick, and were returned to obedience to the Church; as also many cities of Lombardy and Tuscany, on occasion of the death of the said Frederick, had changed their government and returned to the obedience of the Church. The said Conrad would not adventure himself to come by land, but being arrived in the Trevisan March, he caused a great fleet to be equipped by the Venetians, and from thence by sea with all his people came to Apulia the year of Christ 1251. And albeit Manfred was wrath at his coming, forasmuch as he had purposed to be lord of the said kingdom, he made a great welcome to Conrad, his brother, rendering him much honour and reverence, and when he was in Apulia he led a host against the city of Naples, the which before had been five times attacked and besieged by Manfred, prince of Salerno, and he had not been able to conquer it; but Conrad, with his great host after a long siege, gained the city by surrender, on condition that he should neither slay the defenders nor dismantle the place. But Conrad did not abide by the pact, but so soon as he was in Naples he caused the walls and all the fortresses of Naples to be destroyed; and the like did he to the city of Capua, which had rebelled; and in a short space he had restored all the Kingdom to his lordship, casting down every rebel, or whosoever was a friend or follower of Holy Church; and not only the laity but the monks and holy persons he caused to die by torments, robbing the churches, and subduing whosoever was not in obedience to him, and appointing to benefices, as if he were Pope; so that if Frederick, his 1252 a.d. father, was a persecutor of Holy Church, this Conrad, if he had lived longer, would have been worse; but as it pleased God, a little time after, he was smitten with a grievous sickness, but not mortal, and as he was being tended by leeches and physicians, Manfred, his brother, to remain in power, caused the said leeches for money and Cf. Purg. iii. 121. great promises to poison him by a clyster. By such a judgment of God, by his brother's deed, of such a death did he die without repentance and excommunicated, the year of Christ 1252. And he left behind him in Germany a young son who was named Conradino, whose mother was daughter to the duke of Bavaria.

§ 45.—How Manfred, natural son of Frederick, took the lordship of the kingdom of Sicily and of Apulia, and caused himself to be crowned.

Conrad, called king of Germany, being dead, Manfred remained lord and governor of Sicily and of the Kingdom, albeit through the death of Conrad, some cities of the Kingdom rebelled, and Pope Innocent IV., with a great host of the Church, entered into the Kingdom to regain the lands which Manfred was holding against the will of the Church, and under sentence of excommunication; and when the said host of the Church had entered into the Kingdom, all the cities and villages as far as Naples surrendered themselves to the said Pope; but he had sojourned but a short time in Naples ere he fell sick, and passed from this life the year of Christ 1252, and was buried in the city of Naples. Wherefore by the death of the said Pope, and by the vacancy which the Church had after him, which for more than two years abode without pastors, Manfred regained all the Kingdom, and his strength increased greatly both far and near; and with great care he allied himself with all the cities of Italy which were Ghibelline and faithful to the Empire, and aided them by his German knights, making a 1254 a.d. league and alliance with them in Tuscany and in Lombardy. And when the said Manfred saw himself in glory and state, he thought to have himself made king of Sicily and of Apulia, and to the end this might come to pass, he sought for the friendship of the greatest barons of the Kingdom, with monies and gifts and promises and offices. And knowing that King Conrad, his brother, had left a son named Conradino, the which was by law the rightful heir to the realm of Sicily, and was in Germany under the guardianship of his mother, he devised guileful practices whereby to become king; wherefore he gathered together all the barons of the Kingdom, and took counsel with them what should be done with the lordship, forasmuch as he had received tidings that his nephew Conradino was grievously sick, and could never rule over a realm; wherefore it was counselled by his barons that he should send his ambassadors into Germany to learn of the state of Conradino, and if he were dead or ill; and meanwhile they counselled that Manfred should be made king. To this Manfred agreed, seeing it was he which had falsely arranged it all, and he sent the said ambassadors to Conradino and to his mother with rich presents and great offers. The which ambassadors being come to Suabia, found the boy whom his mother guarded most carefully, and with him she kept many other boys of gentle birth clothed in his garments; and when the said ambassadors asked for Conradino, his mother being in dread of Manfred, showed to them one of the said children, and they with rich presents, offered him gifts and reverence, among the which gifts were poisoned comfits from Apulia, and the boy having eaten of them, straightway died. Purg. iii. 121.
1255 a.d. They, believing Conradino to be dead by poison, departed from Germany, and when they had returned to Venice, they caused sails of black cloth to be made to their galley and all the rigging to be black, and they were attired in black, and when they were come into Apulia, they made a show of great grief, as they had been instructed by Manfred. And having reported to Manfred, and to the German barons, and to those of the Kingdom how Conradino was dead, and Manfred having made show of deep affliction, by the call of his friends and of all the people (as he had arranged), he was elected king of Sicily and of Apulia, and at Monreale, in Sicily, caused himself to be crowned, the year of Christ 1255.

§ 46.—Of the war between Pope Alexander and King Manfred.

After the death of Pope Innocent, and the vacancy which followed, there was elected Pope Alexander IV., born in the city of Alagna, in Campagna, the year of Christ 1255, and he sat on the papal throne seven years, and certain months and days. The which Pope Alexander, hearing how Manfred had caused himself to be crowned king of Sicily against the will of Holy Church, by the said Pope Manfred was required to abandon the lordship of the Kingdom and of Sicily, the which he would neither hearken to, nor obey; for the which thing the said Pope first excommunicated and deprived him, and then sent against him Otho, the cardinal legate, with a great host of the Church, and he took many places on the coasts of Apulia; to wit, the city of Sipanto, and Mount Santagnolo, and Barletta and Bari, as far as Otranto in Calabria; but afterwards the said host, by reason of the death of the said legate, returned with labour lost, and Manfred took back and regained all, and 1256 a.d. this was the year of Christ 1256. The said King Manfred was son of a beautiful lady, of the family of the Marquises of Lancia in Lombardy, of whom the Emperor Frederick was enamoured, and he was beautiful in Purg. iii. 107. person, and, like his father, but even more, dissolute in every fashion; a musician he was, and singer, and loved to see around him buffoons and minstrels, and beautiful concubines, and was always clad in green raiment; very liberal was he, and courteous, and gracious, so Cf. De V.E. i. 12, 21 sqq. that he was much loved and in great favour; but all his way of life was epicurean, caring neither for God nor the saints, but only for bodily delights. An enemy he was to Holy Church, and to priests and monks, occupying the churches as his father had done, and was a very rich lord, alike from the treasure bequeathed to him by the Emperor and by King Conrad, his brother, and from his kingdom, which was rich and fruitful; and, for all the wars that he had with the Church, he kept it in good state so long as he lived, so that he increased much in riches and in power by sea and by land. For wife he took the daughter of the despot of Romagna, by whom he had sons and daughters. The arms which he took and bore were those of the Empire, save where the Emperor, his father, bore the gold field and the black eagle, he bore the silver field and the black eagle. This Manfred caused the city of Sipanto in Apulia to be destroyed, forasmuch as through the marshes around it was not healthy, and it had no harbour; and by its citizens, at two miles distance upon the rock, and in a place where there might be a good harbour, he caused a city to be founded, which after his name was called Manfredonia, the which has now the best harbour that there is between Venice and Brindisi. And of that city was Manfred Bonetta, count chamberlain of the said King Manfred, a delightsome man, a musician and singer, who caused the great bell of Manfredonia to be made in his memory, the which is the largest that can be found for size, and because of its size cannot be rung. We will now leave speaking of Manfred until fit place and time, and will return where we left off in our subject, namely to the doings of Florence and of Tuscany and of Lombardy, albeit they were much mixed up with the doings of the said King Manfred in many things.

§ 47.—How the Florentines discomfited the Ubaldini in Mugello. 1251 a.d. §48.—How the Florentines took Montaia and routed the troops of the Sienese and the Pisans. §49.—How the Florentines took Tizzano and 1252 a.d. then routed the Pisans at Pontadera, the Pisans having routed the Lucchese.

§ 50.—How the bridge Santa Trinita was built.

In this time, the city of Florence being in happy state under the rule of the Popolo, a bridge was built over the Arno from Santa Trinita to the house of the Frescobaldi in Oltrarno, and in this the zeal of Lamberto Frescobaldi helped much, which was a noted Ancient in the Popolo, and he and his had come to great state and riches.

§ 51.—How the Florentines took the fortress of Fegghine. 1252 a.d. Cf. Par. xvi. 50.

§ 52.—How the Sienese were routed by the Florentines at Montalcino.

§ 53.—How the golden florins were first made in Florence.

The host of the Florentines having returned, and being at rest after the victories aforesaid, the city increased greatly in state and in riches and lordship and in great quietness; for the which thing the merchants of Florence, for the honour of the commonwealth, ordained with the people and commonwealth that golden coins should be struck at Florence; and they promised to furnish the gold, for before the custom was to strike silver coins of 12 pence the piece. And then began the good coins of gold, 24 carats fine, the which are called golden florins, and each was worth 20 soldi. And this was in the time of the said M. Filippo degli Ugoni of Brescia, in the month of November, the year of Christ 1252. The which florins weighed eight to the ounce, and on one side was the stamp of the lily and on the other of S. John. By Cf. Par. xviii. 133-136. reason of the said new money of the golden florin there fell out a pretty story, and worth narrating. The said new florins having begun to circulate through the world, they were carried to Tunis in Barbary; and being brought before the king of Tunis, which was a worthy and wise lord, they pleased him much, and he caused them to be tried; and finding them to be of fine gold, he much commended them, and having caused his interpreters to interpret the imprint and legend on the florin, he found that it said: S. John the Baptist, and on the side of the lily, Florence. Perceiving it to be Christian money, he sent to the Pisan merchants who were then free of the city and were much with the king (and even the Florentines traded in Tunis through the Pisans), and asked them what manner of city among Christians was this Florence which made the said florins. The Pisans answered spitefully through envy, saying: "They are our inland Arabs": which is to say, "our mountain rustics." Then answered the king wisely: "It does not seem to me the money of Arabs. O you Pisans, what manner of golden money is yours?" Then were they confused, and knew not how to answer. He asked if there were among them any one from Florence, and there was found there a merchant from Oltrarno, by name Pera Balducci, discreet and wise. The king asked him of the state and condition of Florence, whom the Pisans called their Arabs; the which answered wisely, showing the power and magnificence of Florence, and how Pisa in comparison was neither in power nor in inhabitants the half of Florence, and that they had no golden money, and that the florin was the fruit of many victories gained by the Florentines over them. For the which cause the Pisans were shamed, and the king, by reason of the florin and by the words of our wise fellow-citizen, made the Florentines free of the city, and allowed them a place of habitation and a church in Tunis, and he gave them the same privileges as the Pisans. And this we knew to be true from the said Pera, a man worthy of faith, for we were among his colleagues in the office of prior.

§ 54.—How the Florentines marched upon Pistoia and took it, and then 1253 a.d. upon Siena and took many of their fortresses.

§ 55.—How the Florentines marched against Siena, and the Sienese came to terms with them, and there was peace between them.

The next year, 1254, Messer Guiscardo da Pietrasanta, of Milan, being PodestÀ of Florence, the Florentines marched against the city of Siena and encamped against the castle of Montereggioni and laid siege to it, Cf. Inf. xxxi. 40, 41. and of a surety they would have taken it, for the German garrison was in treaty to surrender it for 50,000 lire of 20 soldi to the gold florin; and in one single night the Ancients found twenty citizens each of whom offered a thousand of them, without counting smaller sums, so well disposed for the good of the commonwealth were the citizens of those days. But the Sienese, for fear of losing Montereggioni, agreed to the terms of the Florentines, and peace was made between them and the Sienese, and they completely surrendered the castle of Montalcino to the Florentines.

§ 56.—How the Florentines seized the fortress of Poggibonizzi and that of Mortennana. §57.—How the Florentines routed them of Volterra and took their city in the fight. §58.—How the 1254 a.d. Florentines marched against Pisa, and the Pisans submitted to their terms. §59.—How the great Khan of the Tartars became a Christian, and sent his army, under his own brother, against the Saracens of Syria. §60.—How the first war arose between the Genoese and the 1260 a.d.
1256 a.d. Venetians. §61.—How the Count Guido Guerra expelled the Ghibelline party from Arezzo, and how the Florentines reinstated it. §62.—How the Pisans broke the peace, and how the Florentines routed them at the bridge over the Serchio. §63.—How the Florentines destroyed the castle of Poggibonizzi the first time. §64.—Incident telling of a great miracle concerning the body of Christ which came to pass in the city of Paris.

§ 65.—How the Popolo of Florence drave out the Ghibellines for the first time from Florence, and the reason why.

In the year of Christ 1258, when Messer Jacopo Bernardi di Porco was PodestÀ of Florence, at the end of the month of July they of the house of the Uberti, with their Ghibelline allies, incited thereto by Manfred, purposed to break up the Popolo of Florence, forasmuch as it seemed to them to lean towards the Guelf party. When the said plot was discovered by the Popolo, and they who had made it were summoned and cited to appear before the magistrates, they would not appear nor come before them, but the staff of the PodestÀ were grievously wounded and smitten by them; for the which thing the people ran to arms, and ran in fury to the houses of the Uberti, where is now the piazza of the palace of the people and of the priors, and there they slew Schiattuzzo degli Uberti and many of the followers and retainers of the Uberti, and they took Uberto Caini degli Uberti and Mangia degli Infangati, which when they had confessed the conspiracy in parliament were beheaded in Orto San Michele; and the rest of the family of the Uberti, with many other Ghibelline families, left Florence. The names of the Ghibelline families of renown which left Florence were these: the Uberti, the Fifanti, the Guidi, the Amidei, the Lamberti, the Scolari, and part of the Abati, Caponsacchi, Migliorelli, Soldanieri, Par. xvi. Infangati, Ubriachi, Tedaldini, Galigari, the della Pressa, Amieri, they of Cersino, the Razzanti, and many other houses and families of the popolari and of decayed magnates, which cannot all be named, and other families of nobles in the country; and they went to Siena, which was governed in the Ghibelline interest, and was hostile to the Florentines; and their palaces and strongholds were destroyed, whereof there were many, and with the stones thereof they built the walls of San Giorgio Oltrarno, which the Popolo of Florence caused to be begun in those times by reason of the war with the Sienese. And afterwards, in the following September of the said year, the Popolo of Florence seized the abbot of Vallombrosa, which was a gentleman of the lords of Inf. xxxii. 118, 119. Beccheria of Pavia in Lombardy, for they had been told that at the petition of the Ghibelline refugees from Florence he was plotting treason; and this by torture they made him confess, and wickedly in the piazza of Santo Apollinare by the outcry of the people they beheaded him, not regarding his dignity nor his holy orders; for the which thing the commonwealth of Florence and the Florentines were excommunicated by the Pope; and from the commonwealth of Pavia, whence came the said abbot, and from his kinsfolk, the Florentines which passed through Lombardy received much hurt and molestation. And truly it was said that the holy man was not guilty, albeit by his lineage he was a distinguished Ghibelline. For the which sin, and for many other deeds done by the wicked people, it was said by many wise men that God by Divine judgment permitted vengeance to come upon the said people in the battle and defeat of Montaperti, as hereafter we shall make mention. The said Popolo of Florence which ruled the city in these times was very proud and of high and great enterprises, and in many things was very arrogant; but one thing their rulers had, they were very loyal and true to the commonwealth, and when one which was an Ancient took and sent to his villa a grating which had belonged to the lion's den, and was now lying about in the mud of the piazza of S. Giovanni, he was condemned therefor to a fine of 1,000 lire for embezzling the goods of the commonwealth.

§ 66.—How the Aretines took and destroyed Cortona. §67.—How the 1259 a.d.
Cf. Inf. xxii. 40-60. Florentines took and destroyed the castle of Gressa. §68.—How the people of Florence took the castles of Vernia and of Mangona.

§ 69.—Incidents of the doings that were in Florence at the time of the Popolo.

In the time of the said Popolo in Florence it came to pass that there was presented to the commonwealth a very fine and strong lion, the which was in a den in the piazza of San Giovanni. It came to pass that by lack of care on the part of the keeper, the said lion escaped from its den, running through the streets, whence all the city was moved with fear. It came to a stand at Orto San Michele, and there caught hold of a boy and held him between its paws. The mother, whose only child he was, and not born till after his father's death, on hearing what had chanced, ran up to the lion in desperation, shrieking aloud and with dishevelled hair, and snatched the child from between its paws, and the lion did no hurt either to the woman or to the child, but only gazed steadfastly and kept still. Now the question was what was the cause of this, whether the nobility of the nature of the lion, or that fortune preserved the life of the said child, to the end he might avenge his father, the which he did, and was afterwards called Orlanduccio of the lion, of Calfette. And note, that at the time of the said Popolo, and before and afterwards for a long time, the citizens of Florence lived soberly, and on coarse food, and with Par. xv. 97-99. little spending, and in manners and graces were in many respects coarse and rude; and both they and their wives were clad in coarse garments, and many wore skins without lining, and caps on their heads, Par. xv. 112, 113. and all wore leather boots on their feet, and the Florentine ladies wore boots without ornaments, and the greatest were contented with one Par. xv. 101.
Par. xv. 102, 103. close-fitting gown of scarlet serge or camlet, girt with a leathern girdle after the ancient fashion, with a hooded cloak lined with miniver, which hood they wore on their head; and the common women were clad in coarse green cambric after the same fashion; and 100 lire was the common dowry for wives, and 200 or 300 lire was, in those times, held to be excessive; and the most of the maidens were twenty or more Par. xv. 103-105. years old before they were wedded. After such habits and plain customs then lived the Florentines, but they were true and trustworthy to one another and to their commonwealth, and with their simple life and poverty they did greater and more virtuous things than are done in our times with more luxury and with more riches.

§ 70.—How Paleologus, emperor of the Greeks, took Constantinople 1259 a.d.
1260 a.d. from the French and the Venetians. §71.—Of a very sore battle which was between the king of Hungary and the king of Bohemia.

§ 72.—How the great tyrant, Ezzelino da Romano, was defeated by the Cremonese and died in prison.

In the said year 1260, Ezzelino of Romano, which is a Trevisan castle, was defeated and wounded and taken prisoner by the Marquis Pallavicino, and by the Cremonese in the country around Milan, near to the bridge of Casciano over the river Adda, as he was on his way to seize Milan, having with him more than 1,500 horsemen; from the which wounds he died in prison, and was buried with honour in the village of Solcino. He knew by augury that he should die in a village of the country of Padua, which was called Basciano, and he would not enter therein; and when he felt himself wounded he asked what the place was called, and they answered, "Casciano"; then he said, "Casciano and Basciano are all the same," and he gave himself up for dead. This Ezzelino was the most cruel and redoubtable tyrant that ever was among Christians, and ruled by his force and tyranny (being by birth a gentleman of the house of Romano), long time the Trevisan March and the city of Padua, and a great part of Lombardy; and he brought to an end a very great part of the citizens of Padua, and blinded great numbers of the best and most noble, taking their possessions, and sending them begging through the world, and many others he put to death by divers sufferings and torments, and burnt at one time 11,000 Paduans; and by reason of their innocent blood, by miracle, no grass grew there again for evermore. And under semblance of a rugged and cruel justice he did much evil, and was a great scourge in his time in the Trevisan March and in Lombardy, to punish them for the sin of ingratitude. At last, as it pleased God, by less powerful men than his own he was vilely defeated and slain, and all his followers were dispersed and his family and his rule came to nought.

§ 73.—How both the king of Castille and Richard, earl of Cornwall, were elected king of the Romans.

Now some time before the said year, by reason of discord among the electors of the Empire, two Emperors had been elected; one party (that is to say, three of the electors) choosing Alfonso, king of Spain, and the other party of the electors choosing Richard, earl of Cornwall, and brother to the king of England; and because the realm of Bohemia was in discord, and there were two which claimed to be king thereof, each one gave his voice to his own party. And for many years there had been this discord between the two pretenders, but the Church of Rome gave more favour to Alfonso of Spain, to the end that he might, with his forces, come and beat down the pride and lordship of Manfred; for the which cause the Guelfs of Florence sent him ambassadors, to encourage his coming, promising him great succour, to the end he might favour the Guelf party. And the ambassador was Ser Brunetto Latini, a Inf. xv. 23-120. man of great wisdom and authority; but before the embassage was ended the Florentines were defeated at Montaperti, and King Manfred gained great vigour and state throughout Italy, and the power of the Church was much abased, for the which thing Alfonso of Spain abandoned the enterprise of the Empire, and neither did Richard of England follow it up.

§ 74.—How the Ghibelline refugees from Florence, sent into Apulia to King Manfred for succour.

In these times the Ghibelline refugees from Florence (who being in the city of Siena were ill-supported against the Florentines by the Sienese, forasmuch as they had no forces to bring against their host) took counsel amongst themselves to send their ambassadors into Apulia, to King Manfred, for succour. And when they were come thither, albeit they were of the best and chiefest of the band, much time elapsed, and Manfred did not dispatch their affair, nor give audience to their request, by reason of the manifold businesses he had to do. And when at last they had a mind to depart, and took their leave of him very ill-content, Manfred promised them 100 German horsemen for their aid. Whereon the said ambassadors were troubled at this his first offer, and were minded to make their reply in the way of refusing so sorry an aid, for they were ashamed to return to Siena, inasmuch as they had hoped for more than 1,500 horsemen. But hereon Messer Farinata degli Uberti said, "Be not dismayed, neither refuse Inf. x. 32. any aid of his, be it never so small. Let us have grace of him to send his standard with them, and when it be come to Siena we will set it in such a place that he must needs send us further succour." And so it came to pass; and following the wise counsel of the knight, they accepted Manfred's offer, praying him as a grace to give his own standard to their captain, and so he did. And when they returned to Siena with so poor an aid, great scorn was made thereof by the Sienese, and great dismay came upon the Florentine refugees, which had looked for aid and support from Manfred beyond measure greater.

§ 75.—How the commonwealth and people of Florence led a great host up to the gates of Siena with the carroccio.

It happened in the year of Christ 1260, in the month of May, that the people and commonwealth of Florence gathered a general host against the city of Siena and led thither the carroccio. And note, that the carroccio, which was led by the commonwealth and people of Florence, was a chariot on four wheels, all painted red, and two tall red masts stood up together thereupon, whereon was fastened and waved the great standard of the arms of the commune, which was dimidiated white and red, and still may be seen to-day in S. Giovanni. And it was drawn by a great pair of oxen covered with red cloth, which were set apart solely for this, and belonged to the Hospitallers of Pinti, and he who drove them was a freeman of the commonwealth. This carroccio was used by our forefathers in triumphs and solemnities, and when they went out with the host, the neighbouring counts and knights brought it from the armoury of S. Giovanni and conducted it to the piazza of the Mercato Nuovo, and having halted by a landmark, which is still there, in the form of a stone carved like a chariot, they committed it to the keeping of the people, and it was led by popolani in the expeditions of war, and to guard it were chosen the best and strongest and most virtuous among the foot soldiers of the popolani, and round it gathered all the force of the people. And when the host was to be assembled, a month before the time when they were to set forth, a bell was hung upon the arch of Porte Sante Marie, which was at the head of the Mercato Nuovo, and there was rung by day and by night without ceasing. And this they did in their pride, to give opportunity to the enemy, against whom the host should go forth, to prepare themselves. And some called it Martinella, and some the Asses' Bell. And when the Florentine host went forth, they took down the bell from the arch and put it into a wooden tower upon a car, and the sound thereof guided the host. By these two pomps of the carroccio and of the bell was maintained the lordly pride of the people of old and of our forefathers in their expeditions. We will leave this and will turn to the Florentines, how they made war against the Sienese, and took the castle of Vicchio, and that of Mezzano, and Casciole, which pertained to the Sienese, and encamped themselves against Siena, hard by the entrance gate by the monastery of S. Petronella; and there they had brought to them, upon a knoll which could be seen from the city, a tower wherein they kept their bell; and in contempt of the Sienese, and as a record of their victory, they filled it with earth and planted an olive tree in it, the which, until our own days, was still there. It fell out at that siege that one day the Florentine refugees gave a feast to Manfred's German soldiers, and having plied them with wine till they were drunk, in the uproar they incited them to arm themselves and mount on horseback to assail the host of the Florentines, promising them large gifts and double pay; and this was done craftily by the wise, in pursuance of the counsel of Farinata degli Uberti which he had given in Apulia. The Germans, beside themselves and hot with wine, sallied forth from Siena and vigorously assailed the camp of the Florentines, and because they were unprepared and off their guard, holding as nought the force of the enemy, the Germans, albeit they were but few folk, did great hurt to the host in that assault, and many of the people and of the horsemen made a sorry show in that sudden assault, and fled in terror, supposing that the assailants were more in number. But in the end, perceiving their error, they took to arms, and defended themselves against the Germans, and of all those who sallied forth from Siena not one escaped alive, for they were all slain and beaten down, and the standard was taken and dragged through the camp and carried to Florence; and this done, shortly afterwards the Florentine host returned to Florence.

§ 76.—How King Manfred sent Count Giordano with 800 Germans to succour the Sienese and the Ghibelline refugees from Florence.

The Sienese and the Florentine refugees, perceiving how ill the Florentines had fared in the assault of so small a number of German horsemen, considered that if they had a greater number thereof, they would be victorious in the war. Immediately they provided themselves with money, procuring from the company of the Salimbeni, which were merchants of those days, 20,000 florins of gold, and gave them in pledge the fortress of Tentennana and several more castles of the commonwealth, and sent their ambassadors again into Apulia with the said money to King Manfred, saying how his few German followers by their great vigour and valour had undertaken to assail the whole host of the Florentines, and had turned a great part thereof to flight; but if they had been more, they would have had the victory; but by reason of their small number, they had all been left upon the field, and his standard had been dragged about and insulted in the camp and in Florence and round about. And beside this they plied the best reasons they knew to move Manfred, who, having heard the tidings, was wrath, and with the money of the Sienese, who paid half the charges for three months, and at his own cost, sent into Tuscany Count Giordano, his marshal, with 800 German horsemen, to go with the said ambassadors; who reached Siena in the end of July, the year of Christ 1260, and by the Sienese were received with great rejoicing, and they and all the Ghibellines of Tuscany drew thence great vigour and courage. And when they were come to Siena, immediately the Sienese sent forth their host against the castle of Montalcino, which was under the commands of the commonwealth of Florence, and sent for aid to the Pisans and to all the Ghibellines of Tuscany, so that, what with the horsemen of Siena and the Florentine refugees, and the Germans and their allies, there were found 1,800 horsemen in Siena, whereof the greater part were Germans.

§ 77.—How the Ghibelline refugees from Florence prepared to deceive the commonwealth and people of Florence, and cause them to be betrayed.

The Florentine refugees, by whose embassy and deed King Manfred had sent Count Giordano with 800 German horsemen, thought within themselves that they had done nothing if they could not draw the Florentines out into the field, inasmuch as the aforesaid Germans were not paid save for three months, and already more than one month and a half of this had passed, since their coming, nor had they more money wherewith to pay them, nor did they look for any from Manfred; and should the time for which they had been paid pass by without having done aught, they would return into Apulia, to the great peril of the state. They reasoned that this could not be contrived without skill and subtlety of war, which business was committed to M. Farinata degli Uberti and M. Gherardo Ciccia de' Lamberti. These subtly chose out two wise minor friars as their messengers to the people of Florence, and first caused them to confer with nine of the most powerful men of Siena, who made endless show to the said friars that the government of Messer Provenzano Salvani was displeasing to them, who was the greatest of the citizens of Siena, and that they would willingly yield Purg. xi. 109-142. up the city to the Florentines in return for 10,000 florins of gold, and that they were to come with a great host, under guise of fortifying Montalcino, as far as the river Arbia; and then they with their own forces, and with those of their followers, would give up to the Florentines the gate of Santo Vito, which is on the road to Arezzo. The friars, under this deceit and treachery, came to Florence with letters and seals from the aforesaid, and were brought before the Ancients of the people, and proposed to them means whereby they might do great things for the honour of the people and commonwealth of Florence; but the thing was so secret that it must under oath be revealed to but few. Then the Ancients chose from among themselves Spedito di Porte San Piero, a man of great vigour and boldness, and one of the principal leaders of the people, and with him Messer Gianni Calcagni, of Vacchereccia; and when they had sworn upon the altar, the friars unfolded the said plot, and showed the said letters. The said two Ancients, who showed more eagerness than judgment, gave faith to the plot; and immediately the said 10,000 golden florins were procured, and were deposited, and a council was assembled of magnates and people, and they represented that of necessity it behoved to send a host to Siena to strengthen Montalcino, greater than the one sent in May last to Santa Petronella. The nobles of the great Guelf houses of Florence, and Count Guido Guerra, which was with them, not knowing of the pretended plot, and knowing more of war than the popolani did, being aware of the new body of German troops which was come to Siena, and of the sorry show which the people made at Santa Petronella when the hundred Germans attacked them, considered the enterprise not to be without great peril. And also esteeming the citizens to be divided in mind, and ill disposed to raise another host, they gave wise counsel, that it were best that the host should not go forth at present, for the reasons aforesaid; and also they showed how for little cost Montalcino could be fortified, and how the men of Orvieto were prepared to fortify it, and alleged that the said Germans had pay only for three months, and had already served for half the time, and by giving them play enough, without raising a host, shortly they would be scattered, and would return into Apulia; and the Sienese and the Florentine refugees would be left in worse plight than they were before. And the spokesman for them all was M. Tegghiaio Aldobrandi degli Adimari, a wise knight and valiant in arms, and of great Inf. vi. 79. xvi. 40-42. authority, and he counselled the better course in full. His counsel ended, the aforesaid Spedito, the Ancient, a very presumptuous man, rudely replied, bidding him to look to his breeches if he was afraid; and M. Tegghiaio replied that at the pinch he would not dare to follow him into the battle where he would lead; and these words ended, next uprose M. Cece de Gherardini to say the same that Messer Tegghiaio had said. The Ancients commanded him not to speak, and the penalty was 100 pounds if any one held forth contrary to the command of the Ancients. The knight was willing to pay it, so that he might oppose the going; but the Ancients would not have it, rather they made the penalty double; again he desired to pay, and so it reached 300 pounds; and when he yet wanted to speak and to pay, the command was that his head should be forfeit; and there it stopped. But, through the proud and heedless people, the worse counsel won the day, that the said host should proceed immediately and without delay.

§ 78.—How the Florentines raised an army to fortify Montalcino, and were discomfited by Count Giordano and by the Sienese at Montaperti.

The people of Florence having taken the ill resolve to raise an army, craved assistance from their friends, which came with foot soldiers and with horse, from Lucca, and Bologna, and Pistoia, and Prato, and Volterra, and Samminiato, and Sangimignano, and from Colle di Valdelsa, which were in league with the commonwealth and people of Florence; and in Florence there were 800 horsemen of the citizens and more than 500 mercenaries. And the said people being assembled in Florence, the host set forth in the end of August, and for pomp and display they led out the carroccio, and a bell, which they called Martinella, on a car with a wooden tower on wheels, and there went out nearly all the people with the banners of the guilds, and there did not remain a house or a family in Florence which went not forth on foot or on horseback, at least one for each house, and for some two or more, according to their power. And when they found themselves in the territory of Siena, at the place agreed upon, on the river Arbia, at the place called Montaperti, with the men of Perugia and of Orvieto, which there joined with the Florentines, there were gathered together more than 3,000 horse and more than 30,000 foot. And whilst the host of the Florentines was thus preparing, the aforesaid framers of the plot, which were in Siena, in order that it might be the more fully accomplished, sent to Florence certain other friars to hatch treason with certain Ghibelline magnates and popolani which had not been exiled from Florence, and would therefore have to join the general muster of the army. With these, then, they plotted that when they were drawn up for battle, they should from divers quarters flee from their companies, and repair to their own party, to confound the Florentine army. And this plot they made because they seemed to themselves to be but few in comparison with the Florentines; and so it was done.

Now it happened that when the said host was on the hills of Montaperti, those sage Ancients who were leading the host, and had managed the negotiations, were awaiting the opening of the promised gate by the traitors from within. A magnate from among the people, a Florentine from the gate of S. Piero, which was a Ghibelline, and was named Razzante, having heard something of the expectation of the Florentine host, was commissioned by consent of the Ghibellines in the camp which were meditating the treason, to enter Siena; whereupon he fled on horseback from the camp to make known to the Florentine refugees how the city of Siena was to be betrayed, and how the Florentines were well equipped, and with great strength of horse and foot, and to urge those within not to advise battle. And when he was come unto Siena, and these things had been disclosed to the said M. Farinata and M. Gherardo, the plotters, they said thus to him: "Thou wilt slay us, if thou spreadest this news throughout Siena, inasmuch as fear will fall upon every man, but we desire that thou shouldest say the contrary; for if we do not fight while we have these Germans we are dead men, and shall never return to Florence, and for us death and defeat would be better than to crawl about the world any longer:" and their counsel was to try the fortune of battle. Razzante, instructed by these two aforesaid, determined and promised to speak thus; and with a garland on his head, on horseback with the said two, showing great gladness, he came to the parliament to the palace where were all the people of Siena and the Germans and other allies; and then, with a joyful countenance, he told great news from the Ghibelline party and the traitors in camp, how the host was ill-ordered and ill-led, and disunited, and that if they attacked them boldly, they would certainly be discomfited. And Razzante having made his false report, at the cry of the people they all moved to arms, calling out: "Battle, battle." The Germans demanded a promise of double pay, and this was given them; and their troop led the attack from the gate of San Vito, which was to have been given over to the Florentines; and the other horse and foot sallied out after them. When those among the host which were expecting that the gate should be given to them saw the Germans and the other horse and foot sally forth towards them from Siena in battle array, they marvelled greatly, and were sore dismayed, seeing their sudden approach and unlooked-for attack; and they were the more dismayed that many Ghibellines who were in the host, both on horse and foot, beholding the enemy's troops approaching, fled from divers quarters, as the treason had been ordered; and among them were the della Pressa and they of the Abati, and many others. But the Florentines and their allies did not on this account neglect to array their troops, and await the battle; and when the German troop violently charged the troop of Florentine horse (where was the standard of the cavalry of the commonwealth, which was borne by M. Jacopo del Nacca, a man of great valour, of the house of the Pazzi in Florence), that traitor of a M. Bocca degli Abati, which Inf. xxxii. 78-111. was in his troop and near to him, struck the said M. Jacopo with his sword, and cut off the hand with which he held the standard, and immediately he died. And this done, the horsemen and people, beholding the standard fallen, and that there were traitors among them, and that they were so strongly assailed by the Germans, in a short time were put to flight. But because the horsemen of Florence first perceived the treason, there were but thirty-six men of name of the cavalry slain and taken. But the great mortality and capture was of the foot soldiers of Florence, and of Lucca, and of Orvieto, because they shut themselves up in the castle of Montaperti, and were all taken; but more than 2,500 of them were left dead upon the field, and more than Inf. x. 85-87. 1,500 were taken captive of the best of the people of Florence, from every house, and of Lucca, and of the other allies which were in the said battle. And thus was abased the arrogance of the ungrateful and proud people of Florence. And this was on a Tuesday, the 4th day of September, in the year of Christ 1260; and there was left the carroccio and the bell called Martinella, with an untold amount of booty, of the baggage pertaining to the Florentines and their allies. And thus was routed and destroyed the ancient Popolo of Florence, which had continued in so many victories and in great lordship and state for ten years.

§ 79.—How the Guelfs of Florence, after the said discomfiture, departed from Florence and went to Lucca.

The news of the grievous discomfiture being come to Florence, and the miserable fugitives returning therefrom, there arose so great a lamentation both of men and of women in Florence that it reached unto the heavens, forasmuch as there was not a house in Florence, small or great, whereof there was not one slain or taken; and from Lucca, and from the territory there were a great number, and from Orvieto. For the which thing the heads of the Guelfs, both nobles and popolari, which had returned from the defeat, and those which were in Florence, were dismayed and fearful, and feared lest the exiles should come from Siena with the German troops, perceiving that the rebel Ghibellines and those under bounds which were absent from the city were beginning to return thereto. Wherefore the Guelfs, without being banished or driven out, went forth with their families, weeping, from Florence, and betook themselves to Lucca on Thursday, the 13th day of September, Cf. Inf. x. 48. in the year of Christ 1260. These were the chief families of the Guelf refugees from Florence: of the sesto of Oltrarno, the Rossi, and the Nerli, and part of the Mannelli, the Bardi, and the Mozzi, and the Frescobaldi; the notable popolani of the said sesto were the Canigiani, Magli, and Macchiavelli, the Belfredelli and the Orciolini, Aglioni, Rinucci, Barbadori, and the Battincenni, and Soderini, and Malduri and Ammirati. Of San Piero Scheraggio, the nobles: Gherardini, Lucardesi, Cavalcanti, Bagnesi, Pulci, Guidalotti, Malispini, Foraboschi, Manieri, they of Quona, Sacchetti, Compiobbesi; the popolani, Magalotti, Mancini, Bucelli, and they of the Antella. Of the sesto of Borgo, the nobles: the Bondelmonti, Scali, Spini, Gianfigliazzi, Giandonati, Bostichi, Altoviti, the Ciampoli, Baldovinetti and others. Of the sesto of San Brancazio, the nobles: Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, and part of the Pigli, Minerbetti, Becchenugi, and Bordoni and others. Of the Porte del Duomo: the Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizii, Marignolli, and Ser Brunetto Latini and his family, and many others. Of the Porte San Piero: Adimari, Pazzi, Visdomini, and part of the Donati. Of the branch of the Scolari there were left della Bella, the Carci, the Ghiberti, the Guidalotti di Balla, the Mazzochi, the Uccellini, Boccatonde; and beside these magnates and popolani of each sesto were put under bounds. And for this departure the Guelfs were much to be blamed, inasmuch as the city of Florence was very strong, and with walls, and with moats full of water, and could well have been defended and held; but the judgment of God in punishing sins must needs hold on its course without hindrance; and to whomsoever God intends ill, from him He takes away wisdom and knowledge. And the Guelfs having departed on Thursday, the Sunday after being the 16th of September, the exiles from Florence which had been at the battle of Montaperti, with Count Giordano and with his German troops, and with the other soldiers of the Ghibellines of Tuscany, enriched by the spoil of the Florentines and of the other Guelfs of Tuscany, entered into the city of Florence without hindrance, and immediately they made Guido Novello of the Counts Guidi, PodestÀ of Florence for King Manfred, from the first day of the coming January for two years, and his judgment hall was the old palace of the people at Santo Apollinari, the stair of which was on the outer wall. And a little while after he caused the Ghibelline gate to be made, and the road out to be opened; to the intent that by that way, which corresponds with the palace, there might be entrance and exit at need, and he might bring his retainers from Casentino into Florence to guard him and the city. And because it was done in the time of the Ghibellines, the gate and the road took the name of Ghibelline. This Count Guido caused all the citizens which remained in Florence to swear fealty to King Manfred, and by reason of promises made to the Sienese he caused five castles of the territory of Florence which were on their frontier to be destroyed; and there remained in Florence as captain of the host, and vicar-general for King Manfred, the said Count Giordano, with the German troops in the pay of the Florentines, who greatly persecuted the Guelfs in many parts of Tuscany, as we shall make mention hereafter; and took all their goods, and destroyed many palaces and towers pertaining to the Guelfs, and took their goods for the benefit of the commonwealth. The said Count Giordano was a gentleman of Piedmont in Lombardy, and kinsman of the mother of Manfred, and by his prowess, and because he was very faithful to Manfred, and in life and customs as worldly-minded as he, he made him a count, and gave him lands in Apulia, and from small estate raised him to great lordship.

§ 80.—How the news of the defeat of the Florentines came to the court of the Pope, and the prophecy which was made thereupon by Cardinal Bianco.

When the news of the aforesaid defeat came to the court of Rome, the Pope and the cardinals who loved the state of Holy Church felt much grief and compassion thereat, alike for the Florentines, and also because thereby the state and power of Manfred, the enemy of the Inf. x. 120. Church, would increase; but Cardinal Ottaviano degli Ubaldini, which was a Ghibelline, rejoiced greatly thereat; wherefore Cardinal Bianco, which was a great astrologer and master of necromancy, seeing this, said: if Cardinal Ottaviano knew the future of this war of the Florentines, he would not be rejoicing thus. The college of cardinals prayed him that he would declare himself more openly. Cardinal Bianco would not speak, because to speak of the future seemed to him to be Cf. Inf. xx. and xxvii. 100-107. unlawful to his office, but the cardinals so prayed the Pope that he commanded him on his obedience to speak. Having received the said command, he said in brief words: the conquered shall conquer victoriously, and shall not be conquered for ever. This was interpreted to mean that the Guelfs, conquered and driven out of Cf. Inf. x. 51. Florence, should victoriously return to power, and should never again lose their state and lordship in Florence.

§ 81.—How the Ghibellines of Tuscany purposed to destroy the city of Florence, and how M. Farinata degli Uberti defended it.

After the same fashion that the Guelfs of Florence departed, so did those of Prato and of Pistoia, and of Volterra, and of Samminiato, and of San Gimignano, and of many other cities and villages of Tuscany, which all returned to the party of the Ghibellines save the city of Lucca, the which held to the party of the Guelfs for a time, and was a refuge for the Guelfs of Florence, and for the other exiles of Tuscany, the which Guelfs of Florence took their stand in Lucca in the quarter around San Friano; and the loggia in front of San Friano was made by the Florentines. And when the Florentines found themselves in this place, Messer Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, seeing Spedito who had insulted him in the council and bade him look to his breeches, drew himself up and took from his pouch five hundred florins of gold that he had, and showed them to Spedito (who had fled from Florence in great poverty), and said to him reproachfully, "Just look at the state of my breeches! This is what you have brought yourself and me and the rest to, by your rash and overbearing lordship." And Spedito answered, "Then why did you trust us?" We have made mention of these paltry and Cf. Inf. xxx. 148. base altercations as a warning, that no citizen, especially if he be a popolano and of small account, when he chances to be in office, should be too bold or presumptuous. At this time the Pisans, the Sienese, and they of Arezzo, with the said Count Giordano, and with the other Ghibelline leaders, caused a council to be held at Empoli, to establish the Ghibelline party in Tuscany, and to form a league; and so it was done. And forasmuch as Count Giordano must needs return into Apulia, to King Manfred, by command of the said Manfred there was proclaimed as his vicar-general and captain of the host in Tuscany, Count Guido Novello of the Counts Guidi of Casentino and of Modigliana, who factiously forsook Count Simone his brother, and Count Guido Guerra his fellow, and all those of his branch of the family which held to the Guelf party; and he was desirous to drive out of Tuscany every Guelf. And at the said council all the neighbouring cities, and the Counts Guidi, and the Counts Alberti, and they of Santafiore, and the Ubaldini, and all the barons around took counsel, Purg. vi. 111. and were all of one mind how for the good of the Ghibelline party the city of Florence should be utterly destroyed and reduced to open villages, to the intent there might remain neither renown, nor fame, nor power of its might. To withstand which proposal uprose the valiant and wise knight, Messer Farinata degli Uberti, and in his saying he introduced two ancient proverbs of the street which say: "As the ass has wit, so he munches his rape" [i.e., every one does his business according to his capacity, such as it is], and "Lame goats can go if they meet no wolf" [i.e., any one can get on if there are no difficulties]; and these two proverbs he wove together, saying: "As the ass has wit, lame goats can go; so he munches his rape if they meet no wolf," adroitly turning the vulgar proverbs to examples and comparisons to show the folly of thus speaking, and the great peril and hurt that might follow thereupon; and saying that if there were none other than he, whilst he had life in his body he would defend the Inf. x. 91-93. city with sword in hand. Count Giordano perceiving this, and what manner of man and of what authority was Messer Farinata, and his great following, and how the Ghibelline party might be broken up and come to discord, abandoned the idea, and took other counsel, so that by one good man and citizen our city of Florence was saved from so great fury, destruction, and ruin. But afterwards the said people of Florence were ungrateful and forgetful towards the said Messer Inf. x. 83, 84. Farinata, and his progeny and descendants, as hereafter we shall make mention. But in despite of the forgetfulness of the ungrateful people, nevertheless we ought to commend and keep in notable memory the good and virtuous citizen, who acted after the fashion of the good Roman Camillus of old, as we are told by Valerius and Titus Livius.

§ 82.—How Count Guido, the vicar, with the league of the 1261 a.d. Ghibellines of Tuscany, went against Lucca, and took S. Maria a Monte and many fortresses.

§ 83.—How the Guelf refugees from Florence sent their ambassadors into Germany to stir up Conradino against Manfred.

In those times the Guelf refugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany, perceiving themselves to be thus persecuted by the forces of Manfred and of the Ghibellines of Tuscany, and seeing that no lord was rising against the forces of Manfred, and also that the Church had but little power against him, thought within themselves to send their ambassadors into Germany to stir up the little Conradino, offering him much aid and favour, against Manfred, his uncle, who was falsely holding the kingdom of Sicily and of Apulia; and this was done, for from among the chief of the Florentine exiles there went as ambassadors, with those of the commonwealth of Lucca. And the Guelf exiles from Florence were represented by M. Bonaccorso Bellincioni of the Adimari, and M. Simone Donati. And they found Conradino so young a boy that his mother would in no wise consent to let him go from her, albeit with will and with mind she was greatly against Manfred and held him as an enemy and rebel against Conradino. And the said ambassadors, when they returned from Germany, as a token and earnest of the coming of Conradino, caused him to give them his mantle lined with miniver, which being brought to Lucca caused great rejoicing among the Guelfs, and it was shown in S. Friano of Lucca, as if it had been a relic. But the Guelfs of Tuscany did not know the future destiny, how the said Conradino should become their enemy.

§ 84.—How the Guelf refugees from Florence took Signa, but held it 1262 a.d.
Par. xvi. 56. only a short space. §85.—How Count Guido, the vicar, with the Tuscan league and the forces of the Pisans, marched upon Lucca, whereon the Lucchese made their peace, and drave out the Guelf refugees from Lucca.

§ 86.—How the Guelf refugees from Florence, and the other exiles of Tuscany, drave out the Ghibellines from Modena and afterwards from Reggio.

After the miserable Guelfs which had been driven from Florence and from all the cities of Tuscany (whereof none held with the Guelf party) were come into the city of Bologna, they abode there long time in great want and poverty, some receiving pay to serve on foot, and some on horse, and some without pay. It came to pass in those times that the inhabitants of the city of Modena, Guelfs and Ghibellines, came to dissension and civic strife among themselves, as it is the custom of the cities of Lombardy to assemble and fight on the piazza of the commonwealth; and many days they were opposed the one to the other without either side being able to win the victory. It came to pass that the Guelfs sent for succour to Bologna, and especially to the Guelf refugees from Florence, which straightway, as needy folk, and making war for their own behoof, went thither on horse and on foot, as each best could. And when they came to Modena a gate was opened to them by the Guelfs, and they were admitted; and straightway when they were come upon the piazza of Modena, as brave men and used to arms and to war, they attacked the Ghibellines, which could not long endure, but were defeated and slain and driven out of the city, and their houses and their goods spoiled; by reason of which booty the said Guelf refugees from Florence and from the rest of Tuscany were much enriched, and furnished themselves with horses and with arms, whereof they were in great need, and this was in the year of Christ 1263. And whilst they were in Modena, a little while after, in the same manner as in Modena, fighting began in the city of Reggio in Lombardy, between the Guelfs and the Ghibellines; and when the Guelfs of Reggio sent for aid to the Guelf refugees from Florence, which were in Modena, straightway they went thither, and they chose as their captain Messer Forese degli Adimari. And when they were come to Reggio they joined in the battle on the piazza, which endured long time, forasmuch as the Ghibellines of Reggio were very powerful, and among them was one called Caca of Reggio, on whose name wit is spilled in gibes even yet. This man was well-nigh as tall as a giant, and of marvellous strength, and he had an iron club in his hand, and none dared to approach him whom he did not fell to the earth, either slain or maimed, and by him the battle was well-nigh wholly sustained. When the gentlemen in banishment from Florence perceived this, they chose among them twelve of the most valiant, and called them the twelve paladins, which, with daggers in hand, all set upon that valiant man, which, after very brave defence, and beating down many of his enemies, was struck down to the earth and slain upon the piazza; and so soon as the Ghibellines saw their champion on the ground, they took to flight and were discomfited and driven out of Reggio; and if the Guelf refugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany were enriched by the spoil of the Ghibellines of Modena, much more were they enriched by that of the Ghibellines of Reggio; and they all provided themselves with horses, so that in a short time, while they abode in Reggio and in Modena, they numbered more than 400 horsemen, good men-at-arms well mounted, and they came at great need to the succour of Charles, count of Anjou and of Provence, when he came into Apulia against Manfred, as we shall hereafter relate. We will now leave the doings of Florence, and of the Guelf refugees, and turn to the things which came to pass in those times between the Church of Rome and Manfred.

§ 87.—How Manfred persecuted Pope Urban and the Church with his Saracens of Nocera, and how a crusade was proclaimed against them.

By reason of the discomfiture of the Florentines, and of the other Guelfs of Tuscany at Montaperti, as we have afore said, King Manfred rose to great lordship and state, and all the imperial party in Tuscany and in Lombardy greatly increased in power, and the Church and its devout and faithful followers were much abased in all places. It came to pass that a very little while after, in the said year 1260, Pope Alexander passed from this life in the city of Viterbo, and the Church was vacant without a pastor for five months through the disputings among the cardinals; afterwards they elected Pope Urban IV., of the city of Troyes, of Champagne in France, the which was of low origin, being son of a cobbler, but was a man of worth, and wise. But his election was in this fashion: he was a poor clerk which came to the court of Rome to plead a cause about his Church, which had been taken from him, which brought in twenty pounds tournois a year. The cardinals, by reason of their disputes, locked the doors when they were shut up, and made among themselves a secret decree that the first clerk which knocked at the door should be Pope. As it pleased God this Urban was the first, and where he came to plead for the poor church of twenty pounds tournois revenue, he received the Universal Church, after the ordinances of God, as fixed in the election of the blessed Nicholas. Because the election was miraculous, therefore have we made mention and record thereof. And he was consecrated the year of Christ 1261. Finding the Church much beaten down by the power of Manfred, which was occupying the greater part of Italy, and had stationed the host of his Saracens of Nocera in the lands of the patrimony of S. Peter, the said Urban preached a crusade against them; wherefore many faithful people took the cross and marched in the army against them. For the which cause, the Saracens fled into Apulia, but Manfred did not therefore cease to molest the Pope and the Church in their followers and troops, and he abode now in Sicily and now in Apulia, in great luxury and in great delights, following a worldly and epicurean life, and for his pleasure keeping many concubines, living lasciviously, and it seemed that he cared neither for God nor for the saints. But God, the just Lord, which, through grace, delays His Cf. Par. xxii. 16-18. judgments upon sinners to the intent they may bethink them, but in the end does not pardon those who do not turn to Him, presently sent forth His curse and ruin upon Manfred, when he believed himself to be in the height of his state and lordship, as hereafter we shall make mention.

§ 88.—How the Church of Rome elected Charles of France to be king of Sicily and of Apulia.

The said Pope Urban and the Church being thus brought down by the power of Manfred, and the two Emperors-elect (to wit, the Spaniard and the Englishman) not being in concord nor having power to come into Italy, and Conradino, son of King Conrad, to whom pertained by inheritance the kingdom of Sicily and of Apulia, being so young a boy that he could not as yet come against Manfred, the said Pope, by reason of the importunity of many faithful followers of the Church, the which by Manfred's violence had been driven from their lands, and especially by reason of the Guelf exiles from Florence and from Tuscany who were continually pursuing the court, complaining of their woes at the feet of the Pope, the said Pope Urban called a great council of his cardinals and of many prelates, and made this proposal: seeing the Church was subjugated by Manfred, and since those of his house and lineage had always been enemies and persecutors of Holy Church, not being grateful for many benefits received, if it seemed well to them, he had thought to release Holy Church from bondage and restore her to her state and liberty, and this might be done by summoning Charles, count of Anjou and of Provence, son of the king of France, and brother of the good King Louis, the which was the most capable prince in prowess of arms and in every virtue that there was in his time, and of so powerful a house as that of France, and who might be the champion of Holy Church and king of Sicily and of Apulia, regaining it by force from King Manfred, which was holding it unjustly by force, and was excommunicated and condemned, and was against the will of Holy Church, and as it were a rebel against her; and he trusted so much in the prowess of the said Charles, and of the barons of France, which would follow him, that he did not doubt but that he would oppose Manfred and take from him the lands and all the Kingdom in short time, and would put the Church in great state. To the which counsel all the cardinals and prelates agreed, and they elected the said Charles to be king of Sicily and of Apulia, him and his descendants down to the fourth generation after him, and the election being confirmed, they sent forth the decree; and this was the year of Christ 1263.

§ 89.—How Charles, count of Anjou and of Provence, accepted the election offered him by the Church of Rome to Sicily and to Apulia.

When the said invitation was carried to France by the Cardinal Simon of Tours to the said Charles, he took counsel thereupon with King Louis of France and with the count of Artois, and with the count of AlenÇon, his brother, and with the other great barons of France, and by all he was counselled that in the name of God he should undertake the said emprise in the service of Holy Church, and to bear the dignity of crown and Kingdom. And the King Louis of France, his elder brother, proffered him aid in men and in money, and likewise offers were made to him by all the barons of France. And his lady, which was Purg. vii. 128. youngest daughter to the good Count Raymond Berenger, of Provence, through whom he had the heritage of the county of Provence, when she heard of the election of the Count Charles, her husband, to the intent that she might become queen, pledged all her jewels and invited all the bachelors-at-arms of France and of Provence to rally round her standard and to make her queen. And this was largely by reason of the contempt and disdain which a little while before had been shown to her by her three elder sisters, which were all queens, making her sit a degree lower than they, for which cause, with great grief, she had made complaint thereof to Charles, her husband, which answered her: "Be at peace, for I will shortly make thee a greater queen than them;" for which cause she sought after and obtained the best barons of France for her service, and those who did most in the emprise. And thus Charles wrought in his preparations with all solicitude and power, and made answer to the Pope and to the cardinals, by the said cardinal legate, how he had accepted their election, and how, without loss of time, he would come into Italy with a strong arm and great force to defend Holy Church, and against Manfred, to drive him from the lands of Sicily and of Apulia; by the which news the Church and all her followers, and whosoever was on the side of the Guelfs, were much comforted and took great courage. When Manfred heard the news, he furnished himself for defence with men and money, and with the force of the Ghibelline party in Lombardy and in Tuscany, which were of his league and alliance, he enlisted and equipped many more folk than he had before, and caused them to come from Germany for his defence, to the intent the said Charles and his French following might not be able to enter into Italy or to proceed to Rome; and with money and with promises he gathered a great part of the lords and of the cities of Italy under his lordship, and in Lombardy he made vicar the Marquis Pallavicino of Piedmont, his kinsman, which much resembled him in person and in habits. And likewise he caused great defences to be prepared at sea, of armed galleys of his Sicilians and Apulians, and of the Pisans which were in league with him, and they feared but little the coming of the said Charles, whom they called, in contempt, Little Charles. And forasmuch as Manfred thought himself, and was, lord over sea and land, and his Ghibelline party was uppermost and ruled over Tuscany and Lombardy, he held his coming for nought.

§ 90.—Incident relating to the good Count Raymond of Provence.

Since in the chapter above we have told of the worthy lady, wife of King Charles and daughter of the good Count Raymond Berenger, of Provence, it is fitting that something should briefly be said of the said count, to whom King Charles was heir. Count Raymond was a lord of gentle lineage, and kin to them of the house of Aragon, and to the family of the count of Toulouse. By inheritance Provence, this side of the Rhone, was his; a wise and courteous lord was he, and of noble state and virtuous, and in his time did honourable deeds, and to his court came all gentle persons of Provence and of France and of Catalonia, by reason of his courtesy and noble estate, and he made many ProvenÇal coblas and canzoni of great worth. There came to his court a certain Romeo [pilgrim], who was returning from S. James', and Par. vi. 127-142. Vita Nuova, § xli. 34-52. hearing the goodness of Count Raymond, abode in his court, and was so wise and valorous, and came so much into favour with the count, that he made him master and steward of all that he had; who always continued in virtuous and religious living, and in a short time, by his industry and prudence, increased his master's revenue threefold, maintaining always a great and honourable court. And being at war with the count of Toulouse on the borders of their lands (and the count of Toulouse was the greatest count in the world, and under him he had fourteen counts), by the courtesy of Count Raymond, and by the wisdom of the good Romeo, and by the treasure which he had gathered, he had so many barons and knights that he was victorious in the war, and that with honour. Four daughters had the count, and no male child. By prudence and care the good Romeo first married the eldest for him to the good King Louis of France by giving money with her, saying to the count, "Leave it to me, and do not grudge the cost, for if thou marryest the first well, thou wilt marry all the others the better for the sake of her kinship, and at less cost." And so it came to pass; for straightway the king of England, to be of kin to the king of France, took the second with little money; afterwards his carnal brother, being the king elect of the Romans, after the same manner took the third; the fourth being still to marry, the good Romeo said, "For this one I desire that thou should'st have a brave man for thy son, who may be thine heir,"—and so he did. Finding Charles, count of Anjou, brother of King Louis of France, he said, "Give her to him, for he is like to be the best man in the world," prophesying of him; and this was done. And it came to pass afterwards, through envy, which destroys all good, that the barons of Provence accused the good Romeo that he had managed the count's treasure ill, and they called upon him to give an account; the worthy Romeo said, "Count, I have served thee long while, and raised thy estate from small to great, and for this, through the false counsel of thy people, thou art little grateful: I came to thy court a poor pilgrim, and I have lived virtuously here; give me back my mule, my staff, and my scrip, as I came here, and I renounce thy service." The count would not that he should depart; but for nought that he could do would he remain; and as he came, so he departed, and no one knew whence he came or whither he went. But many held that he was a sainted soul.

§ 91.—How in these times there appeared a great comet, and what it 1264 a.d. signified.

END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VI.