434.Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420.

435.See below, p. 127.

436.Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607.

437.Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.

438.Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 290, 291.

439.Tafferner (see below, p. 113, reference 5) speaks of a propylÆum supported by ten fine columns as the entrance to the court of the palace from the city.

440.Cantacuzene, iii. p. 138, ??? t?? ???f????e???t?? p??sa???e?????? p???da.

441.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)

442.Salzenberg, Altchristliche BandenkmÄler von Constantinopel, p. 125.

443.Theophanes Cont., p. 450. The date of the building is by no means settled. Dr. Paspates (p. 65) thinks it older than the time of Theodosius II.; Dr. Mordtmann (p. 33) assigns it to the reign of that emperor. It is a question for experts in Art to determine.

444.Paspates, p. 42.

445.Pages 62, 63.

446.Lib. i. p. 268.

447.Page 612.

448.Tafferner, chaplain to the Embassy sent by the Emperor Leopold I. to the Ottoman Court (CÆsarea Legatio quam, mandante Augustissimo Rom. Imperatore Leopoldi I. ad Portam Ottomanicam, suscepit, perficitque Excellentissimus Dominus Walterus Comes de Leslie, 1688), gives in his account of the mission (pp. 92, 93) the following description of the palace in his day:—“PrÆteriri non potuit quin inviseretur aula magni Constantini: Regia hÆc ad Occidentem moenibus adhÆret; nobilia sublimibus operibus instructissimo olim colle locata: tribus substructionibus moles assurrexerat; altius nullum in tota urbe domicilium. Palatij coronis superstes marmore inciso elaborata tectum fulcit, ventis et imbribus pervium. VastÆ et eminentes prÆter sacrÆ antiquitatis Ædilitatem È pario lapide fenestrÆ liquidÒ demonstrant, cujus palatij ornamenta fuerint, cujus aulÆ etiamnum ruinÆ sint. PropylÆum decem columnÆ magnitudinis et artificij dignitate conspicuÆ sustinent: ejus in angulo desolatus, et ruderibus scatens puteus moeret. Pergula È centro prominens universÆ urbis conspectum explicat. Columnis constat auro passim illitis, cujus radios color viridis extiamnum animat. Grandiora lapidum fragmenta, cum primis fabricÆ ornamentis, ac fulcris cÆteris in MoschÈas translata sunt: sola tantÆ molis vestigia, atque ex ungue cadaver nunc restat. Muro extimo meridiem versÙs insertum parieti visitur Oratoriolum hominibus recipiendis sex opportunum: Angustia loci persuadet privatÆ illud pietati Constantini sacrum fuisse. Squallet turpiter hÆc Imperatorij operis majestas nunc inter arbusta, atque hederas et sive coeli injurias, sive immanitatem barbarorum, sive Christianorum incuriam accuses, non absimilem cum tempore rebus cÆteris, utcunque floreant, internecionem minatur.”

449.Paspates, p. 19.

450.Dr. Mordtmann was the first to prove this. See below, p. 122.

451.The Sixth Hill sends three spurs towards the Golden Horn, which may be distinguished as the eastern, middle, and western.

452.This is the view of Dr. Paspates, pp. 2, 3, 92.

453.Procopius (De Æd., i. c. 3), speaking of the Church of BlachernÆ, describes it as situated p?? t?? pe??????, ?? ???? ?a?????? ??a????a??. Cf. Paschal Chron., p. 726.

454.This is the view of Dr. Mordtmann, p. 11.

455.Previous to the erection of Manuel’s Wall, the Moat may have continued further north, protecting the wall along the western side of the spur.

456.Cf. Paspates, pp. 92-99, regarding the remains of the walls around the spur, the area they enclose, and their character. According to him, the wall on the eastern side of the spur measures m. 157.81 in length, and is in some parts m. 13-14 high; the wall along the northern side of the spur is m. 180.90 long, and m. 13-14 high; the wall on the western side of the spur is m. 35 long, and as high as the adjoining walls of the city.

457.Paschal Chron., 724, t? te???? ??a?e????. This was before the erection of the Wall of Heraclius.

458.Ibid., p. 726, ????e? t?? ?a??????? ?te???.

459.Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 20, t? ??a?e???? p??te???sa t? ?a???e??? ?te???.

460.Paschal Chron., ut supra; cf. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 3, c. 6.

461.Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.

462.See above, p. 111. See also illustration facing p. 118.

463.With alterations made in the course of time by repairs.

464.Notitia, ad Reg. XIV. “Regio sane licet in urbis quartadecima numeretur, tamen quia spatio interjecto divisa est, muro proprio vallata alterius quomodo speciem civitatis ostendit.”

Dionysius Byzantius derives the name BlachernÆ from a barbarian chieftain who was settled there. If so, it is extremely probable that the Sixth Hill was fortified, to some extent, even before the foundation of Constantinople. See Gyllius, De Top. C.P., iv. c. 5.

465.On this view, a wall must, also, be supposed to have proceeded from Londja to the Golden Horn, completing the circuit of the fortifications around the city.

466.Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.

467.Page 719; cf. Ibid., p. 500; Cinnamus, p. 274.

468.Ut supra, ?e?? t? ?e???f?? ?f? ??pe? ??at? ?? t? ?? ??a????a?? ????t??a, ?p?sa ???e??e p??? ?sp??a?. ?e?? d? ?e t?? t??t?? ?p?as?? ?pt???e? t?? a??e???, p??? es???a? ?? ?? t? te???? ?????sa ?pe? ???a t?? ???e??? ? as??e?? ????e??e ?a?????, ?at? d? ????? ??e?? t? ?a??ss? ???????sa.

469.Anna Comn., vi. p. 275, et passim.

470.Nicetas Chon., p. 269; Benjamin of Toledo, p. 12.

471.As a rule, two to four courses of stone, alternating with six to nine courses of brick.

472.This is a piece of Turkish repair, in which the lintel of a postern is found.

473.Page 62.

474.See above, p. 83.

475.Pusculus, iv. 177.

476.Nicolo Barbaro, p. 794, “Questa Calegaria si xe apresso del palazzo de, l’imperador;” p. 784, “Li no ve iera barbacani.” Leonard of Scio, “Ad partem illam murorum simplicium, qua nec fossatis, nec antemurali tutebatur, Calegariam dictam.” Again he says, “Murus ad Caligariam erat perlatus, fortisque.”

477.Phrantzes, p. 280.

478.Leonard of Scio, “Horribilem perinde bombardam (quamquam major alai quam vix bovum quinquagenta centum juga vehebant) ob partem illam ... lapide qui palmis meis undecim ex meis ambibat in gyro, ex ea murum conterebant.”

479.Ibid.

480.Ibid.; N. Barbaro, May 16, 21-25; Phrantzes, p. 244.

481.Paspates, p. 22; Phrantzes, p. 280.

482.See below, p. 132. The tower is marked L on Map facing p. 115.

483.Mordtmann, p. 35.

484.See below, p. 132.

485.See above, p. 103. The inscription is now reversed, and stands a little above the base of the tower.

486.Nicetas Chon., pp. 719, 720.

487.Anna Comnena, x. p. 48; Albert Aquensis, lib. ii. c. 10, speaks of certain gates, versus Sanctum Argenteum; while Tudebodus Imitatus et Continuatus (Auteurs Occidentaux sur les Croisades, vol. iii. p. 178) states that Bohemond, who, according to Anna Comnena (x. p. 61) and Ville-Hardouin (c. 33), lodged at the Monastery of SS. Cosmas and Damianus, in the Cosmidion (Eyoub), was assigned quarters—extra civitatem in Sancto Argenteo. The Sanctus Argenteus of these writers was doubtless the church dedicated to the saints above mentioned, who were styled the Anargyri (Without Money). The name of the bay and the epithet of the saints were probably connected.

488.See foot of List of Illustrations.

489.Ville-Hardouin, c. 39, 40, 46, 47.

490.Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.

491.Ibid., i. pp. 255, 289, 290.

492.Nicephorus Greg., ix. pp. 420, 421.

493.Cantacuzene, iii. p. 501.

494.Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. pp. 130-132.

495.Chap. iv.

496.Notitia, ad Reg. XIV.

497.Suidas, Ad vocem, Anastasius.

498.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 542, 543.

499.Anna Comn., x. pp. 36, 54, 63.

500.Nicetas Chon., p. 269.

501.William of Tyre, xx. c. 24.

502.William of Tyre, ut supra.

503.Nicetas Chon., p. 720.

504.Ibid., p. 351.

505.See below, p. 143.

506.Ville-Hardouin, c. 39.

507.Ibid., c. 55.

508.Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 144, 161.

509.Cantacuzene, i. p. 305; iv. pp. 290, 291; Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 420, etc.

510.Phrantzes, p. 280.

511.Nicetas Chon., p. 269.

512.See Benjamin of Toledo, and Odo de Dogilo, iv. p. 37, both of whom visited the palace in the reign of Manuel Comnenus.

513.Cantacuzene, i. pp. 89, 90.

514.See Map facing p. 115.

515.Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 611, 612; Nicephorus Greg., xv. pp. 774-779.

516.See below, p. 132.

517.See tower L, in Map facing p. 115.

518.See illustration facing p. 248.

519.Pages 22-32, where Dr. Paspates gives an interesting account of his discovery and exploration of the chambers.

520.The plan was taken by Mr. Hanford W. Edson, formerly Instructor in Mathematics at Robert College. It was drawn by Professor Alfred Hamlin, of Columbia College, and revised by Mr. Arthur E. Henderson, Architect.

521.Since the above was written this way of entering the tower and chambers has been closed. One gains admittance now at the opening V, from the courtyard of the Mosque of Aivas Effendi.

522.In the opinion of some authorities, e.g. Professor Strzygowski, this apartment was a cistern.

523.Cf. Lanciani, The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, pp. 178, 179, 182.

524.See the loophole windows in plan of that residence, facing p. 109.

525.See below, p. 273.

526.See above, p. 128.

527.Ut supra.

528.Speaking of similar substructures below the Domus Gaiana in the Palace of the CÆsars at Rome, Lanciani remarks: “We gain by them the true idea of the human fourmilliÈre of slaves, servants, freed men, and guards, which lived and moved and worked in the substrata of the Palatine, serving the court in silence and almost in darkness” (The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 150).

529.Nicetas Chon., pp. 580, 581, ?????e??? d? ?a? p????? te?t??as?a? ?at? t? ?? ??a????a?? pa??t???, ?a ?? e?? ???a t?? ??a?t????, ?? ?fas?e, ?a? ?p??e?sa, ?a d? ?a? e?? ??????s?? ?a?t?.

530.Ibid. ut supra.

531.See above, p. 132. The tower is marked L on the Map which faces p. 115.

532.Page 39.

533.Anna Comn., xii. 161, 162, where the prison of Anemas, ? t?? ??e? e???t?, is described as p????? d? ?? e?? t?? t?? ????? t?? ?? ??a????a?? ??a?t???? d?a?e????? te???? t?? p??e??: also p. 161, t?? ????? t?? ??a?t???? ???d?????? p?????.

534.See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.

535.Page 51, ?? t??? p?????? t??? ?e??????? ?dea??de? p??s??? ??a??????. The name Anemas appears first in Theophanes, p. 749, as the surname of a certain Bardanius, t? ?p????? ??e??, in the reign of Nicephorus I., 802-811.

536.The Byzantine authors who refer to the Prison of Anemas in express terms are: Anna Comnena, xii. pp. 161, 162; Nicetas Choniates, p. 455 (? t?? ??e? f?????); Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 378; Cantacuzene, lib. ii. p. 329; Phrantzes, p. 51; Ducas, p. 45. Once, Pachymeres (vol. ii. p. 409) speaks of ta?? ?at? t?? ??a????a? e???ta??, in which the Despot Michael and his family were confined.

537.Page 31.

538.Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 11, 45. The patriarch supposed that the Palace of BlachernÆ stood within the enclosure formed by the Wall of Heraclius and the Wall of Leo. Ibid., p. 44.

539.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 206.

540.See his Epistle to Pope Nicholas V.

541.Dolfin, s. 64, “Hieronymo Italiano, Leonardo da Languasto Genoexe, cum molti compagni, la porta Chsilo et le Torre Anemande, le qual el cardinal a sue spese hauea reparato, diffensaua.”

542.See below, p. 173.

543.Anna Comn., xii. pp. 161, 162.

544.See Schlumberger, Un Empereur Byzantin au DixiÈme SiÈcle, chap. ii., for a brilliant account of the conquest of Crete by Nicephoras Phocas in 962; cf. Leo Diaconus, Historia, lib. i. et ii.

545.Anna Comn., xii. pp. 153-161.

546.Ibid., pp. 161-164.

547.Nicetas Chon., pp. 452-458.

548.Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.

549.For the account of the mission to Servia, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 350-355.

550.For the circumstances attending the imprisonment of Veccus, see Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 374-403.

551.Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 270.

552.Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 304, 396, 408, 409, where the prison is styled ta?? ?at? t?? ??a????a? e???ta??.

553.Cantacuzene, i. pp. 171, 172; ii. pp. 329-332, 457.

554.Langier, Histoire de la RÉpublique de Venise, vol. iv. pp. 251, 253.

555.The history of the imprisonment of these Imperial personages is found in Phrantzes, pp. 49-57: Ducas, pp. 43-46: Chalcocondylas, pp. 40-46, 51, 60-64.

556.Paschal Chron., p. 726, ???t? t? ?te? ??t?s?? t? te???? p???? t?? ????? t?? desp????? ??? t?? ?e?t????, ????e? t?? ?a??????? ?te???.

557.Ibid., Procopius, De Æd., lib. i. c. 3; Paschal Chron., p. 702.

558.Theophanes, p. 361.

559.For account of the siege, see Paschal Chronicle, pp. 715-726; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 20, 21.

560.Theophanes, pp. 568, 592.

561.Theophanes Cont., p. 618.

562.Pages 37, 38.

563.Theophanes, p. 592; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 787.

564.Paspates, p. 19.

565.Paschal Chron., p. 726; Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., p. 21.

566.See above, Chapter IX.

567.Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618; S??a????sa? ?a?? p???? ?a? te???ta? ???at? ?t??e?? ?te??? te???? ????e? t?? te????? t?? ??a?e????, ???a? ?a? t?? s??da? p?ate?a?.

568.Theophanes, p. 785; Theophanes Cont., pp. 612-618.

569.Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.

570.Leunclavius, Pand Hist. Turc., s. 200. The Pentapyrgion mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus was a piece of furniture in the form of a castle with five towers, kept in the Great Palace.

571.Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.

572.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. 6; Paschal Chron., pp. 724, 725.

574.Theophanes, p. 568.

575.Ibid., p. 573.

576.Ibid., p. 592.

577.Theophanes Cont., pp. 60, 61; Cedrenus, vol. ii. pp. 81-83.

578.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 304; Theophanes Cont., pp. 406-409.

579.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 563.

580.Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.

581.Ibid., x. p. 48.

582.For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, ConquÊte de Consple., c. 35; Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in Tafel et Thomas, p. 309.

583.Barbaro, pp. 719-722.

584.Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.

585.Paspates, p. 61.

586.Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.

587.Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.

588.Constantinopolis Christiana, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.

589.Banduri, Imperium Orientale, lib. vii. p. 150.

590.Nicetas Chon., p. 529.

591.Ducas, p. 282.

592.Page 37.

593.Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.

594.Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.

595.Ibid., ut supra.

596.Paschal Chron., p. 720.

597.Theophanes Cont., p. 340.

598.Ad Reg. XIV.

599.Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.

600.Paschal Chron., p. 618.

601.Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.

602.Paschal Chron., p. 720.

603.Attaliotes, p. 251.

604.Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.

605.John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, ut infra.

606.III. p. 58. Page 30.

607.Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named t?? ?a???ss??: Theophanes Cont., p. 340, t?? ?a???s??.

608.Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.

609.Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the bridge stood a perforated rock, t??pet?? ?????.

610.De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 179.

611.Paschal Chron., p. 720.

612.Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 13.

613.Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.

614.Anna Comn., x. p. 47.

615.Cinnamus, p. 75.

616.Chap. 33.

617.Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.

618.La ConquÊte de Constantinople, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui conseilliÈrent qu’on allÂt de l’autre cÔtÉ de la ville, du cÔtÉ oÙ elle n’Était pas si fortifiÉe. Et les VÉnitiens, qui connaissaient mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de l’eau les emmÈnerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrÊter leurs vaisseaux.” Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.

619.Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.

620.Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.

621.Leo Gram., p. 241.

622.See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.

623.See below, p. 263.

624.Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 21. The inscription was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on the Porta Rhousiou. See above, p. 47.

625.Anonymus, iii. p. 56.

626.Theophanes, p. 589.

627.Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.

628.Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.

629.Manasses, 4824-4829.

630.See illustration facing p. 248.

631.Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.

632.Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und Bosporos, vol. i. appendix, numbers 23, 24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, lettre xi. p. 180.

633.Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; ArchÆological Supplement, p. 31.

634.Cf. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; ArchÆological Supplement, p. 32. The following reading of the inscription has been suggested:

For the words in brackets, read instead, ? e???s?a?. Cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.

635.Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.

636.Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not clear. Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting of more than one tower (p. 101, t?? p?????), and as a single tower (p. 288, t?? p?????). (1) Is the plural number to be understood literally or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated by Phrantzes with Leo and Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the historian refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the former alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the matter, and the name of Basil I. must have dropped out of the inscription of Leo and Alexander when the tower, as the reversed position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and repaired. If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of Basil, had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower was defended by the Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p. 254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan ship as defending the fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see below, pp. 221, 222), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or towers he had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p. 238) from Crete were present at the siege, Cretans could be found taking part in the defence at different points. The tower of Leo and Alexander has disappeared.

637.Page 274.

638.Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, may be cited here.

The first is found on the seventh tower south of DeÏrmen Kapoussi, and reads:

The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:

639.Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.

640.Three pikes.

641.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; Metrical Chronicle, pp. 657-661.

642.Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio enclosure to be the work of Michael PalÆologus. His argument for the opinion that the Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the Turkish Conquest, and formed, after 1261, part of the domain attached to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the statement of Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood within the palace (t?? as??e??? ??t??). That church Dr. Paspates identified with the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point; hence his conclusion that the territory about that point was included in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But Dr. Paspates must have forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius, which formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point, but near the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace, buildings placed by Dr. Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short distance to the east of the Hippodrome, and to the west of the Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace, ???a?t??? ????t??a, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr. Metcalfe.

643.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)

644.Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication of his History to Andronicus II.

645.Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.

646.Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.

647.Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.

648.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.) The bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.

649.See below, p. 209.

650.Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., 1885; ArchÆological Supplement, pp. 37, 38.

651.Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.

652.The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city has been so often cited.

653.Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die TÜrken in Jahre 1453, note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., Cottascher Verlag.

654.Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.

655.Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, Un Empereur Byzantin au DixiÈme SiÈcle, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to the Varangian Guard. Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who assisted Isaac Angelus in the negotiations with the envoys of the Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva, et entra en une chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impÉratrice, et son chancelier, et son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).

656.See above, p. 107.

657.Librum Insularum Archipelagi.

658.Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.

659.Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or Verandah. The name refers, probably, to the Palace of BlachernÆ.

660.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition the term is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”

661.Page 721, t? te???? ? pa?ate??a? p??? ???assa? pe?? t?p?? ?? ?p????a t?? as????? ???asta?. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ... prÈs de la mer.”

662.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 124.

663.Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn., iii. p. 166.

664.Mordtmann, p. 39.

665.Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty feet wide. The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles fifteen feet. The dividing walls, pierced by seven arches, are five feet thick.

666.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.

667.Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 116.

668.?e?????? ?d?ad?a?a ?p??e???s??, January 3, 1893, p. 203.

669.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 233.

670.S????afa? a? ???ss??e?, p. 441.

671.Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.

672.Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 568.

673.Gedeon, ??????? t?? ?at??a?????? ????? ?a? t?? ?a??, pp. 72-75.

674.CÆsarea Legatio, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).

675.It is now in the Imperial Museum.

676.Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 15.

677.De Top. CP., iv. c. 4; De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 2. This depression was visible as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known as a Tchoukour Bostan, the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.

678.Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David Ungnad, p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this Diary of his visit to Constantinople, 1573-1578.

679.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

680.See below, pp. 230-240.

681.Page 254.

682.IV. p. 181.

683.N. Barbaro, p. 789.

684.Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut dÉcidÉ que les ambassadeurs retourneraient (from Pera) À Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommÉe ‘Quinigo,’ oÙ ils devaient trouver le sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la plus grande partie de la ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passÈrent À Constantinople et trouvÈrent bientÔt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la cour, prÈs de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ oÙ ils les attendaient; ils montÈrent À cheval et partirent pour visiter une Église nommÉe Sancta Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of BlachernÆ).”

685.Acta Patriarchatus CP., i. p. 568, year 1334.

686.Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.

687.Page 728.

688.Page 720.

689.Clavijo, Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques, pp. 14, 15.

690.See History of the Council of Florence, by Sgyropoulos, who attended the Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a Latin translation are found in VerÆ Historia Unionis non VerÆ inter GrÆcos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini. The translation, published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was dedicated to Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582.

691.Historia Politica, p. 19.

692.Pages 254, 255.

693.On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the BasilikÈ PylÈ and the Gate of the Kynegos, for these names are sometimes employed in a way which renders it perfectly evident that they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, ut supra; Pusculus, iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.

694.Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

695.Page 254.

696.Codinus, De Officiis CP., p. 39.

697.Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: ? p??s??? t?? ?????t?? a?t??, t?? pe?? t?? p??ta? t?? ????? ?a? ??d???? ???d???? ?a? ?apt?st?? ?at? t?? ???????, d?a?e?e??? p??sept?? ?a?? t?? ?? ??t?s? pe????t??, ?????t?? ?a? ?a?at?????? ????? ???t????.

Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St. John mentioned in the Chrysoboullon of John PalÆologus, p. 203, cited above on p. 197. The latter, also, was a gate near the water, with a considerable territory outside the entrance, occupied by numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the ?e?????? ?d?ad?a?a ?p??e???s??, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is confirmed by the reference in the Chrysoboullon to Kanabus (t?? ?a???), the eponym of the Church of St. Demetrius.

698.Page 40.

699.Vol. ii. p. 582.

700.Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.

701.Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 321.

702.Ibid., p. 721.

703.Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.

704.Nicetas Chon., p. 753.

705.Antony of Novgorod, in ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 99.

706.Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

707.Metrical Chronicle, line 259.

708.Page 41.

709.Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.

710.Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.

711.Anonymus, ii. p. 39.

712.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.

714.Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.

715.Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, ut supra.

716.Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.

717.N. Barbaro, p. 818.

718.Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 85, 86. The church was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of Michael PalÆologus, upon her return to Constantinople, after the death of her husband, the Khan of the Mongols. It has remained in the possession of the Greek community, in virtue of a firman of Mehemet the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos, the architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).

719.Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.

720.Codinus, De S. Sophia, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.

721.Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.

722.Synaxaria, May 29.

723.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 104.

724.Ducas, p. 293.

725.IV. 191.

726.S. 55.

727.Chroniques GrÆco-Romaines, pp. 96, 97. Dr. Mordtmann thinks that this point is referred to also in the Treaty of Michael PalÆologus with the Venetians in 1265, when that emperor allowed the Venetians to occupy any point from the old Arsenal to PegÆ (?p? t?? pa?a??? ??a?t?s?? ???? ?a? t?? ?????). The passage is ambiguous, for there was an old arsenal and a suburb PegÆ on the northern side of the Golden Horn, and the concession was outside the city.

728.Edition of C. Weseler, Paris, 1874. Cf. Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. iv.

729.Paschal Chron., p. 720, 721.

730.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, pp. 88, 107, 108. Among its churches was the Church of St. Conon (Paschal Chron., p. 721), memorable in the Sedition of the Nika, as the church of the monks who rescued two of the seven rioters condemned to death from the hands of the clumsy executioner, and carried them across the Golden Horn in a boat to the Church of St. Laurentius for sanctuary (Malalas, p. 473).

731.Desimoni, Giornale Ligustico, anno iii., Genoa, 1876.

732.Lib. i. c. 42; cf. Mordtmann, p. 43.

733.Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 722; Ville-Hardouin, c. 36.

734.Ibid., p. 754; Chroniques GrÆco-Romaines, p. 96.

735.Ibid., ut supra; Ville-Hardouin, c. 54.

736.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Tafel und Thomas, ii. p. 284.

737.Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 46, 348.

738.Ibid., p. 423. Dr. Mordtmann (pp. 73, 74) identifies the Monastery of Christ the Benefactor with the ruined Byzantine church known as Sinan Pasha Mesdjidi, to the south of St. Theodosia (see Dr. Paspates, pp. 384, 385). But the prominence of the monastery suggests a position nearer the shore. For incidents connected with it, see Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 579; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 493. A tower near the monastery (“ab ultima turri de Virgioti versus Wlachernam”) marked the eastern limit of certain fishery rights in the Golden Horn granted to the Monastery of St. Giorgio Majore, at Venice (Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 47-49).

739.Pusculus, iv. 192; Dolfin, s. 55.

740.Ducas, p. 282.

741.Anonymus, ii. p. 39; Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. p. 461; ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, pp. 104, 105.

742.According to Dr. Paspates (pp. 381-383), respectively, Pour Kouyou Mesdjidi, and Sheik Mourad Mesdjidi.

743.Ducas, ut supra.

744.Mordtmann, pp. 7, 8, 45; Du Cange, iv. ad St. Acacium. See above, p. 32.

745.Notitia, ad Reg. X.

746.Socrates, ii. c. xx.; Theophanes, p. 70.

747.Du Cange, ut supra.

748.Ibid., vi. c. xxi.

749.Miklosich et Muller, iii. p. 88.

750.Ibid., ut supra.

751.According to Du Cange, Glossarium MediÆ et InfimÆ Latinitatis, ad vocem, from Drungus, “company of soldiers.” The word is connected with the German “Gedrung” and the English “throng.”

752.Anna Comn., vi. p. 286; cf. Luitprandus, as quoted by Du Cange, in Anna Comn., vol. ii. p. 544.

753.Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 27, 28: “Via quÆ dicitur De Longaria, extra murum civitatis CP.”

754.Ibid., pp. 11, 60: “Scala de Drongario.”

755.Theophanes, p. 281.

756.Gerlach, p. 454; Smith, EpistolÆ Quatuor, p. 88.

757.Mordtmann, p. 46.

758.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

759.Paspates, p. 166.

760.Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant, vol. i. p. 251.

761.Ibid., p. 251.

762.Theophanes, p. 353; cf. Procopius, De Æd., i. c. vii.

763.Notitia, ad Reg. VI.

764.Novella LIX., c. v.

765.Paschal Chron., p. 618.

766.Notitia, ut supra.

767.Ptochoprodromus, line 113; cf. Paspates, pp. 164, 165.

768.VII. p. 286.

769.Tafel und Thomas, i. p. 50.

770.Tafel und Thomas, i. pp. 55-63.

771.Ibid., ii. p. 4; iii. pp. 133-149.

772.Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. i.; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

773.On the subject of the Italian and other foreign colonies settled in Byzantine Constantinople, the reader may consult Paspates, pp. 127-276; Mordtmann, pp. 46-50; Desmoni, Giornale Ligustico, vol. i.; Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli nel Secolo XII.; Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant; Sauli, Della Colonia del Genovesi in Galata; Pears, Fall of Constantinople, c. 6; Miklosich et MÜller, Acta et Diplomata GrÆca; Tafel und Thomas, Urkunden zur Älteren Handels und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig.

774.The Russian pilgrim, Stephen of Novgorod (ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 121), who visited Constantinople about 1350, found a gate near the sea, and beside a Church of St. Demetrius, named “Portes Juives,” on account of the many Jews settled in the vicinity. From the connection in which the fact is mentioned, it appears that the gate stood on the Marmora side of the city, somewhere in the neighbourhood of Vlanga; thus showing how the same name might belong to different gates at different periods in the history of the city. Nicolo Barbaro (p. 817) confirms the existence of a Jewish quarter on the Marmora shore of the city, when he says that the Turkish fleet, finding itself unable to force the chain across the harbour, abandoned the attempt, and proceeded to the side towards the Dardanelles (“de la band del Dardanelo”), and there landed to plunder the Jewish quarter (“muntÒ in tera de la banda de la Zudeca”). It is possible, indeed, to contend that the Russian pilgrim referred to a gate near the Church of St. Demetrius beside the Seraglio Point. This view does not affect the argument presented in the text.

775.Tafel und Thomas, ii. pp. 270-272; cf. Ibid., pp. 4-11.

776.Miklosich et MÜller, iii. pp. 12, 16, 19; cf. Ibid., p. 6.

777.Codinus, p. 22; cf. Paspates, p. 158.

778.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 737.

779.Miklosich et MÜller, iii. pp. 19-21.

780.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. i.

781.Miklosich et MÜller, iii. pp. 19, 21.

782.Ibid., p. 19.

783.See above, p. 10.

784.Nicephorus Patriarcha, CP., p. 57; Theophanes, p. 591; Theophanes Cont., p. 391.

785.Anonymus, ii. p. 30; Codinus, p. 52.

786.Miklosich et MÜller, iii. p. 6. Such a factory can be seen to-day at Keurekdjilar, in Galata.

787.Paschal Chron., p. 582; Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609, 610; ii. p. 529.

788.De Top. CP., iii. c. i.; De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. ii.

789.Page 454.

790.Pand. Hist Turc., s. 200.

791.Phrantzes, p. 254.

792.Ducas, p. 282. Phrantzes and Ducas are the only Byzantine writers who mention the Beautiful Gate.

793.Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. i.; cf. Paspates, pp. 166, 167. The ground on which Yeni ValidÈ Djamissi stands, near the Stamboul end of the Outer Bridge, belonged, as late as the seventeenth century, to KaraÏte Jews, who claimed that the territory had been granted to their ancestors under the Byzantine Empire. In return for the seizure of the ground to build the mosque (1615-1655), the community received houses at Haskeui, and forty members of the community were exempted from taxation for life. As the site of the synagogue could not be sold, the mosque has had to pay the community an annual rent of thirty-two piastres.

794.Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 12.

795.Page 268.

796.I. c. 18.

797.Page 238.

798.Page 384.

799.Pages 283, 284.

800.Pages 282, 283.

801.Page 263.

802.Page 300.

803.See above, p. 93.

804.Pages 270, 271.

805.Gyllius’ statement (De Top. CP., III. c. i.) on the subject is: “Portum, quem vocunt Neorion, quod prope portam, quam GrÆci appellant Oraiam, corruptÈ quasi Neorii portam, aut non longe ab ea, fuisse existimo. Hodie inter mare et Portam Oraiam, quam Turci appellant Siphont (Tsifout), id est, JudÆorum eam accolentium, spatium latum ... videre licet.” Cf. De Bosporo Thracio, II. c. i. “Pro porta quam vulgo vocant Oriam corruptÈ, quasi olim Neorii portam.”

806.Page 454: “Die PrÄchtige, itzund die Juden-Pfort.”

807.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200. “Porta quÆ GrÆci quotquot vederi peritores volunt Porta HorÆa (??a?a), vulgo HurÆa (Ebraia) dicitur.”

808.Miklosich et MÜller, iii. pp. ix., 53; Desimoni, Giornale Ligustico, vol. i. p. 37: Sui Quartieri dei Genovesi a Constantinopoli, nel secolo XII., p. 46.

809.Notitia, ad Reg. V.

810.Paschal Chron., ad ann. 406, 415.

811.Cod. Theod. De Calcis Coctor., Lex V.; Stephanus Byzantius, De Urbibus et Populis, ad vocem; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.

812.Mordtmann, p. 49.

813.Anonymus, ii. p. 29. The point at Scutari where cattle are embarked to be ferried to the city is called by the Turks “Ukooz-Limani,” the Ox-Port.

814.Notitia, ad Reg. V.

815.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 699.

816.De Corona, p. 134, Edition Didot.

817.Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.

818.Anonymus, i. p. 2.

819.Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 213, 214.

820.Ibid., iv. pp. 76, 232.

821.Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.

822.Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 175; Nicephorus Greg., vi. p. 167.

823.Anonymus, i. p. 2; Acta Patriarchatus CP., p. 563.

824.Banduri, Imp. Orient., vii. p. 149.

825.Miklosich et MÜller, ii. pp. 467, 564.

826.Notitia, ad Reg. IV.

827.Codinus, De Officiis, pp. 107, 108; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 11.

828.Critobulus, i. c. 18.

829.Leo Diaconus, pp. 78, 79; Anonymus, iii. p. 56. This was probably the tower to which N. Barbaro (p. 733) refers when, speaking of the two towers, on the opposite sides of the entrance to the Golden Horn, which supported the chain, he says, “Etiam una tore per ladi de la zilade, zoÈ una de la banda de Constantinopoli, l’altra de la banda de Pera, le qual tore vignia a far defexa assai.”

830.N. Barbara, pp. 722, 723.

831.Ville-Hardouin, c. 32.

832.Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv. c. x. “Adhuc GalatÆ porta est, quÆ appellatur Catena, ex eo, quod ab Acropoli usque ad eam portam catena extenderetur.” Cf. Theophanes, p. 609.

833.Dr. Paspates (????????a ?a? ???s?? t?? ??., p. 63) thinks the tower stood beside the Offices of the Board of Health, between the Galata Bridge and the Galata Custom House. He grounds this opinion on the existence of old ruins at that point. But the chain would never be placed aslant the harbour, as this view implies.

834.Theophanes, p. 609.

835.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 80.

836.Leo Diaconus, p. 79.

837.Nicetas Chon., p. 718; cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxii.

838.Phrantzes, p. 251. See below, pp. 241-247, for the discussion regarding the precise route taken by the ships.

839.Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. p. 467; Anna Comn., xv. p. 345.

840.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi. R.

841.Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275.

842.Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 15. With him agree Von Hammer, Paspates, Mordtmann, etc.

843.Gerlach, p. 454; Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc. s. 200.

844.Pages 254, 255, ?d??? f???tte?? t?? p????? t?? ?? ?s? t?? ?e?at??, t?? f???ss??ta t?? e?s?d?? t?? ??????, ?a? ?? ??t????? t?? p???? t?? as??????.

845.Page 259. Dr. Paspates, in his work on the siege of the city (????????a ?a? ???s?? t?? ???sta?t????p??e??, p. 141), represents the Hill of St. Theodore and the battery upon it as commanding the Bay of Cassim Pasha. This, however, is in harmony neither with the statements of Phrantzes, nor with local configuration. The requirements of the case are met by the supposition that the Hill of St. Theodore was the ridge to the north-east of Top Haneh, and that the Sultan’s battery stood nearer the Bosporus than the present Italian Hospital. Cf. Zorzo Dolfin, s. 44: “Acceso el Turcho da disdegno, da i montÈ orientali de Pera penso a profondar con machine e morteri, o trar quelle de la cathena. Mezzo adonque le bombarde a segno dal occidente” (i.e. aiming towards west), “se sforza con bombardieri profundar le naue.”

846.Page 259.

847.Page 238.

848.XVII., p. 860; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232.

849.Dr. Paspates (see p. 111 of his work on the siege of the city, cited above) understands Phrantzes in the same way. He identifies the tower with one which stood, until 1817, between the Gate of St. Barbara (Top Kapoussi) and the Gate of Eugenius (Yali Kiosk Kapoussi). It was probably the tower to which Nicolo Barbaro refers (see above, p. 228).

850.Pages 254, 255.

851.See his Epistle to the Pope on the Capture of Constantinople.

852.Pusculus, iv. pp. 179-221.

853.Ducas, p. 275.

854.Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. ii. p. 391, year 1400; cf. pp. 297, 487.

855.Speaking of the bridge which the Sultan built out into the Golden Horn, and on which he placed cannon to batter the walls in the Kynegon, Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says the bridge was built that the army might advance near the wall, beside the “fanum” of the city: “Decurreret ad murum prope, juxta fanum urbis.” The term is ambiguous. Zorzo Dolfin translates it, “Appresso la giesia” (the church). But more probably the reference is to the Phanar quarter, although the bridge was not exactly opposite to it.

856.How old this church is cannot be precisely determined. It is known to have been in existence, as a small chapel, before 1640, when it was burned down. It was then reconstructed, but was again destroyed by fire, after which it was rebuilt at the expense of the monastery on Mount Sinai. For some time it was the fashionable church of the Phanariotes. See Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 104, 105. Mr. Gedeon ascribes it to the 14th century (Proceedings of the Greek Syllogos of Consple., vol. xxvi. p. 148. 1896).

857.Acta Patriarchatus CP., ii. p. 391.

858.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

859.Page 454, where he styles the first gate west of the Seraglio Point “Die KÖnigliche Pforte.”

860.See above, p. 228; see below, p. 250.

862.Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 503.

863.Lib. i. c. 65.

864.Lib. i. c. 18.

865.Lib. i. c. 65.

866.If the BasilikÈ PylÈ could be identified with the gate which went by the names Porta Boni, Porta Veteris Rectoris, at Sirkedji Iskelessi, all statements concerning the Imperial Gate might be applied to that single entrance. But this would be to interpret the language of Phrantzes and Leonard of Scio on the subject too loosely. Nor is there any reason apparent for bestowing such an epithet upon that gate, or for regarding that gate important during the last siege.

867.The BasilikÈ PylÈ is mentioned in Byzantine history by the following writers:—

Pachymeres, vol. ii. pp. 178-180.—As the starting-point of a great conflagration, in 1291, which extended far into the interior of the city, and caused immense loss of houses and merchandise.

Ibid., p. 503.—As the gate to which Berenger, in 1306, took his ship from the harbour at BlachernÆ, in order to leave Constantinople more readily, as soon as a favourable wind sprang up.

Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. ii. p. 297. Year 1399.—As the gate beside the shore on which a certain priest had his residence.

Ibid., p. 391. Year 1400.—As the gate before which a Church of St. John the Baptist stood upon the seashore.

Ibid., p. 487. Year uncertain.—As the gate before which there was a hospitium on the sea-shore, near the Church of St. John the Baptist.

Ducas, pp. 184-186.—As the gate guarded by soldiers from Crete during the siege of 1422. At the demand of those loyal troops the Emperor Manuel PalÆologus, who had taken up his quarters in the monastery of the Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir), allowed his minister Theologus to be tried on the charge of accepting bribes from the Turks to betray the city. Having been found guilty, Theologus was forthwith dragged by the Cretans along the street to the BasilikÈ PylÈ, and there had his eyes put out, in a manner that resulted in his death three days after the horrible operation.

Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.—As the gate beside which stood the tower injured by the cannon of the Genoese in 1434.

Ducas, pp. 275, 283, 295, 300.—As the gate defended by the Venetians, and by the Grand Duke Notaras, in the siege of 1453.

Phrantzes, p. 255; Leonard of Scio, in his Letter to Pope Nicholas.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by Gabriel of Treviso.

Pusculus, iv. p. 193.—As the gate defended, in 1453, by the Grand Duke Notaras.

Critobulus, i. c. 65.—As the gate attacked by the Turkish fleet which entered the Golden Horn, after forcing the chain across the mouth of the harbour.

868.Lib. i. c. 42.

869.See above, p. 211.

870.Page 753.

871.Page 271.

872.Page 251.

873.Constantinople et le Bosphore, p. 364.

874.Lib. i. c. 42.

875.SiÈge de Constantinople; NicolÒ Barbaro, Giornale, p. 752.

876.See his work on the Siege of the City in 1453, p. 139.

877.Page 270: ???st?tte? t?? e???d??????a? t?? ??pa? t?? ?p?s?e? ?e???a? t?? Ga?at?, ?p? t? ???? t? p??? ??at????, ??t??e? t?? d?p??? ??????.

878.IV. 550-551.

879.Page 753.

880.Lib. i. c. 42. Charles MÜller thinks the correct reading in the text of Critobulus was not “eight stadia,” but “eighteen stadia.”

881.For the site of the Diplokionion, see Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 7. See also, Bondelmontius’ Map (the columns are more distinctly shown in the copy of that map found in Du Cange and Banduri, than in the copy which accompanies this work). The idea of Dr. Dethier, expressed in a note on Pusculus (SiÈge de Constantinople, p. 237), that the Diplokionion stood, in Byzantine days, at Cabatash, and was removed—columns and inhabitants together—to Beshiktash, after the Turkish Conquest, has no foundation whatever.

882.Page 753.

883.Dethier, SiÈge de Constantinople, No. xviii. p. 893.

884.See Map of Byzantine Constantinople.

885.Mentioned by the Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Nicetas Chon., p. 169; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 221.

886.Anonymus, iii. p. 61; Cantacuzene, iv. p. 232 ; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.

887.Gyllius, De Top. CP., i. c. xxi.

888.Nicetas Chon., p. 205, ?p? t?? ??a? p????, ?t?? ?????e ?at? t?? ????p????. Cf. Ibid., p. 26; Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 270.

889.Anabasis, vii. c. i. See above, p. 5.

890.Theophanes, p. 671; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 12.

891.Pachymeres, ut supra.

892.See above, p. 184.

893.Nicephorus Greg., xvii. p. 860.

894.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 363.

895.Nicetas Chon., p. 26.

896.Ibid., p. 205.

897.Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 23.

898.Anonymus, ii. p. 26; Glycas, p. 468.

899.Page 268, ? ??t?p????? ??t?? p????? t?? t?? ?a?????? ????sta ded?????? ????.

900.The rock is associated with the history of Byzantium. Upon it Chares, admiral of the Athenian fleet, sent to aid Byzantium against Philip of Macedon, erected a pillar surmounted by the figure of a heifer as a monument to the memory of his wife, Damalis, who had accompanied him on the expedition, and died at Chrysopolis. Hence that suburb and the rock were sometimes called Damalis. A palace of the Byzantine emperors at Damalis was named Scutarion (Nicetas Chon., p. 280; Ville-Hardouin, c. lxix.). It was noted for its pleasant air and quiet. Cf. Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, iii. c. ix.

901.Cantacuzene, iii. pp. 438, 495, 541.

902.Paschal Chron., p. 495; Notitia, ad Reg. II. See above, p. 13.

903.Marcellinus Comes.

904.Theophanes, p. 574. For other executions under Constantine Copronymus, see Theophanes, pp. 647, 677, 683.

905.Zonaras, xvii. p. 55.

906.Nicetas Chon., p. 268.

907.Zonaras, ut supra.

908.M. Attaliota, p. 48.

909.Constantinople, ses Sanctuaires el ses reliques, au commencement du XV. SiÈcle. Traduit par Bruun, Odessa, 1883.

910.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, pp. 162.

911.See below, pp. 253, 254.

912.Ville-Hardouin, cs. xxv.-xxvii.; William of Tyre, lib. xx. c. xxiv.

913.Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 307, 308.

914.Large chambers and galleries are found in the body of the portion of the wall between this gate and a short distance beyond Indjili Kiosk. One gallery measures 123-½ feet long by 21 feet wide; one of the chambers is 52-½ feet by 51 feet.

915.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 119.

916.Gyllius, De Top. CP., i. c. vii.

917.Relation d’un Voyage fait au Levant, c. xviii. (1665).

918.Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople, p. 83 (1670).

919.Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, vol. i. p. 238.

920.Le Palais ImpÉrial de Constantinople et ses Abords, p. 99.

921.Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 26; cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 181.

922.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, pp. 119, 202, 231.

923.See above, p. 252.

924.For a description of the ruins, see Dr. Paspates, pp. 106-109.

925.Ibid., p. 107.

926.Page 52. As to the opinion of Paspates that the heads on the capitals found among the ruins represented lions and bulls, Dr. Mordtmann remarks, “explication qui n’a point ÉtÉ admise par ses contradicteurs.”

927.Theophanes Cont., p. 337.

928.Nicetas Chon., p. 581.

929.See above, p. 252.

930.See above, p. 250.

931.Anna Comn., xv. pp. 372, 377.

932.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, pp. 201, 202: “Non loin de ce couvent (Hodegetria, proceeding towards the Seraglio Point) sont deux autres, celui de Lazare le RessuscitÉ, oÙ ses reliques et (celles de) sa soeur Marie sont incrustÉes dans une colonne; et secondement celui de Lazare, ÉvÊque de Galassie.”

933.Codinus, pp. 25, 79. Can the Topi have been remains of one of the theatres erected by Severus in Byzantium?

934.Page 79.

935.Leo Gram., p. 273, ??? t?? ????? ???a???, e?? t? ?ata?s??? t?? ????a??st?????: p. 274, e?? t??? ?e??????? ??p???. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 859, 860.

936.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.

937.Codinus, p. 33; Suidas, ad vocem st???.

938.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.

939.Ibid., ut supra.

940.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 160; Codinus, p. 80.

941.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 229.

942.Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cantacuzene, iii. p. 607; Nicetas Chon., p. 26; Pachymeres, ut supra.

943.Nicetas Chon., pp. 496, 497.

944.Ducas, p. 288.

945.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 230, “Au nord du couvent d’Odigitria, dans la direction de Mangana;” p. 229, “À l’est de Sainte Sophie, dans la direction de la mer, À droite, s’ÉlÈve un couvent appelÉ Odigitria.”

946.Page 52.

947.Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.

948.Ducas, pp. 41, 42, 283.

949.Psalm cxviii. 19. † ???????? ??? ????S ?????OS???S ??? ??S??TO? ?? ?????S ???????G?SO??? ?O ????O †. Cf. Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; ArchÆological Supplement, pp. 23, 24; cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.

950.Pachymeres, vol. ii. p. 238.

951.Ducas, pp. 41, 42; Cantacuzene (iv. p. 284) says that John PalÆologus took the city by surprise, entering the Harbour of the Heptascalon during the night.

952.Genesius, iv. p. 103; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 179.

953.Nicetas Chon., p. 698.

954.Ducas, p. 283.

955.Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 23.

956.Leo Gramm., p. 289.

957.Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 23.

958.Le Palais ImpÉrial de Consple., p. 207.

959.Anonymus, ii. p. 23.

960.De Top. CP., ii. c. xv.

961.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200, ???ta ta?? ?????de?; ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 235: “Sous la muraille au pied de la mer, se trouvent des ours et des aurochs en pierre.”

962.Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 22.

963.Anonymus, iii. p. 46.

964.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 250. Symeon Magister (De Leone Basilii Filio, c. i.) records a fire near the Harbour of Sophia and the Iron Gate, which burned the Church of St. Thomas—a proof that these points stood near one another.

965.See below, p. 290.

966.Cedrenus, vol. i. pp. 609-611; Zonaras, xiv. p. 1205.

967.Habakkuk iii. 8.

968.Psalm xxi. 7.

969.Psalm lxxxix. 22.

970.Psalm xviii. 3

971.Psalm xv. 4. Possibly the inscription commemorated the triumph of Justinian over the Factions in 532.

972.Codinus, p. 101; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.

973.Ibid. ut supra; ibid., p. 46.

974.Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.

975.Codinus, p. 109.

976.See below, p. 295.

977.See above, p. 180.

978.See below, p. 296.

979.Paschal Chron., p. 494; Codinus, pp. 102, 103.

980.Anonymus, i. p. 2; Codinus, p. 25. See above, p. 31.

981.Ibid., iii. p. 46; ibid., p. 49.

982.Ibid., iii. p. 49; ibid., pp. 102, 103.

983.Anonymus, iii. p. 48. The name appears also under the forms ?a??ea (Codinus, p. 109); t?? ???a???? (Phrantzes, p. 253); t?? ??a???? (Constant. Porphyr., De Administratione Imperii, c. 43). The quarter boasted of a palace and gerocomion, ascribed to St. Helena (Anonymus, ut supra), a monastery (Constant. Porphyr., ut supra), and the Church of the Theotokos Peribleptos (Soulou Monastir).

984.De Cer., pp. 562, 563.

985.Page 349.

986.Theophanes Cont., p. 223.

987.See account of his treatment at Constantinople in his fifteenth Epistle.

988.Nicetas Chon., p. 347.

989.Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 292.

990.Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxviii. p. 131.

991.Bondelmontius’ Map.

992.William of Tyre, xx. c. xxiii. p. 983.

993.Theophanes Cont., p. 447; Anna Comn., vii. pp. 334, 335; ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 235.

994.William of Tyre, ut supra.

995.Anna Comn., iii. p. 137; Anonymus, i. p. 9.

996.Page 118.

997.See above, p. 255.

998.Le Palais ImpÉrial de Consple., pp. 201-210.

999.Constantinopolis und der Bosporos, vol. i. pp. 119, 121, 124.

1000.Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman, vol. v., note xxxv.

1001.Pages 53, 54.

1002.Marin Sanuto, Diarii Autographi, vol. lvii., Carta 158, recto, 14 Decembrio, 1532. The document was addressed to the Doge Gritti, who had been in Constantinople, and knew the localities to which allusion was made.

1003.Von Hammer (Histoire de L’Empire Ottoman, vol. v. note xxxv.) quotes also from Cornelius, the ambassador of Charles V. to Sultan Suleiman, who alludes to the subject in the following words: “Est mamor quoddam hic propere ad mare, in quo sculptus est leo ingens tenens taurum cornibus, tam vasta moles ut a mille hominibus moveri non possit.”

The Venetian historian Sagrado, in his Memorie Istoriche de Monarchi Ottomani, adds that the monument fell to the ground. “In Constantinopoli un Leone di pietra, il quale stava fuori della porta a Marina, che con una zanna afferava on toro, guardava prima verso Levante, si ritrovo che stava rivolto a Ponente. E perche, era situato sopra due colonne, precipito unitamente col toro, che si ruppe una coscia e cade con la testa nel fiume, in cui parea in certo modo che bevese” (Libro, iv. p. 319. Venezia, 1677).

With the above compare the statement found in the Spectator of April 20, 1895, p. 519, when describing the effects of recent earthquakes in Southern Austria, Northern Italy, and Hungary: “At Fiume and Trieste there was also a good deal of disturbance, and at Trieste the statue of the Emperor Charles is reported to have twisted round on its pedestal and now faces opposite to where it faced before. What an omen that would have been considered three hundred years ago!”

1004.See above, p. 269, ref. 2.

1005.Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200: “Tchatladi capsi, a mactatione pecudum.... Ædificium rotundum extra muros, ipso mari vicinum, ac vetus habet undique circumfluum nisi qua terrÆ jungitur, in quo mactantur, excoriantur et exenterantur pecudes.”

1007.De Top. CP., lib. i. c. vii.; lib. ii. c. xv.: “Sub Hippodromo versus meridiem est Porta Leonis Marmorei, extra urbem siti, in ruderibus Palatii Leonis Marcelli; cujus fenestrÆ antiquo opere laboratÆ extant in muro inclusÆ.”

1008.Voyage Pittoresque dans l’Empire Ottoman, etc., vol. iv.

1009.The palace stood on a terraced platform, the area of which was some 200 by 175 feet. See Map facing p. 269.

1010.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)

1011.See above, p. 269. Anna Comnena (iii. p. 137) speaks of a lower and a higher palace, ?? t? ??t? pa?at??: e?? t? ?pe??e?e??? pa??t???.

1012.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.; Bondelmontius, Librum Insularum, p. 121.

1013.Labarte, Le Palais Imperial de Consple., pp. 208-210.

1014.Lib. i. p. 9.

1015.Lib. iii. p. 42; cf. Codinus, p. 125.

1016.Lib. iii. p. 45.

1017.Codinus, p. 87.

1018.Imperium Orientale, vol. ii. pp. 678, 679.

1019.Le Palais Imperial de Consple., pp. 208, 209.

1020.See below, p. 290.

1021.Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., vol. iv. p. 107.

1022.Page 700.

1023.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)

1024.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.

1025.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.

1026.Translation by R. Payne Smith, p. 179.

1027.De Cer., p. 601.

1028.Theophanes Cont., p. 22; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 49.

1029.Theophanes, p. 456. May David, however, in opposition to the view of Du Cange, adopted in the text, not have been Keeper of the Archives of SS. Sergius and Bacchus?

1030.Against this view it may be objected that the Anonymus ascribes the Palace of the Bucoleon to Theodosius II. But the authority of the Anonymus on points of history is not very great. Or, it may be held, that the palace was founded by Theodosius II., and that the name Bucoleon was given to it later.

1031.Zosimus, ii. pp. 92, 93; iii. pp. 140, 158.

1032.Procopius, De Æd. i. c. iv.

1033.John of Ephesus, translation by R. Payne Smith, pp. 179, 180.

1034.John of Antioch, Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., vol. iv. p. 107.

1035.Theophanes Cont., p. 447.

1036.Nicetas Chon., iii. p. 149.

1037.Leo Diac., iv. p. 63-65.

1038.Ibid., iv. p. 64; Cedrenus, vol. ii. 369, 370; Zonaras, xvi. c. xxvi. p. 123. The last author describes the work thus: ?? ??? ?????? te??e? t? as??e?a ?stef???se?. ????p???? d? ?? p???ta? t??t? ?a? t??a??e??? ?a?? ?a?t?? ????e??? ???????.

1039.Ibid., iv. p. 64, ?e?????? ?? t?? ?at???? ????? t?? p??? ???atta? ?p???????? t?? ??a?t???? te????e?? ????e???, ?at? ??te??? p??? ???atta? s??ep??a?e, ?a? te????, t? ??? ???e??? ?????? te ?a? ?????? ?d??sat?, ?a? t?? as??e??? ?st?a? ?? ?pet?pa?e?, ?sfa??sat?. Not, as Schlumberger supposes, from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora, across the promontory (Un Empereur Byzantin au DixiÈme SiÈcle, p. 544).

1040.Lib. v. c. ix.; Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. cxxxvi.

1041.Le Palais ImpÉrial de Consple., p. 210.

1042.Op. cit., p. 545.

1043.Still, the Palaces of the Bucoleon may have been protected by a special enclosure, although the historians do not refer to it particularly.

In the garden of a Turkish house to the north of the lower palace, a portion of a Byzantine wall, about 130 feet in length and 40 feet high, is found standing. It was discovered, when walls and houses in the neighbourhood were demolished for the construction of the Roumelian Railway, and was then pierced by a very large vaulted gateway, over 18 feet high, supported by four great marble columns. Gate and columns have disappeared. If produced southwards, the wall would join the tower at the eastern end of the lower palace; while if produced northwards, the wall would abut against the retaining wall of the terrace on which the Mosque of Sultan Achmet and its courtyards are built. The wall is pierced with loopholes, facing east, and behind them a passage runs along the rear of the wall, through arches occurring at intervals.

Dr. Paspates (p. 120) regarded the wall as part of the Peridromi of Marcian (see Labarte, Le Palais ImpÉrial de Consple., p. 214), attached to the Great Palace. But this view of its character is not consistent with the fact that the loopholes look eastwards. That fact indicates that the wall belonged to the Palaces of the Bucoleon which stood to the rear. The gate in the wall, likewise, shows that these palaces were separated from the area of the Great Palace. May the wall not have turned westwards, at its present northern extremity, to protect the Palaces of the Bucoleon along the north, and then southwards, to connect with the city wall at Tchatlady Kapou, and protect the palaces on the west? This, with the city wall along the southern front of the palaces, would put them within a fortified enclosure of their own.

1044.Theophanes Cont., p. 393.

1045.Leo Diaconus, v. p. 87; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 375.

1046.Nicetas Chon., pp. 169, 170.

1047.Anna Comn., iii. p. 137.

1048.Lib. xx. c. 23.

1049.ConquÊte de Consple., c. li. E.

1050.Ibid., c. lv.

1051.ConquÊte de Consple., c. li.

1052.Ibid., c. liii.

1053.Ibid., c. lv.

1054.Ville-Hardouin, c. lviii.

1055.Ibid., c. cvi.

1056.Ibid., c. liii., lv.

1057.Ibid., c. lv. The position assigned by Labarte to the Palace of Bucoleon, at Ahour Kapoussi, explains his interpretation of the statements of Ville-Hardouin.

1058.Le Palais ImpÉrial de Consple., p. 201. Labarte quotes Luitprandi Antapodosis, lib. v. s. 21, ap. Pertz., Mon. Germ. Hist., t. v. p. 333.

1059.Theophanes Cont., p. 393.

1060.De Cer., p. 586.

1061.Page 253.

1062.Notitia, ad Reg. III.

1063.Theod. Cod., De Calcis Coctor.

1064.Theophanes, p. 284.

1065.Nicetas Chon., p. 585.

1066.De Top. CP., ii. c. xv.

1067.Notitia, ad Reg. III.; Nicetas Chon., p. 585; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.

1068.Page 135. Cf. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 685.

1069.Pages 284, 564, ??? t?? ?????a??? t?? S?f?a? ?e??e??? ????a: ?? t? ?????a??s?? ????? t?? S?f?a?.

1070.Page 700.

1071.Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., v. p. 38.

1072.Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 712.

1073.Paschal Chron., pp. 622, 700; Theophanes, pp. 284, 364, 564.

1074.Leo Gramm., p. 135; Theophanes, p. 564.

1075.Notitia ad Reg. III.; Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.

1076.Zosimus, p. 139; Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 611.

1077.Zonaras, xiv. c. i. p. 1205.

1078.Zosimus, pp. 139, 140.

1079.Zosimus, ut supra.

1080.Malalas, p. 479.

1081.See Epistle 58.

1082.Marcellinus Comes, “Portus Juliani, undis suis rotalibus exhaustus coeno effoso purgatus est;” Suidas, ad Anastasium.

1083.The plural form of the name (t?? S?f???) may allude to the two divisions of the harbour. See Mordtmann, p. 55: “La configuration actuelle permet encore de distinguer un port intÉrieur et un port extÉrieur, sÉparÉs par une Étroite digne.”

1084.Leo Gramm., p. 135; Anonymus, iii. p. 45.

1085.Anonymus, ii. p. 30.

1086.MenÆa, January 27. This point was known also as ?? t? ???? t?? ????? T?? (Theophanes, p. 673).

1087.Paschal Chron., p. 622.

1088.Ibid., p. 700.

1089.Ibid., ut supra.

1090.Theophanes, p. 564.

1091.Evagrius, ii. c. xiii.

1092.Nicetas Chon., p. 733.

1093.Leo Diaconus, v. pp. 83, 84.

1094.Nicetas Chon., p. 585.

1095.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.

1096.Theophanes, p. 385.

1097.Anonymus, iii. p. 46.

1098.Codinus, p. 105.

1099.Nicetas Chon., p. 733; Michael Psellus (Sathas, Bibl. GrÆc. Med. Ævi., vol. v. p. 214).

1100.Lib. iii. p. 45.

1101.Lib. ii. p. 34.

1102.Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 365, 366.

1103.See below, p. 295, note 5.

1104.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, pp. 120, 121.

1105.Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200, is the first writer after the Conquest who refers to it: “Ipsa porta (i.e. Contoscalion) velut intra sinum quemdam abscedit versus unbem, et ab altera parte proximum sibi portum habet, pro triremibus, in mare se porrigentem et muris circumdatum.” The silence of Gyllius regarding the Kontoscalion is strange, unless he has confounded it with Kadriga Limani.

1106.Vol. i. p. 365.

1107.Liber Insularum Archipelagi, p. 121. “Propinqua huic (Vlanga) Condoscali vel Arsena restat.”

1108.Lib. xvii. p. 854. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 72, 74.

1109.In a copy of the Anonymus, Codex Colbertinus, made in the thirteenth century, the copyist, under the heading ?e?? t?? S?f?a??? ????a, adds the note that the harbour e?? t? ???t?s????? was constructed by Justin, and had been deepened and surrounded by a remarkable enclosure in his own day by Andronicus Comnenus PalÆologus. See Banduri, Imperium Orientale, vol. ii. pp. 678-680. The copyist is at fault in identifying the Harbour of Sophia with the Kontoscalion, which was a historical question, but he may be trusted in regard to the restoration of the Kontoscalion, which was a contemporary event.

1110.Vol. i. p. 365.

1111.See below, pp. 312, 313.

1112.Ad Reg. XII.

1113.Anonymus, iii. p. 46.

1114.Ibid., p. 47.

1115.Lib. iii. p. 46; cf. ibid., p. 45.

1116.Anonymus, iii. p. 46.

1117.Anonymus, iii. p. 46.

1118.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)

1119.Lib. iii. p. 46.

1120.Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. viii.; iv. c. viii. According to this authority the circuit of the harbour was over a mile; the mole being 600 paces long and 12 feet broad.

1121.Gyllius, ut supra. “Cujus ostium vergebat ad solis ortum Æstivum, a quo moles extendebatur ad occasum Æstivum, supra quam nunc muri adstricti existunt.”

“In faucibus portus, adhuc navium capacibus, extra murum urbis, etiamnum videtur turris undique mari circumdata, et saxa, reliquÆ ruinarum.”

Grelot, in his Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople, pp. 79, 80, refers to the tower thus (to quote the quaint English translation of his work by J. Philips, London, 1683, p. 68): “Going by sea from the Seven Towers to the Seraglio, you meet with a square tower upon the left hand, that stands in the sea, distant from the city wall about twenty paces. The inhabitants of the country call it Belisarius Tower, affirming that it was in this tower where that great and famous commander, for the recompense of all those signal services which he had done the Emperor Justinian, in subduing his enemies, as well in Asia and Africa as in Europe, being despoyled of all his estate and honour, and reduced to the extremity of necessity, after he had endured putting out both his eyes, was at length shut up and forced for his subsistence to hang out a bag from the grate of his chamber, and cry to the passengers, ‘Give poor Belisarius a farthing, whom envy and no crime has deprived of his eyes.’ Near to the place where stands this tower was formerly the harbour where Theodosius, Arcadius, and their successors kept their galleys.”

1122.From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)

1123.Nicetas Chon., p. 733.

1124.Nicetas Chon., p. 170.

1125.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365; Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, year 1400, p. 394, where a vivid description of the site of the old harbour is given: ??p?? pe?? t?? ?????a?, ??? p?? ?a? s??e???? t?? te????? t?? p??e??.

1126.Anonymus, iii. p. 47; Theophanes, p. 723.

1127.Guillelmus Bibliothecarius.

1128.Anonymus, iii. p. 47.

1129.Ibid. p. 48.

1130.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 560.

1131.Page 59.

1132.Ducas, p. 283.

1133.Ibid., ut supra.

1134.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 438, 499, 504.

1135.Ducas, pp. 268, 269. The principal part of the engagement took place off the entrance to the Bosporus; for Leonard of Scio (p. 931) says that the Sultan viewed the contest from the hill of Pera; “ex Colle Perensi, fortunÆ expectans eventum.”

1136.Act II.

1137.Vol. i. p. 679.

1138.Page 364.

1139.Ibid., ut supra.

1140.Ibid., ut supra.

1141.Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. p. 169.

1142.John of Antioch, Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., vol. v. p. 38. ?p?t??pe? f???ttes?a? ?? t?? ??as???? t?? ????a t?? ?a?sa?e??? ?a? t?? S?f?a?, t??? d? ?e?et??? t? ?p? ???sd??. Cf. Paschal Chron., p. 700.

1143.Theophanes, p. 541, who uses the expression, ?? t? ??????a??s?? t? ?a?sa???? ?????. What does ??????a??s?? mean?

1144.Theophanes Cont., p. 324; Synaxaria, May 7, July 21.

1145.Lib. iv. pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.

1146.Ibid., p. 165.

1147.Ibid., p. 290.

1148.Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 56.

1149.Ibid., iv. p. 118.

1150.ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 106. Immediately after speaking of the Church of St. Acacius, he proceeds to say, “Au pied de la montagne, se trouve l’eglise des saints Serge et Bacchus.” In the Latin version given in Riant’s ExuviÆ CP., ii. pp. 228, 229, the passage is rendered, “Ex altera parte monticuli posita est Ecclesia SS. Sergii et Bacchi.”

1151.Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 218-234.

1152.Ibid., p. 220.

1153.But for the statement of Nicephorus Gregoras (xxvi. p. 87), one would suppose that the scene of this amphibious struggle was among the reefs and shoals off the shore between Kadikeui and Scutari. But Nicephorus says explicitly that the conflict took place off the Diplokionion (Beshiktash), ?p? ????e? d?p??? s??a t?f?? t???? ??????te? ?sta?ta?. According to Gyllius, the sea off the shore between Beshiktash and Galata was in his day shallow and full of rocks. De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 8, “Alluitur mari vadoso, crebris petris supra aquam eminentibus inculcato.” The Turkish names of two points on this shore, Beshiktash, Cabatash, refer to these rocks.

1155.Ibid., pp. 86, 90; cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 220.

1156.Lib. xiv. p. 711; cf. Theophanes Cont., p. 614.

1157.Lib. ix. p. 460.

1158.Lib. xxvi. p. 87.

1159.Lib. xxvi. p. 87.

1160.Ibid., p. 90.

1161.Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., iv. p. 38.

1162.Anonymus, iii. p. 46.

1163.Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., iv. p. 38; Theophanes, p. 541.

1164.See above, p. 293.

1165.Theophanes, p. 364.

1166.Actus Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani, year 1400, p. 394; Bondelmontius, “In quibus moenibus est campus ab extra, et olim portus Vlanga.” See above, p. 300, ref. 1.

1167.The indications for the site of the Church of St. Acacius are: (1) It was ?? ?ptas???? (Anonymus, ii. p. 33); (2) near the Church of St. Metrophanes (Synaxaria, June 4; ItinÉraires Russes en Orient, p. 106); (3) near the Residence of MoselÈ (??s???), and the monument named the Christocamaron (???st???a???), after a gilt Icon of Christ upon it (Anonymus, ii. p. 38). (4) The Christocamaron, it is supposed, was the same as the Chrysocamaron (???s???a???: Anonymus, iii. p. 48). Supporters of that identity are Banduri (Imp. Orient., ii. p. 688) and Dr. Mordtmann (p. 59). (5) The Chrysocamaron stood to the rear of the Myrelaion (Anonymus, iii. p. 48). (6) The Myrelaion was the church, now the Mosque Boudroum Djamissi (Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii. c. 8; Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., p. 75). (7) Therefore, the Church of St. Acacius was situated to the rear, or to the east of Boudroum Djamissi. There are two weak points in this chain of arguments; Codinus (pp. 107, 108) distinguishes the two monuments which are identified above, and speaks of two places in Constantinople that were named Myrelaion.

1168.He refers to the Kontoscalion in the Fourth Book of his work, pp. 72, 74; and to the Neorion at the Heptascalon in the same Book, pp. 165, 212, 220, 284.

1169.Codinus, p. 72.

1170.Cantacuzene, iv. p. 165.

1171.Ibid., p. 290. Taken in conjunction with the other arguments on the subject, the epithet New, bestowed upon the Neorion at the Heptascalon, implied not only that the harbour was no longer its old self, but, also, that it was to be distinguished from another and earlier Neorion. But the only other conspicuous Neorion during the reign of Cantacuzene was the Kontoscalion.

1172.Lib. xvii. p. 854: ?? t? pe?? t?? t?? ???a?t??? ?pp?d???? ?e?????. Cf. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 72.

1173.Lib. xxvi. p. 90.

1174.Unger (Quellen der Byzantinischen Kunstgeschichte, p. 264), without discussing the question at length, holds, as the result of his study of the texts, that the Kontoscalion cannot be identified with either the Harbour of Sophia or the Heptascalon. Scarlatus Byzantius (? ???sta?t????p????, vol. i. pp. 268, 277) also maintains that the three names designated different harbours.

1175.S????afa? ???ss??e?, pp. 443, 444. He was not patriarch at the time.

1176.For the following information I am indebted to the Rev. H. O. Dwight, LL.D., who knew the quarter of Yeni Kapou in 1854, and was for many years a resident there.

1177.It is still standing.

1178.See above, p. 308.

1179.Ut supra.

1180.Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365, ?? p??? t?? ?????a ???t?s??????.

1181.Librum Insularum Archipelago, p. 121.

1182.Vol. i. p. 365.

1183.See above, p. 295.

1184.A station, eleven miles from Turin, on the line of railway between that city and Milan, vi Vercelli, retains in its name, Settimo, the reminiscence of its ancient designation, ad Septimum.

1185.In his annotations to Ammianus Marcellinus. The arguments of Valesius were unknown to me when I adopted the correct view on the subject. It was startling to find, afterwards, that the truth had been established so long ago by substantially the same evidence as convinced my own mind, and that truth so well established had been ignored. My reasons for dissenting from the views of Gyllius and Du Cange were first published in the Levant Herald, April 12, 1891.

1186.Pages 113, 114.

1187.Un Empereur Byzantin au DixiÈme SiÈcle, p. 299.

1188.See De Top. CP., iv. c. i. iv.

1189.Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv., ???eta? d? t?te t?? ???sta?t????p??e?? ??d???, p??? t? ?d?? ???? ?e??e???, p??se??as?a? t? ?e? ?? t? ????de ?????s??, ?? ?p? t?? ??????? t?? ?apt?st?? ?de?at?.

1190.See above, p. 74.

1191.See above, pp. 77, 78.

1192.See above, pp. 81, 82.

1193.Constantinopolis Christiana, ii. pp. 172-174; and the “Excursus on the Hebdomon,” appended to the edition of his great work published at Venice.

1194.Theophanes Cont., p. 340.

1195.Gyllius refers to Tekfour Serai under the name of the Palace of Constantine, and recognizes the existence of a Palace of the Magnaura at the Hebdomon; but he neither identifies the two palaces, nor points to Tekfour Serai as an indication of the site of the Hebdomon.

1196.Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339. What the historian says is, ?? ped??? t? ??a?e?e??? ?? t? ?e????? ?d??, ?? ??p?? ??a??? ?at???????s?.

1197.Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., pp. 15, 16, ?a? p??? t? t?? p??e?? ? ?d??? ?a???s? ?ata?a??te? ?d??sa?t?. What the enemy did was to halt at the Hebdomon before advancing against the city.

1198.See below, p. 329.

1199.Page 333; cf. Ibid., p. 236, where the distance of the Hebdomon from the city is said to be one parasang and a half. Zosimus (p. 271) gives the distance as forty stadia.

1200.Cf. Paschal Chron., pp. 556, 562.

1201.Lib. vii. c. xxiv. See quotation of the passage on p. 318, ref. 1.

1202.Lib. vi. c. vi., ?p??e? ?a? t??t? ?pt? s?e???? t?? p??e??.

1203.Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., iv. p. 611, ?? ?? s?e???? t?? p??e?? ?fe?st??e?.

1204.Lib. vi. c. xii., ?p??e? ?a? t??t? ?pt? s?e???? t?? p??e??.

1205.Vol. i. p. 641, ??? t? p?? t?? p??e?? ped??v ?pt? s?e???? ?p????.

1206.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.

1207.Lib. xxii., De Sacros Eccl.

1208.Socrates, vi. c. xii.; Sozomon, vii. c. xiv.

1209.John of Antioch, Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., v. p. 38; cf. Paschal Chron., pp. 699, 700.

1210.Page 541. Speaking of the same event, the Patriarch Nicephorus (p. 36) describes the Hebdomon as pa?a?a??ss??? t?p??. In regard to the situation of the Hebdomon upon the sea, compare Synaxaria, September 2, the Festival of St. John the Faster, Patriarch of Constantinople.

1211.Theophanes, p. 608, ?p??a?te? ??e??e? pa??p?e?sa? t?? p????.

1212.Anastasius Bibliothecarius, De Vitis Pontificum Roman, p. 56. Paris, 1649.

1213.Constantinopolis Christiana, i. p. 45. See above, p. 70, ref. 1.

1214.Theophanes, p. 541.

1215.Page 541.

1216.Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano II.

1217.Fragm. Hist. GrÆc., v. p. 38.

1218.Page 699.

1219.Procopius, De Æd., iv. c. viii.

1220.Ibid., ut supra.

1221.Paschal Chron., p. 622.

1222.Theophanes, p. 693.

1223.Page 458, ?? ?ast????? t?? Te?d?s?a??? ?? t? ?d??.

1224.Notitia Dignitatum, pp. 12, 14, 16, etc. Edition of Otto Seeck. Du Cange thinks the Castle of the Theodosiani was the Castellion built by Tiberius to protect his fleet against the Bulgarians (see Anonymus, iii. p. 57; Codinus, p. 115).

1225.Sozomon, vii. c. xxiv. There, probably, Julian encamped the army with which he advanced from Gaul to Constantinople (Zosimus, p. 139).

1226.Zosimus, pp. 255, 256.

1227.Ibid., pp. 272, 273.

1228.Marcellinus Comes, in 513.

1229.Theophanes, pp. 446, 447; Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.

1230.Theophanes, p. 784.

1231.Nicephorus, Patriarcha CP., pp. 15, 16; Theophanes Cont., p. 385.

1232.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 414, 416.

1233.Theophanes, p. 458.

1234.Theophanes Cont., p. 379.

1235.Paschal Chron., p. 586; Theophanes, pp. 143, 144; Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 641; Paschal Chron., p. 702.

1236.Theophanes, p. 169.

1237.Paschal Chron., p. 589; Theophanes, p. 355. The Greek Church still commemorates seven of the earthquakes which shook the city during the Byzantine period.

1238.Theophanes, p. 458.

1239.Theophylactus Simocat., p. 339.

1240.Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvi. c. iv.; cf. Themistius, as cited below; Paschal Chron. p. 556.

1241.Themistius, Oratio VI., p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.

1242.Paschal Chron., p. 562. The Campus is sometimes styled the Campus of the Tribunal, as for example by Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 707: ?? t? ??p? t?? ??????a????.

1243.Themistius, Oratio VI., p. 99. Edit. Dindorf.

1244.Paschal Chron., p. 562.

1245.Marcellinus Comes.

1246.Paschal Chron., p. 568.

1247.Ibid., p. 590.

1248.Ibid., p. 592.

1249.Victor Tunnensis.

1250.Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 615.

1251.Theophanes, p. 388.

1252.Ibid., p. 447.

1253.Ibid., p. 784.

1254.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 438.

1255.The Coronation of Leo the Great in 475, and that of Nicephorus Phocas in 963. See Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 410-417, 433-440.

1256.The soldiers spoke in Latin at the Coronation of Anastasius I. in the Hippodrome. See Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 431. Probably that was the rule.

1257.In older times the emperor was raised upon a shield at this point of the proceedings. E.g. Julian (Ammianus Marcell. xx. 4); Arcadius, Valens (Idatius Fasti Consulares); Theodosius II. (Paschal Chron., p. 568); Marcian (Paschal Chron., p. 590).

1258.Near the Forum of Arcadius, on the Seventh Hill.

1259.In the case of Phocas, for manifest reasons, the coronation by the patriarch took place in the Church of St. John the Baptist at the Hebdomon.

So also in the case of Zeno, according to Victor Tunnensis, as quoted by Du Cange, ii. p. 173. “Zeno a Leone Augusto filio in Septimo contra consuetudinem coronatur.”

1260.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 498.

1261.The case of Basil I. is not given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as exceptional, and may be considered as exemplifying the rule.

1262.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 498-503.

1263.Rufinus, De Vitis Patrum, iii., n. 19. “Fuit quidam nuper monachus in Constantinopoli, temporibus Theodosii imperatoris. Habitabat autem in parva cella foris civitatem prope proastium, qui vocatur in Septimo, ubi solent imperatores, egressi de civitate, libenter degere.”

1264.De Sacro Eccl., Lex. 22. “Recitata septimo milliario inclytÆ civitatis, in Novo Consistorio Palatii Justiniani;” cf. Novella, 118.

1265.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi. The name appears, also, under the form Secundianas: “In Septimo, in palatio quod dicitur Secundianas” (Pope Gregory the Great, lib. ii. epist. 1; see Du Cange, lii. p. 141; cf. Malalas, p. 486).

1266.Lydus, p. 229. The column was overthrown by an earthquake in 577, and sank eight feet into the ground (Theophanes, p. 358).

1267.Procopius, ut supra; Theophanes, p. 353.

1268.Theophanes, pp. 541, 608.

1269.See Labarte, Le Palais ImpÉrial de Consple., pp. 185-195. It was a hall in the form of a basilica, divided in three aisles by two rows of six columns, with an apse at the eastern end, where the emperor’s throne stood on a platform. In it foreign princes and ambassadors were received, and there meetings of the great dignitaries of the State were held.

1270.Theophanes, p. 152.

1271.Symeon Metaphrastes, Life of Daniel Stylites, p. 1025. Patrol. GrÆca, Migne.

1272.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. xi.

1273.Theophanes, p. 351.

1274.Eustachius, Vita Eutychii PatriarchÆ, as quoted by Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 177.

1275.Paschal Chron., p. 690.

1276.Anonymus, iii. p. 56.

1277.Socrates, vi. c. vi.

1278.Theophanes Cont., p. 340.

1279.Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano PP.

1280.Anna Comn., p. 149.

1281.Cinnamus, pp. 176, 177.

1282.Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 124, 125. The epitaph is given by Banduri, Imp. Orient., vol. ii. vii. p. 179. It mentions the Hebdomon:

?S???? ?????? ?? ??SO G?S ???????

1283.Paschal Chron., p. 570.

1284.Jerome, Adversus Vigilantium, c. ii. Quoted by Du Cange, iv. p. 105.

1285.Paschal Chron., pp. 569, 570.

1286.Theophanes, p. 357.

1287.Socrates, vi. c. vi.

1288.Anonymus, iii. p. 56.

1289.Sozomon, vii. c. xxi.

1290.Ibid., vii. c. xxiv.

1291.Ibid., viii. c. iv.

1292.Socrates, vi. c. xii.

1293.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., pp. 413, 499.

1294.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. viii.

1295.Theophanes Cont., p. 340. The wealthy monastery at the Hebdomon, mentioned in history, was probably attached to this church (John Scylitzes, in Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 714).

1296.Procopius, De Æd., i. c. iv.

1297.Ibid., c. ix.

1298.MenÆa, 29 July, p??s??? t?? pa?at??? t?? ?d???.

1299.Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 496.

1300.Ibid., ut supra.

1301.Anastasius Biblioth. in Hormisda PP.

1302.Guillelmus Biblioth. in Hadriano PP.

1304.Theophanes Cont., pp. 906, 907.

1305.Synaxaria, 26 October.

1306.For a description of the wall, see Evagrius, iii. c. 38; Procopius, De Æd., iv. c. ix.

1307.Theophanes, p. 361.

1308.Agathias, p. 305.

1309.Theophanes, p. 360.

1310.Theophanes, p. 362; Procopius, De Æd., iv. c. ix.

1311.Theophanes, p. 361.

1312.Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 692.

1313.Paschal Chron., 712.

1314.Colonel F. V. Greene, United States Army, in his work, The Russian Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78, p. 362.

1315.Agathias, p. 305; Procopius, ut supra.

1316.Theophanes, p. 460.