[4a] I have known a barge of (apparently) fifty tons burthen, come up the whole length of your canal, with nothing but fourteen tons of coal to land at your basin.[4b] In his Report on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, Mr. Walker states the price of the 40,000 tons of coal, which he supposed might be required for the locomotive engines, at 5s. 10d. per ton. The 25,000 tons which he supposed might be required for the stationary engines, he states at the price of 2s. 6d. per ton.

In their review of this Report, Messrs. Stephenson and Locke state the price of coal at 4s. 6d. per ton for 37,222 tons.[5] The capital requisite to complete this railway was first announced to be a million and a half. Then it was raised to two millions. Then it was raised to three millions, in order to admit of a “quadruple line” (that is, eight lines of rails,) being laid down. And credit is now taken for its cheapness, because, after announcing that three millions would be sufficient to lay down a “quadruple” railway, two millions and a half are stated as the estimated expense of a “double” railway. That is, after having, by advertisement upon advertisement, announced that three millions would be enough to lay down eight lines of rails, credit is taken for finding out that four lines will cost two millions and a half: when the fact is, that the estimated expense is reduced only one-sixth, while the work which said three millions were stated to be enough to do, is reduced one half. In other words, twopence-halfpenny is charged for half the loaf, after it had been, in every possible way trumpeted forth, that the whole loaf would be sold for threepence: while even this twopence-halfpenny is liable to additions such as the following pages advert to.[6] I believe that the average width is not the half of 66 feet: and that it is, in parts, much less than half, is proved by various circumstances; one of which is the following account of an “Accident on the railway.—An accident fatal to a poor man named Thomas Ryans, took place on the railway on Monday last. Ryans was employed by the Railway Company as a breaksman; and was engaged in his business on a small train of goods drawn by the Vulcan engine. When within a short distance of a bridge, he, for some purpose, projected his head over the side of the waggon, and, melancholy to relate, it came in contact with the buttress of the bridge. The poor fellow’s brains were knocked out on his cheek; but he lingered some time before death ended his sufferings.—Manchester Courier.”—Morning Herald, 27th Sept. 1831.[8] Mr. Badnall’s recent patent may make it advisable to state that this paragraph, as well as the far greater part of the Letter, was written prior to, and got ready for delivery at a meeting of the Kensington Canal Company, which was fixed for the 26th of September, 1832. Owing, however, to this meeting having been deferred, sine die, by an advertisement in the Times of the 21st of that month, opportunity has been given for additions; though the paragraph to which this note refers, has neither been added to, nor altered, since it was first written.[10a] The decision of the Committee reported to the House of Lords, was, that “It does not appear to the Committee that the promoters of the bill have made out such a case as would warrant the forcing of the proposed railway through the lands and property of so great a proportion of dissentient landowners and proprietors.”[10b] “The London and Birmingham Railway, in seeking an act, spent 50,000l.: and, as they did not get the act, that sum was lost to them.”

Mr. Hodgson’s speech, at the Liverpool and Birmingham Railway meeting, held at Liverpool on the 21st of September last.[11] 488l. per mile, per annum.[13] Vide Grahames’ Letter to Wood on Chapter IX. of his Practical Treatise on Railways: and his “Letter to the Traders and Canal Carriers, on the Navigations connecting Liverpool and Manchester.”[14a] This allusion is to the number of miles between Brighton and London: which was the comparative length of what they saw.[14b] Member for Lewes, and principal ground landlord of Brighton.[14c] Baronet and magistrate for the county.[14d] Vicar.[14e] Curate.[18] This word “cylinder” means the tunnel.[20] That is, between three and four hundred thousand gallons.[22a] That is, 11.3 feet in diameter.[22b] In the best of the large stationary engines now made, a bushel of coal will do the work of 44 horses for an hour. Therefore to make a current of air which should be capable of conveying 10,000 tons 100 miles in an hour, would require 43 bushels of coal: which is not twice so much as some steam vessels burn in the same time.[26] The proposed London and Birmingham Railway is to be sixty feet wide in the narrowest places; notwithstanding that it is to have only the same number of lines of rails which you must have; while, in some parts, it will be between two and three hundred feet wide. The average width of its whole line will be 92 feet.[29a] An idea of the amount of these cuttings and embankments may be given by the following statement. Every one remembers what our school days taught us, relative to the “Great Pyramid:” the many years it was in building: the multitudes of workmen employed: and the vast sums expended to supply those workmen with merely “garlic and onions.” The excavations of the Liverpool and Manchester railway, would, if put in one lump, have formed a mass larger than that of the “Great Pyramid:” its cubical contents being only 2,983,263 yards; while the excavations for that railway amount (according to its treasurer’s statement) to 3,405,000 cubic yards: or 11,386,899 cubic feet more than the whole mass of the “Great Pyramid.”

[29b] “A locomotive engine of ten-horses power will draw 120 tons at the rate a draught-house generally travels; or 50 tons at the rate of six miles an hour. I may here remark that the rate of travelling may be increased to surpass that of mail coaches; and that the locomotive engine will as readily convey 25 tons (including its own weight) at the rate of twelve miles an hour, as double the weight in twice the time.”—Mr. Jessop’s Second Report to the Committee of the Proposed Railway from Cromford to the Peak Forest Canal, at Whaley Bridge. Dated 29th November, 1824.

“An engine of four horses’ power, employed by Mr. Blenkinsop, impelled a carriage, lightly loaded, at the rate of ten miles an hour; and when connected with 30 coal waggons, each weighing more than three tons, it went at about one-third of that pace.”—Observations on a General Iron Railway, by Thomas Gray. 1825.

“They saw two locomotive engines, for drawing along these roads; but they were not at work. The boilers of these engines were eight feet long, and four feet diameter: and they usually took down fourteen waggons, carrying 53 cwt. of coals each, at about four miles an hour. The engineer said that he once took nine loaded waggons, one mile in five minutes and a half, which is equal to eleven miles an hour.”—Report of a number of gentlemen, who were deputed to inspect the rail-roads in the north of England, relative to the Liverpool and Manchester Railway. 1824.

“The Company are also fully persuaded, that by means of the same power, they will be enabled to convey passengers with perfect security, and at a speed of at least twelve miles an hour.”—Report relative to the Liverpool and Birmingham Railway given in Cumming’s “Illustrations of the Origin and Progress of Rail and Tram Roads, and Steam-Carriages.” 1824.

“It is estimated, that on a level railway, a well-constructed locomotive engine of ten horse power will, without difficulty, convey fifty tons of goods at the rate of five miles an hour, and lighter weights at a proportioned increase of speed. A powerful engine will work goods over an elevation of one-eighth of an inch in the yard. Nor is there the least doubt but carriages for the conveyance of passengers, or light packages, may, with perfect ease and security, be propelled at the rate of twelve miles an hour.”—Cummings’ Illustrations of the Origin and Progress of Railways. 1824.

“By the locomotive engine, fifty tons of goods may be conveyed by a ten-horse-power engine, on a level-road, at the rate of six miles an hour; and lighter weights at a proportioned increase of speed. Carriages for the conveyance of passengers, at the rate of twelve or fourteen miles an hour.”—Courier’s preliminary remarks to the “Memorial of the Subscribers to the projected Railway between Liverpool and Manchester:” dated 1st June, 1824.

“One of the railway companies at present contemplates a speed of only eight miles an hour; but another, in its prospectus, speaks of conveying passengers at twice the speed of the present stage-coaches; and we look forward, pretty confidently to the attainment, in a few years, of a velocity of 20 miles an hour. Several millions sterling are already subscribed for accomplishing these great projects.”—Leeds Mercury, 24th December, 1824.[30] “The railway a little beyond Wavertree-lane is carried through a deep marle cutting, under several massive stone archways, thrown across the excavation to form the requisite communications between the roads and farms on the opposite sides of the railway. Beyond the marle cutting is the great rock excavation through Olive Mount, about half a mile to the north of the village of Wavertree. Here the traveller passes through a deep and narrow ravine, 70 feet below the surface of the ground, little more space being opened out than sufficient for two trains of carriages to pass each other; and the road winding gently round towards the south-east, the prospect is bounded by the perpendicular rock on either side, with the blue vault above, relieved at intervals by a bridge high over head, connecting the opposite precipices. At night, when the natural gloom of the place is further deepened, the scene from the bridges above will readily be imagined to be novel and striking. The light of the moon illuminating about half the depth, and casting a darker shade on the area below—the general silence interrupted at intervals by a noise like distant thunder—presently a train of carriages, led on by an engine of fire and steam, with her lamps like two furnaces, throwing their light onward in dazzling signal of their approach—with the strength and speed of a war-horse the engine moves forward with its glorious cavalcade of merchandize from all countries and passengers of all nations. But the spectacle is transient as striking; in a moment the pageant is gone—the meteor is passed; the flaring of the lamps is only seen in the distance, and the observer, looking down from the battlement above, perceives that all again is still, and dark, and solitary.

“Emerging from the Olive Mount cutting, you approach the great Roby embankment, formed of the materials dug out of the excavation we have described. This embankment stretches across the valley for about two miles, varying in height from 15 to 45 feet, and in breadth at the base from 60 to 135 feet. Here the traveller finds himself affected by sensations the very reverse of what he felt a few minutes before. Mounted above the tops of the trees, he looks around him over a wide expanse of country, in the full enjoyment of the fresh breeze, from whatever quarter it may blow.

“This vast embankment strikingly exhibits how much may be accomplished when our efforts are concentrated on one grand object. There is a feeling of satisfaction by no means common-place, in thus overcoming obstacles and surmounting difficulties, in making the high places low and the rough places plain, and advancing in one straight and direct course to the end in view; while the pleasure afforded by the contemplation of this great work is further enhanced, when considered in contrast with ordinary and every-day impressions.” p. 50–52.

“A few miles beyond Newton is the great Kenyon excavation, from which about 800,000 cubic yards of clay and sand have been dug out, part being carried to form the line of embankment to the east and west of the cutting; and the remainder, deposited as spoil banks, may be seen heaped up, like Pelion upon Ossa, towering over the adjacent land.” p. 55.

“Beyond Chat Moss we traverse the Barton embankment, crossing the low lands for about a mile between the Moss and the Worsley Canal, over which the railway is carried by a neat stone bridge.” p. 57.

[32] In evidence that the observations which will be found in the course of this letter, relative to the effects of momentum, are not of such recent origin in my mind, as Mr. Badnall states his idea relative to this “undulating railway” to have been in his, I beg to direct attention to the testimony given by the Appendix.[33] I give this latter doubling to “excite the energies” of a renowned steam-coach proprietor; who, in answer to the question, “If your steam-coach has, as you say, gone at the rate of between thirty and forty miles an hour over common roads, how fast would it run on a rail-road?” replied, “At least 250 miles an hour.”[34a] By heading their prospectus, “Capital, 3,000,000l.”[34b] There is one manifestation of “skill and experience” [34c] in the manner in which the Committee have been induced to lend their sanction to statements in their Report, which merits observation. The paragraph immediately preceding the abstract of the estimate, states that “The locomotive engines will, in no part of the line, have to surmount an inclination greater than 1 in 340; and for the first 50 miles out of London, none greater than 1 in 528. This degree of approach to a level, will render the locomotive engines much more effective, and subject them to less wear and tear than they are on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, part of which has an inclination of 1 in 98.”

At page 60 of Mr. Treasurer Booth’s “Account of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway,” is given a “Section of the line of Railway, from Liverpool to Manchester,” which states that for 5-9ths of a mile (from Liverpool) it is “level;” that for the next 5? miles it has a fall of 1 in 1092; for the next 1½ mile, a rise of 1 in 96, &c. &c. according to the following table:—

Now as it appears from this, that, with the exception of the mile and half which rises at the rate of 1 in 96 (up from l-6th to l-3rd of which their momentum carries them) the part of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway over which the locomotive engines work, has no rise that is half so sharp as the 1 in 340, nor any which is near so sharp as the 1 in 528, adverted to on the Bristol line, it surpasses my comprehension to conceive what there can possibly be to “render the locomotive engines much more effective, and subject them to less wear and tear than they are on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway”; while I am beyond measure surprised, that the confidence of gentlemen could be so misled, as to expose them to a refutation so palpable, as the statement they have thus been betrayed into admits of.

[34c] “Confound that word! my unfortunate pen
Had well nigh prefixed to it i and n.”

[38a] “Extraordinary Performance by Steam Power.—On the occasion of a scientific gentleman lately visiting the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, some very extraordinary performances were effected. On two occasions, a load amounting to 100 tons, was drawn by one engine from Liverpool to Manchester, a distance of above 30 miles in an hour and a half; being at the average rate of 20 miles an hour. It is said no former performance effected on the rail-road has come near this result.”—Liverpool Advertiser.—Times, 25th June, 1832.[38b] The tunnel which I constructed at Brighton, was strong enough to bear the pressure thrown on it by one-third of a vacuum. One-fourth of a vacuum would move above 4000 tons in a tunnel 8 feet in diameter, while any tunnel I might now lay down, would be ten times stronger than that I laid down at Brighton.[40] Dr. Hutton, at the end of a table of resistances to bodies moving through still air, at rates varying from two to thirteen miles an hour, says, “The resistance to the same surface is nearly as the square of the velocity; but gradually increasing more and more above that proportion as the velocity increases.”[41] A hint on this point. The engine with which Watt first proved his principle was not equal to a dog’s power. There is one now in Cornwall said to be of 1000 horses power.

In our first steam-boats, engines of only two or three horses power could be employed; and the proposition to use larger ones was met by the usual exclamation, “Impossible!” We have now many steam vessels in which engines of 200 hones power are employed; while there is one in which they are above 300 horses power.[45] The average produce per acre, throughout the island, is estimated at 2½ quarters for wheat, 4 for barley, and 4½ for oats; average, 3?rds.

[46] “Steam-Engines.—It has been ascertained that there are now in Great Britain not less than 15,000 steam-engines at work; some of almost incredible power. In Cornwall there is one of one thousand horses power.”—New Monthly Magazine, for July, 1831.

Independent of the large air-pumps which the iron masters themselves use, those I put up to exhaust air from the tunnel which I constructed at Brighton would, if worked at an extraordinary rate, have pumped five hundred thousand gallons per minute through it.[48a] The limits of the page render it necessary that the scale of length should be in hundredths of an inch; but as the width would have been imperceptible had the same scale been observed, tenths are adverted to for it.

[48b] “Having performed what was due to his country, Columbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which he had received, that, instead of relinquishing his undertaking, he pursued it with fresh ardour. He made his next overture to John II. king of Portugal, in whose dominions he had been long established, and whom he considered, on that account, as having the second claim to his service. Here every circumstance seemed to promise him a more favourable reception. He applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronising every attempt to discover new countries. His subjects were the most experienced navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be intimidated, either by the novelty or boldness of any maritime expedition. In Portugal, the professional skill of Columbus, as well as his personal good qualities, were thoroughly known; and as the former rendered it probable that his scheme was not altogether visionary, the latter exempted him from the suspicion of any sinister intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the king listened to him in the most gracious manner, and referred the consideration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop of Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of this kind. As in Genoa, ignorance had opposed and disappointed Columbus; in Lisbon, he had to combat with prejudice, an enemy no less formidable. The persons, according to whose decision his scheme was to be adopted or rejected, had been the chief directors of the Portuguese navigations, and had advised to search for a passage to India, by steering a course directly opposite to that which Columbus recommended as shorter and more certain. They could not, therefore, approve of his proposal, without submitting to the double mortification, of condemning their own theory, and of acknowledging his superior sagacity. After teasing him with captious questions, and starting innumerable objections, with a view of betraying him into such a particular explanation of his system, as might draw from him a full discovery of its nature, they deferred passing a final judgment with respect to it. In the mean time, they conspired to rob him of the honour and advantages which he expected from the success of his scheme, advising the king to dispatch a vessel secretly, in order to attempt the proposed discovery, by following exactly the course which Columbus seemed to point out. John, forgetting on this occasion, the sentiments becoming a monarch, meanly adopted this perfidious counsel. But the pilot, chosen to execute Columbus’s plan, had neither the genius, nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arose, no sight of approaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he returned to Lisbon, execrating the project as equally extravagant and dangerous.”—Robertson’s America, Vol. I. p. 86–88.

[52] Items: up to the 31st May, 1830.

And this, exclusive both of the 300,000l. (nearly) which has been expended since, and of the 130,000l. which is the estimated expense of the tunnel now in course of construction.

[53a] “Railway Accident.—We are sorry to have to mention a very serious accident, which occurred on Saturday, on the railway between Kenyon and Bolton. The locomotive engine was going up the lower inclined plane, with a heavy load of goods, and at the turn-off at Colonel Fletcher’s colleries, ran off the road, and was unfortunately overturned against a bank, and fell upon the engineer and fireman, who were killed on the spot. Two other men were riding on the tender, one of whom was dangerously hurt, the other scalded. This engine, we understand, was the only one which was ever worked on a railway with wheels of six feet diameter; and, on that account, had never been allowed to take the coaches.”—Times, 26th July, 1831.

“On Wednesday morning, the engine drawing the first-class train of carriages from Manchester to Liverpool, on the railway, had the misfortune to break an axle-tree, when at full speed, near Chat Moss; which, after ploughing the ground for some time, went off the rails, and drew the whole train over the embankment, [53b] when, most providentially, out of two hundred passengers, not a life was lost, or a limb broken. Several persons were bruised, and some seriously.”—Morning Herald, 9th December, 1831.

[53b] There, only a foot or two above the ground.[62] The average number of passengers drawn by the locomotive engines between Liverpool and Manchester during the most successful half year since that railway has been opened, is 87 each journey.

These boats can and have carried 110 passengers at one time, though 100 may be considered an average number.[69] Air of only three-fourths, two-thirds, half, and in Joliffe and Cornillot’s ascent, of less than half the usual density (the barometer sinking to 12.15) has frequently been respired, without any serious consequences.

[72] “Railroads, in many instances lighted with gas for a considerable distance (in one instance for sixteen miles) are, more or less, traversing every district of the country.”—New Monthly Magazine, July, 1830.

“The Liverpool and Leeds Railway.—A bill is now under the consideration of a select committee of the House of Commons, for the purpose of connecting by rail-roads Liverpool with the ports on the Humber, and thereby to bring the German Ocean and the Irish Sea, the eastern and western sides of the island, within six hours’ journey of each other. It is proposed to have four lines of railway, two for swift carriages, going and returning with light goods and passengers, and two for slower carriages, with heavy goods and animals. The whole is to be lighted with gas, so as to be traversable by night as well as day, and the plan of the iron rails will secure the carriages from obstructing one another.”—Times, 17th March, 1831.

“The outline of a plan has been stated to us, for lighting up the intended line of railway from this city to London with gas. Our correspondent says, ‘Of the practicability of the thing there can be no doubt; and it certainly would be an improvement, and create a great demand for coals; as the gas might be continued from the parent line to any extent.’”—Felix Farley’s Bristol Journal, 3rd August, 1833.