Introduction

Previous

The gods honored in the hymns treated in the following Thesis are BÊl, Sin (Nannar), Adad (Ramman) and Tammuz, all deities of the old Babylonian pantheon, representing different phases of personality and force, conceived of as incorporated in nature and as affecting the destinies of men. These gods are severally designated in the hymns as follows:

in Tablet 13963, Rev. 1, “O BÊl of the mountains;”
in Tablet 13930, Obv. 2, “O father Nannar;”
in Tablet 29631, Obv. 10, “O Ramman, king of heaven”; and
in Tablet 29628, Obv. 3, “The lord Tammuz” (CT. XV, 10, 15, 16, 17 and 19).

The attributes and deeds belonging to these divinities are adduced from a wide range of literature, beginning with the royal inscriptions of the pre-dynastic periods and ending with the inscriptions of the monarchs of the later Babylonian empire. In fact, the building inscriptions of the Babylonians, the war inscriptions of the Assyrians, the legendary literature, the incantations, as well as the religious collections, particularly the hymns, afford us many descriptions, of greater or less length, of all the Babylonian gods.

To aid the student in understanding better the character of the four gods whose hymns have been translated in the following Thesis, I here give a brief descriptive sketch of each of the deities whose praises were sung in the documents which I have chosen to render.

1. BÊl

BÊl was the most ancient of all Babylonian gods and was a popular deity through the historic rise and fall of several Babylonian states, when no other god received prominent recognition. When En-Šag-kuŠanna, lord of KÊngi, subdued the city of KΊ in the north of Babylonia, he brought the spoil of his victory to BÊl. “To BÊl (En-lil), king of the lands, En-Šag-kuŠanna, lord of KÊngi, the spoil of KΊ, wicked of heart, he presented.”[1] Urukagina, king of LagaŠ, built a temple to Ningirsu, the god of Girsu, but he, in honoring Ningirsu as the hero of BÊl, was really honoring BÊl. “For Ningirsu, the hero of BÊl, Urukagina, king of Širpurla, his house he built.”[2] Eannatum, who was patesi of LagaŠ and made himself king of KΊ, calls himself the chosen of BÊl, as follows: “Eannatum, patesi of Širpurla, chosen of BÊl.”[3] Entemena, who is called in the Vase of Silver, “son of Enanatum”,[4] and who probably was the nephew of Eannatum, introduces his fine Cone Inscription with these words: “BÊl, king of the lands, father of the gods.”[5] He also claims in the same inscription to derive the right to reign from BÊl: “Entemena, patesi of Širpurla, to whom a sceptre is given by BÊl.”[6] Entemena’s Cone also gives us information about Mesilim. It speaks of Mesilim as “king of KΊ.”[7] In describing the victory of Mesilim over the GiŠbanites, a people located apparently not very far from KΊ, Entemena tells us that the victory was effected by the command of BÊl. “Upon the command of BÊl a scourge he (Mesilim) brought over them (the GiŠbanites); the dead in a field of the land he buried.”[8] For map showing supposed location of GiŠban, see SSO. p. 158. Lugalzaggisi, a usurper from the north, making himself master of the world in all directions and setting up a throne at Erech, in his inscription of 132 lines, freely recognizes the favor of BÊl. “BÊl, king of the lands, to Lugalzaggisi, king of Erech, the kingship of the world did give.”[9] In this period preceding Sargon I., ŠamaŠ seems to have a distinct place in the religious world, but he does not receive the attention that BÊl receives. He is particularly mentioned in one inscription; viz., in the StÈle des Vautours, where he is spoken of as “ŠamaŠ, the king who dispenses splendour.”[10]

The date of these early Babylonian rulers, of course, is, as yet, not accurately determined. The relative age of each is made out chiefly from palaeographic evidences (see EBH. p. 8, for example), supplemented with the attempt at fitting into one harmonious whole the events which the inscriptions of these rulers divulge. Then the whole schedule is crowded backward or forward or internally changed from time to time as new evidence is gathered for or against the testimony of Nabonidus (555-538 B. C.) who, when he discovered the tablet of NarÂm-Sin, declared that he was gazing on that which no eyes had beheld for thirty-two hundred years. Nabonidus says: “I dug to a depth of eighteen cubits, and the foundation of NarÂm-Sin, the son of Sargon, which for thirty-two hundred years no king that had preceded me had discovered, ŠamaŠ, the great Lord of E-barra, permitted me, even me, to behold.”[11] On the supposed relation of these kings to NarÂm-Sin, the rulers En-Šag-kuŠanna, a king of the south, Urukagina, of LagaŠ, and Mesilim, a king ruling at KΊ, are placed along about the date of 4500 B. C., while Eannatum, Enannatum and Entemena, successive rulers at LagaŠ, are placed near the date of 4200 B. C. Lugalzaggisi of Erech is placed at 4000 B. C. It may be stated here that the date of Sargon I. as 3800 B. C. is obtained by adding to 3200 the date of the reign of Nabonidus as 550 years B. C. and also the length of the reign of Sargon I. as 50 years.

The seat of BÊl’s cult was Nippur, a city lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, a little below Babylon, and located, as it were, in the midway favorable to receiving homage from kings of either the north or the south of Babylonia. We find it mentioned as early as the time of Entemena, who in one of his inscriptions, in speaking of something presented to BÊl, says: “To BÊl of Nippur by Entemena it was presented”.[12] In the bilingual legend of the Creation, Nippur seems to be regarded as a very old city. It is placed at the head of the list of three that are mentioned as ancient cities of Babylonia. “Nippur was not made; E-kur was not built. Erech was not made; E-anna was not built. The abyss was not made; Eridu was not built.”[13] Nippur evidently is older than the worship of BÊl and the conception of BÊl is older than the first king of whom we have mention; viz., En-Šag-kuŠanna, who is placed at 4500 B. C.

At Nippur was located BÊl’s great temple which was commonly called E-kur, house of the mountain, a name particularly descriptive of the shrine of BÊl resting on the top of the mountain-like ziggurrat. Sargon I. calls himself the builder of BÊl’s temple at Nippur, and NarÂm-Sin, the son of Sargon, also calls himself the builder of BÊl’s temple. Sargon’s language, which we take from a door-socket found at Nippur, is: “Šargani-Šar-Âli, son of Itti-BÊl, the mighty king of Agade, builder of E-kur, temple of BÊl in Nippur”.[14] The language of NarÂm-Sin from a brick stamp found at Nippur is: “NarÂm-Sin, builder of the temple of BÊl”.[15] Neither Sargon nor his son meant that he was the original builder of E-kur. They were simply repairers of the temple, like many other kings. Many kings down to the last king of the last empire took much pride in rebuilding temples. There must have been a temple at Nippur when En-Šag-kuŠanna presented the spoil of KΊ to BÊl. Excavations at Nippur show that, as there are great deposits of debris above the temple pavements made by Sargon and his son, so beneath these pavements there is a further great layer of debris, proving that the founding of E-kur must reach far back into the darkness of pre-historic antiquity. Sargon’s bricks were the first to bear a stamp which we may consider to imply a date, but they were not the first bricks laid.

The ziggurrat which Ur-Gur, an early king of Ur, built is the first of which we have definite knowledge. We know something of the pavement that Sargon I. and NarÂm-Sin built, but of the character of the buildings that might have rested on this pavement we have no information. Ur-Gur leveled the ground and built a new platform, 8 feet high and 100 by 170 feet in area with a ziggurrat consisting of three stages. Some of the facings of his structure were made of burnt brick, bearing the inscription of Ur-Gur (see N. II, 124). The greatest temple Nippur ever had was built by an Assyrian king; viz., AŠurbÂnipal. The structure covered a larger surface than any before it. The walls, instead of being plain, were ornamented with square half columns. The lower terrace was faced with baked brick, stamped with an inscription in which the ziggurrat is dedicated to BÊl, the lord of the lands, by AŠurbÂnipal, the mighty king, the king of the four quarters of the earth, the builder of E-kur (see N. II, 126).

E-kur, the temple of BÊl at Nippur, as restored on the basis of the discoveries of the University of Pennsylvania Exploration Fund, consists of two courts, an outer and an inner court. Within the inner court stands the ziggurrat, rising to a tower of three or four stages which the most devout pilgrims might perhaps ascend. At the top is an enclosed shrine in which is a statue of BÊl. Here BÊl and his consort, BÊlit, for Babylonian gods maintain family relations like human beings, are supposed to dwell. In figurines BÊl appears as an old man, dressed in royal robes, generally carrying a thunder-bolt in his hand (see N. II, 128). By the side of the ziggurrat stands a temple for the use of the priests. We may assume on the whole, no doubt, that the assembly of pilgrims was confined chiefly to the outer court (see EBL. 470).

BÊl was at first a local deity, but as the circumference of the political territory of which Nippur was the religious centre was enlarged, so BÊl’s cult was extended. Other cities included in the same political domain with Nippur, recognized BÊl as lord. BÊl was a sort of war god. Kings rivaled one another in courting his favor. The victorious king attributed his success to BÊl and brought the spoil to BÊl. The king of the south, whether of LagaŠ, Erech or Ur, and the king of the north, whether of KΊ or Agade, always went to Nippur to celebrate his victory. In this way BÊl’s lordship came to be recognized as extending over all Babylonia and finally over Assyria. ?ammurabi, king at Babylon, 2300 B. C., recognized “BÊl as lord of heaven and earth, who determines the destiny of the land”,[16] and Tiglath-pileser I. (about 1100 B. C.), the first great Assyrian conqueror, called BÊl “the father of the gods and BÊl of the lands”,[17] and speaks of himself as “appointed to dominion over the country of BÊl”.[18]

The Semitic appropriation of En-lil involved some transformation in the conception of BÊl. Not to refer to Palestine, there were three BÊls; the Sumerian BÊl, the Semitic BÊl and the new BÊl or Marduk, who, however, was really a different god. The Babylonian BÊl, either in the mind of the Sumerian, of the Babylonian or of the Assyrian, always had his seat at Nippur.

Under Semitic influence BÊl became lord of the world. He was one in the hierarchy of three who ruled the universe; viz., Anu, the lord of the heavens, BÊl, the lord of the earth, and Ea, the lord of the deep. The Sumerian name, En-lil, made BÊl the “lord of fulness”. The Semitic name BÊl emphasized the fact of his lordship, and the name of his temple, E-kur, “house of the mountain”, marked out the scope of his lordship. The earth was conceived of as a mountain resting on the abyss, and the temple with its ziggurrat was built to rise up like a mountain out of the deep. The people could stand in the court of the temple at Nippur and say of the mountain-like structure:

“O great mountain of BÊl, O airy mountain,

Whose summit reaches heaven,

Whose foundation in the shining deep is firmly laid,

On the land like a mighty bull lying,

With gleaming horns like the rays of the rising sun,

Like the stars of heaven that are filled with lustre!”[19]

When Babylon became the chief city of all Babylonia, it was natural that its god should be regarded as supreme. It was at this point that political lordship seemed to pass from the old BÊl to the new, namely to Marduk. ?ammurabi, one of the early kings at Babylon, speaks of BÊl as voluntarily transferring his power to Marduk. In the Assyrian legend of the Creation this transfer is dramatically enacted. The task of overcoming the monster TiÂmat naturally belonged to BÊl. But Marduk, the youthful god of Eridu, the son of Ea, was urged to attempt the feat. When he had slain the monster, there was joy among the gods. They vied with each other in bestowing honor on the victor. Finally BÊl steps forward and confers an honor also. He bestowed on Marduk his own title with these words: “Father BÊl calls Marduk the lord of the world.”[20] Marduk, therefore, is sometimes called the new BÊl in distinction from En-lil, the old BÊl.

The idea of origins is apparently not very fully elaborated in Babylonian literature. For instance, the Babylonians did not come so near to the idea of creation ex nihilo as the Hebrews. Their cosmogony starts with chaos. The expanse of the heavens appears specked with stars, some of which move with regularity. The moon travels across the expanse according to a prescribed order. Then the Babylonian bilingual account of the Creation gives a short statement of the creation of the land and sea, of man and beast. Generally, however, the divinity that planned and perfected order seems to be far in the background. The bilingual account says:

“Marduk constructed an enclosure before the waters,

He made dust and heaped it up within the enclosure.

Mankind he created.

Animals of the field, creatures of the field he created.

The Tigris and the Euphrates he made and in place put (them)

By their names joyfully he called them”.[21]

Now Marduk, we know, took the place of BÊl and BÊl handed over his prerogatives to Marduk. In transferring his rights he must have given over also his power to create. If Marduk possessed the power to create in the time of his popularity, BÊl must have had the same power in the days of his glory, before he was succeeded by Marduk. Therefore we are led to the belief that the early Babylonians looked upon BÊl as the creator of animal and human life on earth.

The following hymn may be regarded as embodying a legendary view of BÊl as creator, while the idea of destruction is also incorporated in the hymn:

“Of BÊl, mighty hand,

Who lifts up glory and splendour, day of power.

Fearfulness he establishes.

Lord of DUN.PA.UD.DU.A, mighty hand.

Fearfulness he establishes.

Stormy one, father, mother, creator, mighty hand.

The catch-net he throws over the hostile land.

Lord, great warrior, mighty hand.

A firm house he raises up; the enemy he overthrows.

The shining one, lord of Nippur, mighty hand.

The lord, the life of the land, the massÛ of heaven and earth.”[22]

2. Sin

Next after BÊl, the moon-god is worthy of consideration, because of the age of his cult, and because of the greatness of its influence in Babylonia. The moon-god had two Sumerian names, two Assyrian names and two great temples. The Sumerian name most often applied to the moon-god is Šis-ki, the particular meaning of which in this case does not seem to be very patent. If the two syllables Šis and ki are taken as nouns, the one is the construct state and the other in the genitive relation, the name means “brother of the land”, that is, “protector of the land”, or “helper of the land”. The other Sumerian name is En-zu, lord of wisdom, the intellectual attribute of wisdom being closely related to the physical property of giving light. While therefore Šis-ki expresses the material relation of the moon to the earth, En-zu seems to state the intellectual relation of the moon-god to the affairs of the earth. The first Assyrian name of the moon-god to be considered is Nannar. The derivation of this name is still in doubt. It generally occurs in bilingual literature as the Assyrian equivalent of the Sumerian Šis-ki (see IV R. 9, 3-18). Jastrow thinks that the word Nannar is made by the reduplication of nar, “light”, and the assimilation of the first r, Nar + nar = Nannar (see RBA. p. 72). The other Assyrian name, connected with the moon-god more often at Harran than at Ur, is Sin, the sign being EŠ, used also for “thirty”, and is applied to the moon-god as the deity of the month of thirty days. As the cult of the moon-god traveled from Ur to Harran, so the name of Sin traveled even into the peninsula of Arabia and probably became a local name there in the wilderness. The Assyrian kings of the second empire seemed to prefer to call the moon-god by the name Sin, but the Semitic Babylonians called him Nannar.

Nannar had a temple at Ur, called E-giŠŠirgal, and one at Harran, known as E-?ul?ul. Ur was the oldest of the two temple cities. Its history may possibly reach back to 4000 B. C. Ur held a position in southern Babylonia similar to that held by Nippur in northern Babylonia, but was not so old as Nippur. Ur was the religious centre in the south with Nannar as the state god, as Nippur was the religious centre in the north with BÊl as the state god. When the states of the south and the north were united under ?ammurabi, Babylon, becoming the religious capital of the south and the north combined, the state lustre of the god of Babylon naturally came to dim the glory of the god of Ur as well as that of Nippur. Harran, situated on the Euphrates in the northern part of Assyria, never figured in state power, and was prominent only because of the importance of the events that centered there, on the road between the east and the west.

Nabonidus, the last Semitic Babylonian king (555-538 B. C.) was an enthusiastic devotee of the moon-god. He tells us what AŠurbÂnipal did to the temple of the moon-god at Mugheir. In speaking of that temple, he calls it the house of Sin which AŠurbÂnipal, king of Assyria, son of Esarhaddon, king of Assyria had built. Nabonidus himself rebuilt both the temples of the moon-god, the temple of E-giŠŠirgal at Ur and the temple of E-?ul?ul at Harran, and he gives us a description of the rebuilding of both. We also have two prayers of Nabonidus addressed to the moon-god, one addressed to him at E-giŠŠirgal, the other addressed to him at E-?ul?ul (see I R. 68, Col. I, 6 ff. and V R. 64, Col. I, 8 ff.).

The temple ruins of E-giŠŠirgal have been well uncovered. The temple is of rectangular form, the four corners turned towards the four cardinal points of the compass. The platform of the base is at the level of the roofs of the houses, made of solid masonry of bricks and reached by steps at the end. On the platform are two stagings, also of solid masonry reached by steps at one end. On the second staging is a shrine of the moon-god. In sculpture he appears as an old man with long beard and dressed in royal robes. He wears a hat and in the scene there is always a thin crescent (see Clercq, Vol. I, Plates X-XV). Loftus and Taylor both give drawings of the temple of E-giŠŠirgal (see TR. p. 127 and JRAS. XV, p. 260.) The ruins of the temple of the moon-god at Harran have not yet been uncovered to the extent that the plan of the temple can be laid before us.

Theologically, Nannar stood at the head of the second triad of gods. The hierarchy of the universe consisted of the god Anu, the god BÊl and the god Ea. The hierarchy of heaven consisted of the god Nannar, the god ŠamaŠ and the god IŠtar; that is, the moon-god, the sun-god and the star-god. The reason for placing Nannar above ŠamaŠ was that Nannar was the god of the ruling city, while ŠamaŠ was the city god of the dependent state, though the sun which ŠamaŠ represents is stronger than the moon which Nannar represents, and we should expect ŠamaŠ, therefore, to receive the first place. The god of the city of Larsa was ŠamaŠ. The god of the city of Ur was Nannar. When Larsa became subject to Ur, the god of Larsa; viz., ŠamaŠ, became the child of the god of Ur; that is, of Nannar. The relation of the night to the calendar also shows that the rank of Nannar was superior to that of ŠamaŠ. The day began at evening; not with the morning. The sun too was the son of the night; that is, it issued forth from the night, in the morning. Kings, thinking of this fact, that the sun was born of the night, often addressed ŠamaŠ as the offspring of the god Sin. The rising of the moon in the night to send forth its light into the darkness also impressed the Babylonian with the power of the moon. The waxing and waning of the moon left the same impression on the Babylonian mind. The regularity of the phases of the moon and its effect upon the tides as well showed the moon to be an agent in marking time. Finally, the place of the moon among the stars also gave him the appearance of having royal sway.

Nannar’s national influence was much like that of BÊl. Geographically, he represented southern Babylonia, while BÊl was the chief deity of northern Babylonia. When Marduk became the patron god of Babylon, BÊl and Nannar still held their positions as patron gods, but in subordination to Marduk. Besides, they did not lose their influence as supreme deities, each in his peculiar sphere, BÊl as the god of the earth and Nannar as the god of the moon. BÊl was ruler of the earth while Nannar was, by his light, a producer in the earth. BÊl was the providential director of life on earth, Nannar was the originator of life on earth, as he formed the child in the womb. Both were superhuman in power and wisdom. Thus ?ammurabi: “My words are mighty. If a man pay no attention to my words, may BÊl, the lord who determines destinies, whose command cannot be altered, who has enlarged my dominion, drive him out from his dwelling. May Sin, the lord of heaven, my divine creator, whose scimetar shines among the gods, take away from him the crown and throne of sovereignty.”[23]

No god in the mind of the Babylonian had reached the position of combining in himself all the qualities of divinity. So it did not seem inconsistent to the Babylonian to worship two gods like BÊl and Nannar, or more gods. There was a tolerance of all gods; each was considered as acting in his own circle, and these circles did not necessarily exclude the one the other. One god might be more important than another, according to the importance of the circle in which his virtue was effective, or according to the importance of the political power the circle of whose sway was under the special tutelage of some particular god. Babylonian worship cannot be said to be polytheistic in the grosser form, nor had it reached the higher ideal that lies in monotheism. It may properly be considered a henotheistic worship in which there is a pantheon of gods whose local and universal claims did not cause the gods or their devotees to war the one on the other.

There is a truly great bilingual hymn addressed to Nannar. According to the colophon it was transcribed by the chief penman of AŠurbÂnipal from an old copy. My impression is that it is an enlargement of the hymn to Nannar of which this Thesis gives a transliteration, translation and commentary. For this reason I herewith append the following translation:

“O lord, highest of the gods, alone in heaven and earth exalted!

O father Nannar, lord of AnŠar, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, lord Anu the great, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, lord Sin, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, lord of Ur, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, lord of E-giŠŠirgal, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, lord of the shining crown, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, of most perfect royalty, highest of the gods!

O father Nannar, in royal robes marching, highest of the gods!

O strong young bullock, with great horns, of perfect physical strength, with hazel-colored pointed beard of luxurious growth and perfect fulness!

O fruit, whose stalk growing of itself reacheth a tall form, beautiful to look upon, whose perfection never satiateth!

O mother, the producer of life, thou who settest up for the creatures of life a lofty dwelling!

O merciful and gracious father, thou who holdest in hand the life of all the land!

O lord, thy divinity, like the distant heavens and the broad sea, inspireth reverence!

O creator of the lands, founding the temple and giving it a name!

O namer of royalty, determiner of the future for distant days!

O mighty prince, whose distant thought no god can declare!

O thou whose knee bendeth not, opener of the road for the gods thy brothers!

O thou who goest forth from the foundation of heaven to the height of heaven, opening the door of heaven, creating light for all men!

O father, begetter of all, who lookest upon the creatures of life, who thinkest of them!

O lord, who fixest the destiny of heaven and earth, whose command no one changeth!

O thou who holdest the fire and the water, who turnest the life of creation, what god reacheth thy fulness!

Who in heaven is high? Thou alone art high.

Who on earth is high? Thou alone art high.

As for thee, when thy word is spoken in heaven, the Igigi bow down the face.

As for thee, when thy word is spoken on earth, the Anunaki kiss the ground.

As for thee, when thy word like the wind resoundeth on high, food and drink abound.

As for thee, when thy word is established in the land, it causeth vegetation to grow.

As for thee, thy word maketh fat the herd and flock and increaseth the creatures of life.

As for thee, thy word secureth truth and righteousness and causeth men to speak righteousness.

As for thee, thy word extendeth to heaven, it covereth the earth, no one can comprehend it.

As for thee, thy word, who can understand it, who can approach it!

O lord, in heaven supreme, on earth the leader, among the gods thy brothers without a rival.

O king of kings, the lofty one, whose command no one approacheth, whose divinity no god can liken.

Where thy eye looketh thou showest favor, where thy hand toucheth thou securest salvation.

O lord, the shining one, who directeth truth and righteousness in heaven and earth and causeth them to go forth.

Look graciously on thy temple, look graciously on thy city.

Look graciously on Ur, look graciously on E-giŠŠirgal,

Thy beloved consort, the gracious mother, calleth to thee: O lord give rest!

The hero ŠamaŠ calleth to thee: O lord give rest!

The Igigi call to thee: O lord give rest!

The Anunaki call to thee: O lord give rest!

..... calleth to thee: O lord give rest!

Ningal calleth to thee: O lord give rest!

May the bar of Ur, the enclosure of E-giŠŠirgal and the building of Ezida be established!

The gods of heaven and earth call to thee: O lord give rest!

The lifting up of the hand. 48 lines on the tablet to Nannar.

Mighty one. Lord of strength.

Like its original, copied and revised.

Tablet of IŠtar-Šuma-ereŠ, the chief scribe.

Of AŠurbÂnipal, king of legions, king of Assyria,

Son of Nabu-zer-liŠteŠir, chief penman.”

IV R. 9.

This AŠurbÂnipal hymn may be considered as remarkable for its advanced ideas. In the first part of the hymn there is introduced the mythological idea of the bullock’s head in the moon with horns and the face with flowing hazel-colored beard, so that strength and brilliancy are pointed out. But the hymn advances into literal speech by which the most varied and greatest of divine attributes are attached to the god Nannar. He is named as sovereign god, a self-created god, a merciful god, the begetter of all life, the maintainer of the life of the world, the bestower of gifts to men, the establisher of dwellings; he fixes destinies, pronounces judgment, gives water to man and supplies him with vegetable food. He holds a unique and exalted position in heaven and on earth above all other beings. To him the angels of heaven and spirits of earth bow, and at his command the forces of nature perform their marvellous functions.

3. Adad

The storm-god is known by the Sumerian ideogram Im. The sign IMMU in the El-Amarna tablets (1500 B. C.) has the reading Adad, a name connected with the Syrian Hadad. Oppert thinks Adad is the god’s oldest name. It seems evidently a foreign equivalent for Im. The Assyrian name Ramman is a provisional name meaning “thunderer”, and probably only an epithet. The sign IMMU has also the value Mer. This is, no doubt, the original and real name of the god, which appears as well in the form Immer. The primary idea in the name is that of wind, then, that of rain and finally of thunder and lightning. The god is not an object like Nannar, but a force; then the force is personified and he is spoken of as a person. ?ammurabi puts him in the second triad of gods. He is the third person of that triad, Sin being the first person and ŠamaŠ the second. Generally IŠtar has the third place in the second triad. In that case Ramman falls outside of that triad and takes position among all the gods as seventh in importance. The order is as follows: Anu, BÊl, Ea, Sin, ŠamaŠ, IŠtar, Adad (Ramman). As a Babylonian god we find Ramman’s name appears in ?ammurabi’s time as a common name in literature. He is invoked in ?ammurabi’s Code, like other gods, of course in his sphere as a storm-god. Thus: “If a man will pay no attention to my words, may Adad, the lord of abundance, the regent of heaven and earth, my helper, deprive him of the rain from heaven and the water-floods from the springs! May he bring his land to destruction through want and hunger! May he break loose furiously over his city and turn his land into a heap left by a whirlwind!”[24] With the kings of the Cassite dynasty Ramman seems to be popular. His name appears by the side of that of ŠamaŠ and he is called the divine lord of justice. In the Babylonian dynasty of kings, Nebuchadnezzar I. addresses Ramman as the great lord of heaven, the lord of the subterranean waters and rain, whose curse is invoked against the one who sets aside the decrees of Nebuchadnezzar or defaces his monument.

Ramman is thought to be more truly an Assyrian than a Babylonian god. He is almost as dear to the Assyrian as the god AŠur. Historical data, however, do not furnish very early mention of his name in Assyria. We find that he had a seat of worship in Damascus, and his cult had vogue in the plain of Jezreel, his name appearing in Hebrew, written by mistake, after the text was Masoretically vocalized, “Rimmon” which is exactly the same in form as the Hebrew word for pomegranate. In Assyria we can trace his history back to some extent by means of inscriptions in which his name appears as an element in the compound names of kings. For example, we find his name in the name of the ancient Assyrian king ŠamaŠ-Ramman, and from an inscription of Tiglath-pileser I. we learn also that ŠamaŠ-Ramman built a temple to the god Ramman. So we have historical evidence that the cult of Ramman is older in Assyria than this king, who was reigning in 1820 B. C. How much older it may be we do not know. Jastrow thinks that the cult is indigenous to Assyrian soil.

Between the time of ŠamaŠ-Ramman and the time of Tiglath-pileser I. the service of Ramman must have declined somewhat, for the temple of Ramman in the city of AŠŠur seems not to have been repaired from the days of ŠamaŠ-Ramman till Tiglath-pileser himself rebuilt it. Tiglath-pileser says that from the time of the founding it was in decay six hundred and forty years. Then king AŠurdan tore it down entirely. Sixty years after the entire destruction, Tiglath-pileser builds the temple anew. He says that in the beginning of his government the great gods Anu and Adad demanded for him the restoration of their sacred dwelling. “I made bricks and cleared its ground until I reached the artificial flat terrace upon which the old temple had been built. I laid its foundation upon the solid rock and the whole place incased with bricks like a fire-place, overlaid on it a layer of fifty bricks in depth and built upon this the foundations of the temple of Anu and Adad of large square stones. I built it up from foundation to roof, larger and grander than before, and erected also two great temple towers ... fitting ornaments of their great divinities.”[25] From Tiglath-pileser on, temples of Ramman do not seem to be often mentioned, but the god himself is frequently spoken of in inscriptions of the kings. Sargon II. has one of the eastern gates of his temple named “Ramman the producer of abundance”. AŠurbÂnipal enumerates thirteen gods whom he honors as the great gods, and places Ramman fifth in the list.

Ramman’s most esteemed service was that of bestowing blessing. The rains in the right proportion were a boon to the land, filling the canals and watering the soil. ?ammurabi calls Ramman the lord of abundance and his helper. Tiglath-pileser I. prays for the blessings of prosperity, as he prays to Adad: “May Anu and Adad turn to me truly and accept graciously the lifting up of my hand, hearken unto my devout prayers, grant me and my reign abundance of rain, years of prosperity and fruitfulness in plenty.”[26] AŠurbÂnipal describes the blessings he receives by the favor of this god: “Ramman let loose his showers and Ea has opened his springs, the grain has grown to a height of five yards and the ears have been five sixths of a yard long, the produce of the land has been abundant and the fruit trees have borne fruit richly.”[27] The mention of Anu and Ea with Ramman is because of their power to produce water, Ea representing the depths of water and Anu the heaven with its clouds of rain.

The most conspicuous work of Ramman was that of destruction. It is in this function of judgment that he is associated with ŠamaŠ. The connection lies in the fact that the lightning of Ramman is like the day-light of ŠamaŠ; so, as the god of lightning, Ramman has the title bir?u. Lightning and flooding rain were, because of their destructive character, fearful forces, and the kings in calling for a curse on hostile man or land turn to Ramman in imprecation, as, for example, Raman-Nirari I. does concerning the man who may be tempted to blot out the record of Ramman-Nirari’s name: “May Ramman with terrible rainstorm overwhelm him, may flood, destruction, wind, rebellion, revolution, tempest, want and famine, drought and hunger be continually in his land. May he come down on his land like a flood. May he turn it into mounds and ruins. May Ramman strike his land with a destructive bolt.”[28]

Some Babylonian composer has set forth the terrifying side of Ramman’s character in a bilingual hymn as follows:

“The lord in his anger himself makes heaven quake.

Adad in his wrath lifts up the earth.

The mighty mountain he himself smites down.

At his anger, at his wrath,

At his roaring, at his thundering,

The gods of heaven ascend to heaven,

The gods of earth enter earth,

ŠamaŠ into the foundation of heaven enters,

Sin in the height of heaven is magnified.”[29]

4. Tammuz

There is a fascination about the life of Tammuz not experienced in the contemplation of the other gods of Babylonia. He seems to be presented to us just as though he were a man.

Our first paragraph may describe him as a resident of one of the ancient cities of southern Babylonia. The city of his residence was Eridu on the banks of the Euphrates. His official title is that of sun-god and his occupation is to care for the growth of plants. The name of his father was Ea, the lord of the city of Eridu, whose duties consisted in governing the waters of the river on whose shore the city rested. Tammuz had a mother, whose name was Davkina, the mistress of the vine. Tammuz also had a sister Belili whose calling was, like that of Tammuz her brother, the care of plant growth. Tammuz also had a bride, the famous and treacherous IŠtar, the goddess of love, represented by the evening star; she was mistress of the neighbouring city of Erech, a little to the north-west, and on the other side of the Euphrates. The life of Tammuz at Eridu was romantic and his days ended in tragedy. There is a little poem, giving a picture of his home. There was a garden, a holy place, abundantly shaded with profuse leafage of trees whose roots went down deep into the waters over which Ea presided. His couch was hung under the rich foliage of the vine which his mother tended. There Tammuz dwelt and there was his shrine. His dwelling of foliage in his youthful days was symbolic of the domain in which the virtue of his power was to be exercised. His real home was in heaven, for from heaven the virtue of plant-growth proceeds with the heat of the sun. But his connection with heaven had been forgotten, except in reminiscence found in legend. In the legend of Adapa, for instance, we find a hint of it. Tammuz and his companion GiŠzida are seen mounting up to heaven where they receive stations as door-keepers in the gate of Anu’s house; in heaven they properly belong.

The descent of Tammuz to the lower world implies that he died, but the accounts have not made a direct statement of how he died, or what was the cause of his death. Perhaps we may conceive of the event of his death as having taken place at Eridu before the service of lamentation had developed into a cult honored at the court of Sargon of Akkad, where a temple was built for Tammuz after northern Babylonia had gained the ascendency over southern Babylonia. The literal cause of his death was that he was not capable of making plant-growth a continuous process. The power of the heat of the sun as the summer advanced was superior to the virtue which Tammuz possessed over plant-life. The fierce heat of the summer caused vegetation to take a paler hue; then the germs of decay entered; slowly and surely the face of the land was assuming the same state that existed before the power of Tammuz appeared to quicken the blade of grass and the fruit-bud of the early spring. So Tammuz was banished to the lower world. Romantically his entrance to the abode of the dead was due to the hand which IŠtar had in the events of his life. She had many lovers, and she betrayed them all. Her betrayal in the case of Tammuz consisted in not aiding him in her sphere as great mother in the production of life on earth. Had she supplemented his effort and made the earth continue to bear and bring forth, counteracting the effect of the deadly heat of the summer solstice and the destructive wind of the south, the gardens and the fruit orchards over whose productiveness Tammuz presided would have enjoyed perennial fruitage, and GilgameŠ would never have had to take up the sad accusation against IŠtar:

“Tammuz, the spouse of thy youth,

Thou compellest to weep year after year.”[30]

Also there had never gone up the song of lamentation:

“He went down to meet the nether world,

He has sated himself. ŠamaŠ caused him to perish

To the land of the dead.

With mourning was he filled on the day

When he fell into great sorrow.”[31]

According to another story of the fate of Tammuz, IŠtar was the victim of sudden and violent passion, and in a fit of anger for disregard of her command she had smitten him down, just as she crushed the allallu-bird she loved:

“Thou didst crush him and break his pinions.

In the woods he stands and laments,

‘O my pinions’.”[32]

Also as she cast out of her sight the lion:

“Thou didst love a lion of perfect strength,

Seven and seven times thou didst bury him in the corners.”[33]

The origin of the service of weeping for Tammuz is an interesting legend. When IŠtar had slain her lover, she hastened, like the going down of the evening star, to the lower world in search of waters to restore him to life. She searches long, passing through all the compartments of Hades. The story does not give details of her finding Tammuz, but instead, a scene of his burial is introduced:

“To Tammuz, her youthful consort

Pour out pure waters, costly oil.”[34]

A scene of the mourning for Tammuz is also introduced, which may be taken as the original lamentation, all other summer solstice weepings being anniversaries of this original one. His sister is there lamenting:

“O my only brother, let me not perish!”[35]

And a great company of mourners sing dirges by the accompaniment of the flute and follow the instruction which Tammuz, though dead, seems to be giving then and there:

“On the day of Tammuz play for me,

On the flute of uknu and samtu!

With it play for me! With it play for me!

O male and female mourners!

That the dead may arise and inhale incense!”[36]

Of course the story is not finished and the circle of events not completed without the resurrection of Tammuz. In a Chaldaean intaglio there is a picture of Tammuz rejuvenated on the knees of IŠtar (see Clercq Vol. I, Plate IX, No. 83). Some forms of the story must include his return to the earth, and the complete service of lamentation must have been sometimes supplemented by a service of joy in which the idea of resurrection was significant.

Though the original lamentation was an expression of grief for Tammuz dead, the fully developed ceremony was an expression of several pathetic ideas. It was accompanied with sacrifice and offerings of wine. In Babylonia the commemoration was observed every year on the second day of the fourth month, called the month of Tammuz. It was not only a weeping for dead Tammuz, but a weeping for dead vegetation. The dying leaf had a mourner. The withered stock had a sympathizing friend. For the blasted blade of grass there was shed a tear. For the barren tree bereft of golden foliage and luscious fruit there went up a cry of sympathy. The ceremony was an expression of sadness that came over the people as the oppression of the heat of summer bore down upon them, the water supply being reduced, vegetable life put out and human life consequently made almost unendurable by the deprivation and heat of summer. The time of weeping was one for the expression of personal sorrow that lurks in almost every heart. The wail of anguish was a relief to souls burdened with their own peculiar griefs. The soul found relief in lifting up the voice attuned to some form of elegy. There came a relief like the rolling of the burden of guilt from the breast. The ceremony was one that embraced in its performance the expression of confession. It was, however, performed with the consciousness that the drought of summer was but for a season, and that there was to follow a period of happier existence, as the succeeding winter should merge into a new spring.

Tammuz was supposed to leave the land with the season when the spring growth was completed, to come back again in the following year. He is considered as dead, but his death is not an absolute one. He tells the mourners what to do as they gather about his bier. According to some allusions he seems also to be a lord, as it were, in the bowels of the earth, preparing the inner earth for putting forth a new stock of vegetation, as spring shall come. Hence, the hymn to Tammuz in this Thesis calls him “the generator of the lower world”. His association with his friend GiŠzida substantiates more fully the idea of his resurrection. To give vitality to his work he still maintains his old personality of sun-god, and to him again is given a seat in heaven, as the Adapa legend shows:

“On mounting up to heaven,

At the gate of Anu

Tammuz and GiŠzida were stationed.”[37]

The story of Tammuz seems to have taken deep and almost universal hold of the imagination and sympathy of mankind. The weeping for Tammuz is said to have been maintained by the Babylonians till a very late period. Similar stories to that of the Tammuz legend existed in about the same period of history among the Phoenicians, the Hebrews, the Greeks and the Egyptians, the most of these accounts having a common origin; if they have more than one origin, they seem nevertheless to blend in the main into one story. It is said that in the Phoenician town of Gebal by the Mediterranean on the road leading from the people of the east to those of the west, there is a yearly lamentation over the death of their sun-god, the beloved AŠtoreth, who had been slain by a cruel hand, just as the spring verdure was cut down by the hot blasts of summer. The women, tearing their hair, disfiguring their faces and cutting their breasts, sent up a cry to heaven: “O my brother!” Across the sea by the way of Cyprus, the cry is said to have been carried to Greece where it found embodiment in the story of Adonis and Aphrodite. Possibly, however, the Greek story may be indigenous. Adonis lost his life while hunting, thrust through the thigh with the tusk of a wild boar. After death he was in great favour with Persephone who finally yielded to the entreaties of the inconsolable Aphrodite, and Adonis spent one half of the year with his celestial mistress and the other half with his infernal one. How much place the annual weeping for a departed one had among the Hebrews may be inferred to some extent by the mention made in the Scriptures of the service. Zechariah speaks of the well-known mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon, and Amos refers to the custom of mourning for an only son. Ezekiel says that the Lord brought him to Jehovah’s house “and behold, there sat the women weeping for Tammuz”. Jeremiah goes a step further and gives us the refrain which was used in the weeping: “Ah me! Ah my brother!” The parallel story in Egypt had for its hero the god Osiris who, representing goodness, upon being slain by a foe, became judge of the dead, though his soul continued in existence among men.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           

Clyx.com


Top of Page
Top of Page