Various

The publication of the list of names of Negroes who served in some of the Reconstruction conventions and legislatures elicited a number of comments which furnish desirable information. It is earnestly hoped that any one in a position to supply other missing information will follow the example of our friends whose correspondence we give below.

February 24th, 1920.

Mr. Carter G. Woodson,
1216 You St., N.W.,
Washington, D. C.

Sir:

In the Journal of Negro History for Jan., 1920, in giving the names of Negroes who were members of the reconstruction convention to frame a constitution for North Carolina in 1867-68, you omit Cumberland county. Permit me to say that the late Bishop James W. Hood represented that county and played a most prominent part and afterward became Ass't Superintendent of Public Instruction of the State. I was a boy at the time but I remember it. That you may know that I am not an adventurer, I enclose you a sketch of myself which was prepared by request for other purposes and show that I speak somewhat from authority. You will kindly return the same. At the same time you are at liberty to use any part of it that may suit your purpose should you so desire.

With very great respect, I am

Respectfully,

(Signed) Geo. C. Scurlock

The sketch of this participant in the Reconstruction follows:

Mr. George C. Scurlock, from the year 1874 was a prominent figure in the Republican party in North Carolina. In the year above stated, when he had barely reached his majority, he was nominated for member of the Board of Education, at a time when all the schools, white and colored, were under the same board. His opponent was one of the most prominent Democrats in the city and a majority of the electorate was white. So popular was Mr. Scurlock that he defeated his Democratic opponent at the polls by a handsome majority and served out his term to the satisfaction of his constituents.

In 1876 he was a delegate to the State Convention that nominated the late Judge Settle for Governor and canvassed the State for him. He was again a delegate to the State Convention in each succeeding four years up to and including the year 1896. In the latter year he headed the delegation. In the campaign of that year, at the request of the State Executive Committee, he canvassed 21 counties in the State for McKinley and Hobart, all of which were carried for the Republican ticket. So pleased was the Committee with the canvass he was making, he was highly commended in letters from the Chairman while still canvassing.

In 1890 he was urged by leading Republicans of his district, including such men as ex-Governor Brogden, to become the Republican candidate for Congress. Long before the convention convened it was evident that he was the strongest man in the field. When the convention met and was organized, ex-Governor Brogden took the platform and in a ringing speech paying a high tribute to the subject of this sketch, placed him in nomination. Before the end of the roll call of counties his nomination was made unanimous. In his canvass for election he had the hearty support of the State organization and many of the leading colored and white Republicans in and without his district and State. In 1892 he was unanimously chosen as a delegate to the Republican National Convention, which met in Minneapolis.

As far back as 1883 he was appointed a clerk in one of the Departments at Washington by Secretary Teller. He held this position until under a Democratic administration he was for partisan reasons asked to resign. President Harrison, recognizing his ability, appointed him Postmaster of his city, Fayetteville.

For more than 20 years he was a leader in the party and so recognized by the late Judge Buxton and such men as the late ex-Congressman O. H. Dockery, and Judges Boyd and Pritchard, now on the bench. Outside his State his ability as an organizer and canvasser was recognized by Hon. J.S. Clarkson and the late William E. Chandler and M.S. Quay.

In a letter of April 8, 1919, Bishop N.H. Heard says:

I was born and raised in Elbert County, Georgia (born a slave), June 25th, 1850. I taught school in '69, 70, '71, and '72. Was a candidate for the Legislature of Georgia in 1872. Attorney General Amos J. Ackerman, of Grant's Cabinet, was in the convention that nominated me, and he canvassed and voted for me. In 1873 I went to Abbeville County, S.C., and taught '73, '74, and '75. Was Deputy U.S. Marshall in 1876 and elected to the South Carolina Legislature.

Mr. M.N. Work has discovered the following:

In the ten years 1876-1886, Negroes were elected to the South Carolina Legislature as Democrats. The Columbia (South Carolina) State in its issue of December 24, 1918, advised that an effort be made to have Negroes enroll in Democratic precinct clubs and participate in the primaries of the State along with white men. As a precedent for this, it was pointed out that: "In 1876 when the Democrats redeemed the State from misrule, they appealed to the Negroes to join their party, and a minority of Negroes, more numerous, perhaps than is generally supposed, wore the 'red shirt.' Many of them did valuable service in behalf of respectable government. During the ten years following that time, until the primary election took the place of the convention system in all but two or three of the counties, the Democratic Negroes were given political recognition. From Barnwell, Colleton, Orangeburg, and Charleston Negro Democrats were elected to the legislature and in a number of counties other Negroes were elected to such offices as coroner and county commissioner.

"With the extension of the primary system a racial line came to be drawn in the Democratic organization and it was made very nearly impossible for a Negro to participate in it. An exception in the party law provided that Negroes who voted for General Hampton in 1876 and who continued to vote the Democratic ticket in succeeding years be allowed to vote in the primaries, but the rules applying to these cases were in a form so rigid that they reduced the Negro Democratic vote."[1]

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Columbia State, December 24, 1918.

A Summary of Negro Members of Some Reconstruction Legislatures

	1868-69		1870-71		1871-72		1873-74		1874-75		1876
	Whites	Negroes	Whites	Negroes	Whites	Negroes	Whites	Negroes	Whites	Negroes	Whites	Negroes
Alabama
Senate	32	1	29	4	29	4	29	4	27	6	27	6
House	74	26	73	27	86	14	73	27	71	29	77	23
Arkansas
Senate	23	1	22	2	..	..	22	2	..	..	..	..
House	73	7	71	9	..	..	71	9	..	..	..	..
Georgia
Senate	41	3	42	2	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..
House	145	30	149	26	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..
Mississippi
Senate	..	..	29	4	..	..	28	9	..	..	32	5
House	..	..	77	30	76	39	60	55	..	..	100	16
N.Carolina
Senate	47	3	47	9	45	5	46	4	46	4	..	..
House	102	18	101	1	108	12	107	13	107	13	113	7
S.Carolina
Senate	24	9	22	11	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..
House	48	76	49	75	..	..	..	..	..	..	70	54
Texas
Senate	..	..	28	2	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..
House	..	..	82	8	..	..	..	..	..	..	..	..
Virginia
Senate	..	..	..	..	..	..	37	3	37	3	37	3
House	119	18	116	21	..	..	115	17	112	17	112	13

There were Negro members of the North Carolina legislature to 1899 and of the Virginia legislature to 1891 as follows:

North Carolina			Virginia
	Senators	Representatives		Senator	Representatives
1879	2	6	1876-77	3	12
1881	1	4	1877-78	3	4
1883	3	5	1878-79	3	4
1885	2	2	1883-84	3	8
1887	3	3	1884-85	1	7
1889		2	1885-86	1	1
1891	1		1886-87	1	1
1893		1	1887-88	1	7
1895		1	1888-89	1	7
1897		1	1889-90	1	4
1899	1	1	1890-91	1	3

Speech of William H. Gray before the Arkansas Constitutional Convention, 1868[1]

William H. Gray, a Negro, and delegate to the convention from Phillips County, rose and spoke as follows:

"It appears to me, the gentleman has read the history of his country to little purpose. When the Constitution was framed, in every State but South Carolina free Negroes were allowed to vote. Under British rule this class was free, and he interpreted that 'we the people' in the preamble of the Constitution, meant all the people of every color. The mistake of that period was that these free Negroes were not represented in propria persona in that constitutional convention, but by the Anglo-Saxon. Congress is now correcting that mistake. The right of franchise is due the Negroes bought by the blood of forty thousand of their race shed in three wars. The troubles now on the country are the result of the bad exercise of the elective franchise by unintelligent whites, the 'poor whites' of the South. I could duplicate every Negro who cannot read and write, whose name is on the list of registered voters, with a white man equally ignorant. The gentleman can claim to be a friend of the Negro, but I do not desire to be looked upon in the light of a client. The Government has made a solemn covenant with the Negro to vest him with the right of franchise if he would throw his weight in the balance in favor of the Union and bare his breast to the storm of bullets; and I am convinced that it would not go back on itself. There are thirty-two million whites to four million blacks in the country, and there need be no fear of Negro domination. The State laws do not protect the Negro in his rights, as they forbade their entrance into the State. (Action of loyal convention of '64). I am not willing to trust the rights of my people with the white men, as they have not preserved those of their own race, in neglecting to provide them with the means of education. The Declaration of Independence declared all men born free and equal, and I demand the enforcement of that guarantee made to my forefathers, to every one of each race, who had fought for it. The constitution which this ordinance would reenact it not satisfactory, as it is blurred all over with the word 'white.' Under it one hundred and eleven thousand beings who live in the State have no rights which white men are bound to respect. My people might be ignorant, but I believe, with Jefferson, that ignorance is no measure of a man's rights. Slavery has been abolished, but it left my people in a condition of peonage or caste worse than slavery, which had its humane masters. White people should look to their own ancestry; they should recollect that women were disposed of on the James River, in the early settlement of the country, as wives, at the price of two hundred pounds of tobacco. When we have had eight hundred years as the whites to enlighten ourselves, it will be time enough to pronounce them incapable of civilization and enlightenment. The last election showed that they were intelligent enough to vote in a solid mass with the party that would give them their rights, and that too in face of the influence of the intelligence and wealth of the State, and in face of threats to take the bread from their very mouths. I have no antipathy toward the whites; I would drop the curtain of oblivion on the sod which contains the bones of my oppressed and wronged ancestors for two hundred and fifty years. Give us the franchise, and if we do not exercise it properly, you have the numbers to take it away from us. It would be impossible for the Negro to get justice in a State whereof he was not a full citizen. The prejudice of the entire court would be against him. I do not expect the Negro to take possession of the government; I want the franchise given him as an incentive to work to educate his children. I do not desire to discuss the question of the inferiority of races. Unpleasant truths must then be told; history tells us of your white ancestors who lived on the acorns which dropped from the oaks of Didona, and then worshipped the tree as a God. I call upon all men who would see justice done, to meet this question fairly, and fear not to record their votes."

In the session of January 29th, he said:

"Negroes vote in Ohio and Massachusetts, and in the latter State are elected to high office by rich men. He had found more prejudice against his race among the Yankees; and if they did him a kind act, they did not seem to do it with the generous spirit of Southern men. He could get nearer the latter; he had been raised with them. He was the sorrier on this account that they had refused him the rights which would make him a man, as the former were willing to do. He wanted this a white man's government, and wanted them to do the legislating as they had the intelligence and wealth; but he wanted the power to protect himself against unfriendly legislation. Justice should be like the Egyptian statue, blind and recognizing no color."

Concerning intermarriage between whites and Negroes, Mr. Bradley, a delegate to the convention, having offered to insert in the constitution, a clause "forbidding matrimony between a white person and a person of African descent," on which point nearly all of the members spoke pro and con in that and the following days, Mr. Gray said:

"It was seldom such outrages were committed at the North, where there are no constitutional provisions of the kind proposed. He saw no necessity of inserting any in the present constitution. As for his people, their condition now would not permit any such marriages. If it was proposed to insert a provision of the kind, he would move to amend by making it an offence punishable with death for a white man to cohabit with a Negro woman." At another time he observed on the same subject, that "there was no danger of intermarriage, as the greatest minds had pronounced it abhorrent to nature. The provision would not cover the case, as the laws must subsequently define who is a Negro; and he referred to the law of North Carolina, declaring persons Negroes who have only one-sixteenth of Negro blood. White men had created the difficulty, and it would not be impossible to draw the line which the gentleman desired established."

[1] Annual Cyclopedia, 1868, pp. 34-35.

Mr. Monroe N. Work, who compiled the records of the Negro in politics during the Reconstruction period, has received the following interesting letters containing some valuable facts:

1425 McCulloh St., Baltimore, Md., Feb. 9, 1920.

My dear Mr. Work:

Referring to the "Journal of Negro History" for Jan., 1920, in the letter of the State Librarian of Virginia, page 119, occur these words: "For the 1881-2 session the almanac has no list of members."

It so happens that the writer was present, and was an employee of that particular session of the Virginia Legislature, and therefore takes pleasure in supplying the necessary information.

The speaker of the House of Representatives was the Hon. I.C. Fowler, and the President protem (the Lieutenant Governor, John F. Lewis, being President) of the Senate was the Hon. H.C. Wood. The Governor of the State at that time was the Hon. William E. Cameron, from my home town, Petersburg. It was quite a memorable session, and I could almost write a book, with respect to matters as they pertained to the Negro. The Hon. William Mahone was United States Senator, and although a boy, I was much trusted by Senator Mahone; and in many important conferences held in the old "Whig" building, I was quite active in helping to prevent none but "the faithful" from entering.

Upon the assembling of the Legislature, I was appointed one of the six pages in the House. The other five were white boys. Very soon afterwards, I was promoted to the postmastership of the House. On the Senate side, there were two colored boys as pages, a son of ex-Senator Moseley of Goochland Co., and a son of the late R.G.L. Paige, representative from Norfolk county.

There were three colored men in the Senate Chamber, and two of them were really able and scholarly men, and were among the leading debaters in that chamber. One was Dr. Dan Norton, from the Yorktown District, another was Senator William N. Stevens, representing the senatorial district of Sussex and Greensville counties. Senator Stevens was a speaker of much elegance and grace, and was always listened to with respect and admiration. Then there was Senator J. Richard Jones, representing Charlotte and Mecklenburg counties.

In the Lower House, there were thirteen colored representatives; the names of two I can not just recall, but the others I will mention.

Norfolk county, R.G.L. Paige.
Princess Anne county, Littleton Owens.
York county, Robert Norton.
City of Petersburg, Armstead Green.
Dinwiddie county, Alfred W. Harris.
Powhatan county, Neverson Lewis.
Brunswick county, Guy Powell.
Cumberland county, Shed Dungee.
Prince Edward county, Batt Greggs.
Amelia and Nottoway, Archie Scott.
Mecklenburg county, Ross Hamilton.

Paige and Harris were thoroughly educated men, while Ross Hamilton possessing only limited literary qualifications, was a most remarkable man, and one of the parliamentary authorities of that body. In the preceding session, of which Hamilton was a member, he got to himself great fame by the introduction of the measure known and referred to as the "Ross Hamilton bill." It had to do with the settlement of the Virginia debt, the great issue on which Mahone rode into power.

Paige and Harris were among the principal leaders of the House, and certainly, few were the men in that house whether democrats or republicans, who could outrank them in oratory or public debate.

Mr. Harris introduced the measure which provided for the present state Normal school, at Petersburg, carrying with it an appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars. I had the great pleasure of bearing the bill to the Speaker's desk.

During the session of this Legislature two colored men were given clerkships at the capitol: young Bob Norton, whose father represented York, in that body, was given a place in the General Land Office, while Richard De Baptist, of Mecklenburg county, was given a desk in the 2nd Auditor's office. A white physician, Dr. David F. May, of Petersburg, was made Superintendent of the Central Lunatic Asylum, for colored people, his two assistants being colored physicians, Dr. J.C. Ferguson, of Richmond, and Dr. R.F. Tancil, of Alexandria. A number of colored men were put on as guards at the State Penitentiary. Capt. R.A. Paul, of Richmond, was made private messenger to the Governor. So numerous were the places filled by colored men, that that particular period, and the one that followed, have been indicated in the phrase, having a political bearing: "When they lived, they lived in clover: but, when they died, they died all over."

Those were thrilling times. I remember, a year or two later, when I had just become of age, I was elected a delegate to the State Convention, which was held in the old Richmond Theater on Broad St. There were over thirteen hundred delegates, only about a fifth being colored. The writer was elected the first assistant secretary of that gathering. That convention marked the passing of the "re-adjuster" party into the Republican, and, under the dominance of Senator Mahone, the slogan of the Convention was, "We are for Arthur, because Arthur is for us." I hope that what I have thus very hurriedly written may prove of some value to you in the preservation of the annals of Virginia as respects the black man.

Respectfully yours,

(Signed) George Freeman Bragg, Jr.

P.S. I want to correct a statement. There were two of us in the Lower House. Clinton Paige, and myself, were in the lower chamber, and Moseley on the Senate side. I began my first work of the ministry in Norfolk in 1887, and about that time the Hon. R.G.L. Paige was appointed Postmaster of Norfolk City. He really ran the office. I have spent many a pleasant moment with him in his office there. It will be interesting to state just here, that "Dick" Paige made his escape from Norfolk by way of the Under Ground Railroad, only a little fellow of nine or ten years of age, secreting himself in a vessel leaving that port. He was educated in Boston. After the civil war he returned to Norfolk.

Round about the same time that I took charge in Norfolk, John C. Asbury, now of Philadelphia, was practising law in Norfolk Co. and city. Norfolk county is one of the largest and richest counties in the State. Asbury was elected by the voters of that county Prosecuting Attorney, and to my own knowledge, he most acceptably filled the office during the term of four years, I think, for which he was elected. He was recognized as one of the able political leaders of that section. Captain Fields was elected and served as Commonwealth's Attorney of Newport News and Warwick county. Rev. J. M. Dawson was the county treasurer where the ancient capital Williamsburg is situated, while a Mr. Mitchell, for a number of years was the Collector of Customs for the historic port of Yorktown.

(Signed) G. F. B., Jr.

Phone 4512

E.W. Sherman, Vice President
Guaranty Mutual Life & Health Insurance Co.
774 E. Waldburg St., Savannah, Ga.

Feb. 8th, 1920.

Prof. Monroe N. Work,
Tuskegee, Ala.

My dear Mr. Work:

I have perused with considerable interest your review of the political history of the Reconstruction period. I have gotten from the review quite a bit of useful information. In my opinion, this particular part of your research work should be in the hands of every Negro in America that every Negro child might know something of the early exploits of colored men.

As a pointer for further work I want to state that succeeding Phil. Joiner of Dougherty County, Georgia, Ishmael London represented that county. J.H. Watson of Albany could furnish detail information. Jack Horne of Pulaski County was Clerk of the Court of Pulaski County and Richard White was Clerk of Chatham County Court during the period under discussion. Mrs. Hannah Benefield or Mr. Edward Cary of Hawkinsville will give authentic information regarding the former and P.A. Denegall will furnish information regarding "Dick" White.

We are pleased to follow you in your statistical ramblings because we love to connect you with us here and to recall your presence among us. We cherish very deeply your memory and applaud your efforts for racial uplift.

The madam joins me in wishing for you a long and useful career—a happy and prosperous one.

Respectfully,

(Signed) E. W. Sherman.

February 14, 1920.

Mr. J. H. Watson,
Albany, Georgia.

Dear Sir:

As you may already know, I have been for a considerable time collecting information about the colored persons who were members of State Legislatures during the reconstruction period. A list of these members as far as I have been able to collect them was published in the January number of the "Journal of Negro History."

Mr. E.W. Sherman of Savannah, Georgia, after reading my article, wrote to me that Phil Joiner, Dougherty County, was succeeded by Ishmael London. He stated that you could give me further information concerning this. Will you not, as Mr. Sherman suggests, send to me the names of all of the colored men whom you know to have represented Dougherty County in the Georgia Legislature and as near as you can, the date that they were members of the Legislature.

Thanking you in advance for your courtesy and appreciating an early reply, I am

Yours very truly,

M. N. Work,

Editor Negro Year Book.

Albany, Georgia.
February 21, 1920

Prof. Monroe Work,
Tuskegee Inst.,
Tuskegee, Ala.

Dear Sir:—

Replying to your letter of the 14th inst., I beg to state that I cannot give you the dates as I was quite a boy and do not remember, but Phil Joiner served one term, was followed by Israel London, who served two terms, and who was followed by Howard Bunts, who served one term. In Thomas County, Rev. Jack Carter was a member, but I do not remember the dates.

Yours very truly,

Signed—
J.H. Watson.

Carnegie Public Library
P. A. Denegall, Librarian
Savannah, Georgia.

February 24, 1920.

Prof. Monroe Work,
Tuskegee, Alabama.

Dear Sir:

I am in receipt of yours of 14th inst., seeking information relative to the occupancy of the clerkship of Chatham Superior Court, by the late Richard W. White, during reconstruction period.

In reply I beg to say, that at the period, about which you desire information, I was too young a boy to have any adequate or understanding knowledge of the political affairs or status of that period, so that I have no first hand knowledge of the matter upon which you desire information. All I know about the late Mr. White's clerkship is only what I gleaned in conversation with my father, and as he paid no special attention to dates, simply telling me of things taking place during reconstruction, I have only by that means, knowledge of some things without the dates of their occurance.

I am very sorry I cannot give you the information you desire, I should be glad to do so if I could.

May I add that I have read your article in the January "Journal of Negro History" on "Some Negro members of reconstruction conventions and legislatures." I note that the name of the late Prof. John McIntosh, late principal of Mape St. School of this city is omitted from the list of colored members of Georgia legislature. He was a member of the Georgia House of Representatives, representing Liberty County in the "80's" a few years after his graduation from Atlanta University. As far as I know he was the most thoroughly educated colored man to have had the privilege of being a member of the Georgia Legislature. I knew him intimately. We were pupils at Beach Institute, this city at the same time, later fellow students at Atlanta University. Again regretting that I am not able to give the desired information, I am

Very truly yours,

Signed—
P. A. Denegall.

Saybrook, Conn.
February 14, 1920.

Mr. Monroe N. Work,
Tuskegee Institute
Alabama.

My dear Sir:

I have read with keen interest the facts presented by you in the Journal of Negro History for January 1920 on "Some Negro Members of Reconstruction Conventions etc."

I have known intimately Gen. Samuel Smalls and his family in Beaufort, S.C. and Miss Olive Rainey and her mother, daughter and wife of Joseph H. Rainey; Miss Mamie Hayne of S.C. daughter of Henry E. Hayne.

One daughter of Gen. Smalls still lives in the paternal home in Beaufort, where are the books and personal possessions of her distinguished father. She was companion and house-keeper for him in his late years; she is doubtless able to furnish much valuable information.

Brothers of Henry E. Hayne still live, though they do not identify themselves with the Negro race. The daughter does, however, and has friends of her father's generation who could help in building up a Hayne's history.

Among the relatives is the mother of my husband and a large family of relatives, the older ones of whom lived thro' Reconstruction Days in South Carolina.

Miss Rainey and her mother live in Springfield, Massachusetts.

My own family on the maternal side is descended from George Houston, member of the Alabama Legislature 1868-70.

I have long felt that the last opportunity to collect data concerning this interesting period in our history, is while this present generation lives; the next generation will have no interest in it.

If I can assist you in collecting facts from these people who knew intimately the men of whom you write, I should be glad to do so.

I feel that the best way to do this would be for you to send me a set of questionnaires which I might send to these friends with letters.

I am trying thro' the Department of Archives and History of Alabama and the Congressional Library to locate material which will illuminate the life of George Houston.

If what I have written is of interest to you, then I am glad that I have written. And can I be of assistance, I shall be glad to make further contribution if possible.

Sincerely,

(Signed) Helen James Chisholm,

Mrs. Frank P. Chisholm.