245. Hdt. III. 57; cp. E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. II. p. 610, on Theognis, 667 f.

246. E.g. Perdrizet, Klio, X. (1910), p. 2.

247. Aeschyl. Persae, 240 (238).

248. Hdt. VI. 46.

249. Pace Cavaignac, Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirts. Ges. IX. p. 7.

250. Xen., de Vect. IV. 17, advised the Athenian state to buy slaves to the number of three for each citizen and let them out to work the mines. The number of Athenian citizens at the time was about 20,000 (cp. Wallon, l’Esclavage², I. pp. 222 f.), which makes the proposed number of slave miners about 60,000. This was admittedly many more than the number actually employed at the time of the proposal, and Xenophon suggests starting with 10,000, which Wallon, ibid. p. 230, thinks to have been probably the existing number of privately owned mining slaves. But even so these numbers show how influential a free mining population might well have been. See also de Vect. IV. 14, 15 and passim; Andoc. de Myst. 38 (6); Hyp. frag. 33 (Blass); and above, p. 45.

251. Dem. c. Phaenipp. 20 (1044–5).

252. BÉrard, B.C.H. XII. (1888), p. 246, t???? d’ ??t?? ????e.

253. Ardaillon, Les Mines de Laurium, p. 91.

254. Solon, Bergk, frag. 12 (4), 49–50,

255. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 13.

256. A means of equation would be to accept the reading of the Berlin papyrus ?p????? for ???????? and then, pace Busolt, Gr. G. II.² p. 96, n. 1, identify the ?p????? (men away from home; cp. the Milesian ?e??a?ta?, men always at sea) with the p??a??? (men of the coast). The demiourgoi would then be identified with the Diakrioi, and it would have to be assumed that the youthful Peisistratus was already leading his faction. Laurentius Lydus, de Magistr. I. 47, makes Solon import from Egypt a triple division into philosopher nobles, warrior farmers, and mechanics (t?? ??a?s?? ?a? te????????). The statement appears among the fragments of Diodorus IX. in Dindorf’s text; but the attribution is disputed, e.g. by Landwehr, Philol. Suppl. V. (1889), p. 141. The reading ???????? rather than ?p????? is supported by Dion. Hal. II. 9; see further Gilliard, RÉformes de Solon, p. 105, n. 2.

257. Plut. de Mul. Virt. 27 (Moral. 262).

258. Plut. Pericl. 12.

259. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 13; Plut. Sol. 29.

260. Perdrizet, Klio, X. (1910), p. 22, quoting Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 106. Cp. above, p. 39, n. 4.

261. Harpocrat. s.v. ??ta??? “they were lampooned as readily admitting illegal claims to citizenship (?? ??d??? de??e??? t??? pa?e????pt???), as others proclaim and particularly Menander in The Twins”; Potamioi was the name of a comedy by Strattis; Athen. VII. 299b; Suid. s.v. ??ta??.

262. Ath. Mitt. XVII. (1892), pl. xii. Inscriptions mention three Potamioi, see Ath. Mitt. XVII. pp. 390–1, ?. ?a??pe??e?, ?. ?p??e??e?, ?. ?e??ad??ta?. The first two are grouped together apart from the third, and Loeper is probably right, as against Koehler, Ath. Mitt. X. (1885), pp. 105 f.; cp. IV. (1879), p. 102, in assigning them to the city trittys of Leontis and making P. Deiradiotai the mining village. ?a??pe??e? is therefore no evidence for an inland mining Potamioi. But “Deiradiotai” means “on the ridge,” and supports Loeper’s location of Potamioi Deiradiotai, no matter whether the adjective means “P. on the ridge,” or “P. near Deiradiotai” (a separate deme, see C.I.A. II. 864).

263. Milchhoefer, Ath. Mitt. XVIII. (1893), p. 284.

264. C.I.A. II. 3343.

265. Hdt. V. 23, “by the river Strymon... a city... where are mines of silver; and a large Greek population dwells around, and a large barbarian.”

266. Thuc. IV. 105, “Brasidas,... learning that Thucydides owned workings in the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and as a result was one of the most influential men on the mainland”; Marcellinus, Vit. Thuc. 19, “(Thucydides) married a wife from Skapte Hyle in Thrace, who was very wealthy and owned mines in Thrace”; Plut. Cimon, 4.

267. Xen. de Vect. IV. 14.

268. Hdt. I. 60; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14; Athen. 609c; Polyaen. I. 21. 1; Val. Max. I. 2. 2 (ext.); Hermog. pe?? e??es. I. 3. 21 (ed. Spengel); cp. schol. ibid. ap. Walzium, Rhet. Gr. V. p. 378. In schol. Aristoph. Eq. 447 Phye appears to be confused with Myrrina who appears to have been either wife (ibid.) or daughter (schol. Dem. Aristoc.) of Peisistratus or more probably wife of Hippias (Thuc., and Hesych. s.v. ???s????). Athenaeus marries Phye to Hipparchus. The confusion may possibly be due to the fact that myrrina, as a common noun, sometimes means garland (e.g. Pherecr. Metall. I. 25; Aristoph. Vesp. 861; Nub. 1364, etc.), while Phye is described as a garland seller (Ath. Pol. and Athen.).

269. See e.g. Thirlwall, Hist.² II. pp. 67–8; Babelon, Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num. VIII. (1905), pp. 17, 18; Stein, Hdt. I. 60; Beloch, Gr. G.² I. i. p. 370; cp. also Beloch, Gr. G.² I. ii. p. 299.

270. Hirschensohn, Philolog. Obozrenie, X. (1896), Moscow, pp. 119 f.; Beloch, Gr. G.² I. ii. pp. 290 f., Rhein. Mus. XLV. (1890), p. 469; so De Sanctis, Atthis², p. 278, n. 5; Costanzi, Riv. d. Stor. Ant. V. pp. 516 f., Boll. Fil. Class. IX. pp. 84 f., 107 f.

271. Euseb. Chron. Armenian vers. 544/3 B.C., Pisistratus Atheniensibus iterum imperauit.

272. Jerome, Chron. 539 B.C., Pisistratus secunda uice Athenis regnat.

273. Hdt. I. 62.

274. Cp. below, chap. VIII. pp. 237–9.

275. Beloch, Gr. G.² I. ii. pp. 292–3, 297.

276. Hdt. VI. 35, “Peisistratus held supreme power, but Miltiades also had influence (?d???ste?e)” suggests some sort of co-operation (cp. Hdt. VI. 39, below, p. 63), though Hdt. VI. 35, “annoyed with the government of Peisistratus,” shows that it was not cordial.

277. Busolt, Gr. G.² II. p. 316, n. 3.

278. Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num. VIII. (1905), p. 19.

279. Six, Num. Chron. 1895, pl. VII. 8, 7, 1.

280. E.g. P. Gardner, Earliest Coins of Greece Proper, p. 28; Hill, Hist. Gk. Coins, p. 17; v. Fritze, Zeits. f. Num. XX. (1897), pp. 153–5, emphasizing the connexion of Peisistratus with silver as well as with Athena; Lermann, Athenatypen, pp. 3 f.

For a somewhat earlier date see Head, Num. Chron. 1893, pp. 249, 251; Earle Fox, Corolla Numismat. B. V. Head, p. 43; Svoronos, Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num. XIV. (1912), p. 3, nos. 1109–1120; Seeck, Klio, IV. (1904), p. 176 (Solon or even Draco).

For a date after Peisistratus see Imhoof-Blumer, Howorth, Six, and (Neue Jahrb. 1896, pp. 537 f.) Gilbert, all completely answered by Head, Num. Chron. 1893, pp. 247 f.; Babelon, J. I. d’A. N. 1905, pp. 12–16. Holwerda, Album Herwerden, p. 117, who follows Six, only adds some inconclusive comparisons with Greek sculpture.

281. There is no need to assume with E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt.¹ IV. p. 28, and others, that Peisistratus’ Pangaion mines were gold. In the days of Philip and Alexander the Great they were best known for their gold; but silver was also mined abundantly, see Hdt. V. 17; VII. 112; Strabo, 331, 34; Livy, XLV. 29; Justin, VIII. 3; Orosius, III. 12.

282. Pollux, IX. 74, 75, quoting Euripides (d. 406 B.C.), Hyperides (fl. 350 B.C.), Eubulus Comicus (fl. 350 B.C.); cp. Hesych. s.v. ?a???d?? p??s?p??, Photius s.v. ?a???d?? p??s?p??.

283. Schol. Aristoph. Birds, 1106, “the tetradrachm was at that time called an owl.”

284. Cp. Photius s.v. ?a???d?? p??s?p??, “the staters, from the stamp: for on one side there was a head of Athena.” The stater is the didrachm.

285. Hill, Hist. Gk. Coins, p. 16; Brit. Mus. Coins Central Greece, pl. XXIV. 18, 19.

286. Hdt. IV. 180, “They dress up together on each occasion their fairest maiden in a Corinthian helmet and full Greek armour, and, mounting her on a chariot, drive her all round the lake.” See further Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI. ad loc., who quotes Phye.

287. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14; cp. Athen. XIII. 609c.

288. Solon, frag. 2 (13), ll. 5–6

289. E.g. B.C.H. XXX. (1906), p. 69, fig. 2; Brit. Mus. from Bunbury sale.

290. Archil. frag. 54 (53), t?? ?e??p??st?? ?e?de G?a????.

291. Bremer, Haartracht, p. 64.

292. Garlands of flowers worn on the head appear in Attica during the second half of the sixth century; see Pauly Wissowa s.v. Haartracht, p. 2132; cp. Bremer, Haartracht, p. 15, vogue begins with red figure vase style.

293. Time of Hippias, Head, Hist. Num.² p. 368 (but cp. ibid. n. 3); Seeck, Klio, IV. (1904), pp. 173–5; 508 B.C., Holwerda, Album Herwerden, p. 119; 500 B.C. or after, V. Fritze, Zeits. f. Num. XX. (1897), p. 142: Kampanes, B.C.H. XXX. p. 75; 490 B.C., Six, Num. Chron. 1895, p. 176: Earle Fox, Coroll. Num. B. V. Head, p. 43: Babelon, Coroll. Num. B. V. Head, p. 8: J. I. d’A. N. VIII. (1905), pp. 44 f.; 480 B.C., Howorth, Num. Chron. 1893, p. 245: Lermann, Athenatyp. pp. 28 f. As regards a post-Hippias dating, the ungarlanded head of a coin with Hippias’ name is not decisive. The coin, which is abnormal, was probably struck by the tyrant in exile, and the absence of garland may indicate either the exile’s grief or the local coiner’s incompetence. Or was the embarrassed despot casting away the ornaments of sovereignty in the hope of retaining or regaining the reality? “The olive again has been known to lose its leaves and yet produce its fruit; this is said to have happened to Thessalos the son of Peisistratos,” Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 3. 3; cp. Ruehl, Rhein. Mus. 1892, p. 460.

294. Just as was probably the case with the flower girls at Naukratis, the most famous centre of the garland trade, where the Thracian hetaera Rhodopis won such great fame in the days of Sappho and Aesop. See Mallet, Prem. Étab. Gr. en Égypte, p. 238, who compares the fioraie of Venice and Florence.

295. Phot., Harpocrat. s.v. stefa??f????; cp. Boeckh, Pub. Econ. I. pp. 193 f. Lenormant, Monnaies et MÉdailles, p. 60; Saglio, Dict. d. Ant. s.v. drachmae Stephanephori, p. 403. The inscriptions, however, in which the expression occurs date only from the end of the second century B.C., C.I.A. II. i. 466–8, 476.

296. Bekker, Anecd. Gr. I. 301, 19.

297. Livy, XXXVII. 46, 58, 59; XXXIX. 7; Cic. ad Att. II. 6, 16; XI. 1.

298. Diamantaras, Ath. Mitt. XIV. (1889), p. 413.

299. The practice of course is not exclusively Greek; cp., e.g.,

300. Plut. Apophth. Lac., Agesilaus, 40 (Moral. 211); cp. the proverb t?? ??et?? ?a? t?? s?f?a? ?????t? ?e???a? (virtue and wisdom are vanquished by tortoises), alluding to the famous coins of Aegina; cp. too ??? ?p? ???ss? (there’s an ox on my tongue), Theognis 815, Aesch. Agam. 35, Pollux IX. 61, which, whether the ox meant is a gold stater, on which the ox was one of the commonest types, or, as P. Gardner suggests, a leather gag, Num. Chron. 1881, p. 289, is an instance of a similar jeu de mot dating from the actual epoch of Peisistratus.

301. Aristoph. Birds, 1106; cp. Schol. ad loc. “the tetradrachm was at that time (i.e. of Aristophanes) called an owl”; Suid. s.v. ??a??e? ?a??e?t??a?? “of those who have much money,” is a misunderstanding of the phrase; cp. his statement that the Laurium mines were gold.

302. Plut. Lysander, 16.

303. The modern Liopesi, Milchhoefer, Abh. Berl. Akad. 1892, p. 17.

304. Hdt. V. 12.

305. Cp. e.g. Hdt. V. 23, 126 (Myrcinus on Strymon called Thracian), VII. 75, 115; Aristoph. Ach. 273 (“the Thracian daughter of Strymodorus”); Diod. XII. 68. 1, “this city (Ennea Hodoi on the Strymon) Aristagoras the Milesian had tried previously to settle;... but he had met his death, and the occupants had been driven out by the Thracians” (about 500 B.C.); cp. ibid. XI. 70. 5; Plut. Cimon, 7, “Eion... a city in Thrace on the Strymon.” Cp. Suid. s.v. ???s?? ????f?????; Tzetzes ad Lycoph. Cass. V. 417 (Hill, Sources Gk. Hist. p. 87). For Pangaion see Hdt. VII. 112, “Mt Pangaion, in which are gold and silver mines, which are worked by... most of all the Satrai,” with which cp. ibid. 110, where the Satrai occur in a list of Thracian tribes.

306. Hdt. V. 15, 16; Strabo VII. 331.

307. Hdt. V. 1, 13, 98.

308. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. III. p. 297; Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI. app. III., IV. particularly IV. sect. 8; neither of whom sufficiently emphasizes the political importance for Hippias of these Northern mines. Perdrizet, Klio, X. (1910), p. 12, denies this removal when he says that the Peisistratid’s Thracian possessions had perhaps remained in Athenian hands between 512 and 475.

309. (a) The Paianian (Phye): ????... ??a??? ?p? tess???? p????? ?p??e?p??sa t?e?? da?t????? ?a? ????? e?e?d??. ta?t?? t?? ???a??a s?e??sa?te?, Hdt. I. 60; ???a??a e????? ?a? ?a??? ??e????... t?? ?e?? ?p????e??? t? ??s?, Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14.

(b) The Paionian: ?de?fe?? e????? te ?a? e?e?d?a... s?e??sa?te? ?? e???? ???sta, Hdt. V. 12.

310. Nic. Dam. frag. 71, F.H.G. III. p. 413, gives the same story, but calls the woman a Thracian and the king Alyattes. Macan, ad Hdt. V. 12 (cp. ibid. (Hdt. IV.-VI.), app. IV. sect. 7) thinks we probably have a local story transferred to Darius; but the transport of Thracians to Asia, recorded also by Nic. Dam., suggests rather that Hdt. is right in attaching the story to Darius. The Lydian king of the Nic. Dam. version is perhaps due to Sardis being the scene of the story.

311. Paionian coins, like Athenian, bore the helmeted head of Athena, e.g. Boston Mus. Rep. XXII. (1897), p. 40; Svoronos, J. I. d’A. N. 1913, p. 197 (fourth century).

312. The corkscrew hair of the most archaic looking garland coins, above, pp. 55–56, is found on an obol, Babelon, Corolla Num. B. V. Head, pp. 1 f., inscribed ????, presumably short for Hippias. Probably it was struck by him in exile, ibid. p. 7, but in any case it associates the corkscrew curls with the tyranny. Num. Chron. 1908, pp. 278 f. shows the same corkscrew curls, and the inscription ??. This has been expanded both as Hippias and as Peisistratus, but cp. Muenzer and Strack, MÜnz. Nord-Griech. II. i. p. 8, n. 1.

313. Hdt. V. 94.

314. Hdt. V. 1.

315. p???a e????stat?? a???, Hdt. I. 60; cp. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14, ???a???? ?a? ??a? ?p???.

316. Aristoph. Birds, 1106.

317. Schol. Aristoph. Knights, 1092.

318. Hdt. V. 11.

319. Hdt. V. 23. Cp. below, p. 271.

320. Above, p. 58; cp. Svoronos, Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num. XV. (1913), p. 277.

321. V. 11.

322. Cp. also with the Histiaeus incident the intrigues of Aristagoras with the deported Paionians whom Darius had settled in Phrygia (a famous mining country), Hdt. V. 98.

323. Thuc. II. 15; Paus. I. 14. 1.

324. Brit. Mus. Cat. Vas. II. B 331, where, however, it is called Kallirrhoe (more precisely ?a???e??e?e, perhaps a confusion of ?a??????? and ???e????????). The aqueduct by which Peisistratus improved and enlarged the supply of water has been discovered by Doerpfeld, Arch. Eph. 1894, pp. 3 f.; cp. Theagenes (Paus. I. 40), Polycrates (Hdt. III. 60), and the Corinthian Peirene.

325. E. Gardner, Gk. Sculp. fig. 34.

326. Doerpfeld, Ath. Mitt. XXVII. (1902), pp. 379 f.; E. Curtius, Stadtg. v. Athen, pp. 73 f.; Michaelis, Cent. Arch. Discov. pp. 240–2.

327. Plut. Solon, 31, “the law against idleness was passed, not by Solon but by Peisistratus.”

328. Aristoph. Lysistr. 1150 f. “Do you not know that it was the Spartans again, who when you were wearing the labourer’s dress (?at????a? f?????te?), came under arms and slew... many friends and allies of Hippias,... and set you free, and clothed your people like gentlemen instead of labourers once again (??t? t?? ?at?????? t?? d??? ??? ??a??a? ?p?s??? p????).” Cp. the charges made by fifth century Roman republicans against the kings: below, pp. 223–4.

329. Beloch, Gr. G.² I. i. 387–8; Hdt. V. 94, “(Peisistratus) having secured it (Sigeium), established as tyrant his illegitimate son”; cp. Periander and Corcyra.

330. Thuc. VI. 59.

331. Hdt. VI. 39; cp. above, p. 52. For numismatic evidence of Hippias’ ties with both Lampsacus and the Thracian Chersonese see Head, Hist. Num.² p. 377, Lermann, Athenatypen, pp. 17–21, coins of (a) Chersonese, obv. Athena head, rev. Milesian lion (for Milesian colonies in Chersonese see Strabo, XIV. 635; VII. 331, frag. 52); (b) Lampsacus, obv. Athena head, rev. type of Lampsacus. This alliance currency points to a broad and far-reaching commercial policy.

332. Ps.-Aristot. Oec. II. 1347a, t? te ???sa t? ?? ????a???? ?d????? ?p???se, t??a? d? t??? ????e?se p??? a?t?? ??a????e??. s??e????t?? d? ?p? t? ???a? ?te??? ?a?a?t??a, ???d??e t? a?t? ????????.

333. Head, Num. Chron. 1893, p. 248 (change very slight); Gilbert, Neue Jahrb. 1896, pp. 537 f. (Hippias issued fresh coins from the same silver).

334. Num. Chron. 1895, p. 178; J. I. d’A. N. VIII. (1905), pp. 23 f.

335. Ath. Pol. 10.

336. Cp. Svoronos, J. I. d’A. N. V. (1902), p. 32 f. (cp. below, p. 183, n. 6), on a hint that Pheidon may have debased the Aeginetan “tortoises” shortly before his fall.

337. Cp. Isocr. de Big. 25, 26 (351).

338. Hdt. VI. 125; cp. Isoc. de Big. 25 (351).

339. E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. II. p. 637.

340. Note, however, Hdt. V. 62 (see next note), ????t?? e? ????te?.

341. de? d? p??? t??t??s? ?t? ??a?ae?? t?? ?at’ ????? ??a ????? ?????, ?? t??????? ??e??e????sa? ?? ????a???. ?pp?e? t??a??e???t??... ???a????da?,... fe????te? ?e?s?st?at?da?,... ???a?ta... p?? ?p? t??s? ?e?s?st?at?d?s? ??a??e???, pa?’ ?f??t????? t?? ???? ?s????ta? t?? ?? ?e?f??s?, t?? ??? ???ta, t?te d? ????, t??t?? ??????d??sa?, ??a d? ????t?? e? ????te?, ?a? ???te? ??d?e? d????? ????a?e? ?t?, t?? te ???? ??e???sa?t? t?? pa?ade??at?? ???????, t? te ???a ?a?, s???e????? sf? p?????? ????? p???e?? t?? ????, ?a??? t? ?p??s?e? a?t?? ??ep???sa?. Hdt. V. 62.

342. Hdt. V. 63, ???pe???? t?? ?????? ???as?.

343. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 19. For huge sums made in this way in recent times on classic ground see the causes cÉlÈbres of the Vittorio Emanuele monument and the Palazzo di Giustizia at Rome.

345. Isoc. Antid. 232, “Cleisthenes, having been banished from the city by the tyrants, persuaded the Amphictyons to lend him some of the money of the god, and restored the democracy, and banished the tyrants”; Dem. Meid. 144 (561), “(the Alcmaeonids), they say... having borrowed money from Delphi, freed the city and expelled the sons of Peisistratus.” Themistius, Orat. IV. 53a, gives the Alcmaeonidae as the contractors without any mention of means or motives. Hdt. II. 180, Strabo IX. 421, and Paus. X. 5. 13 mention the rebuilding of the temple without referring to the Alcmaeonidae.

346. Plut. Sol. II.

347. Grote, Hist. Greece, ed. 1888, II. pp. 412–413.

348. Atti R. Accad. Torino, 1916, pp. 303–4, quoting Cat. Greek Pap. Rylands, vol. I. p. 31.

349. That the Peisistratids were unfriendly to Delphi is perhaps to be inferred from the report highly dubious in itself, but prevalent in various quarters, that they had actually caused the fire which destroyed the temple, Philoc. frag. 70, F.H.G. I. p. 395.

350. Cleisthenes’ parents appear to have married before 570 B.C. Beloch, Gr. G.² I. ii. p. 286.

351. Aristot. Pol. III. 1275b.

352. Hdt. V. 66, t?? d??? p??seta????eta?. Cp. ibid. 69, ?? te t?? d??? p??s??e??? p???? ?a??pe??e t?? ??t?stas??t???.

353. Thuc. I. 13; cp. Pliny, N.H. VII. 57 (56). Panofka, Res Samiorum, p. 15, quotes Pliny, ibid., for attributing to the Samians the invention of horse-transports, but the reading is doubtful: edd. hippagum Samii (inuenerunt), but for Samii MSS. give Damiam.

354. Hdt. III. 47 (Messenian war), III. 59 (against Aegina), V. 99 (Lelantine war).

355. Hdt. IV. 152.

356. Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI. i. p. 106.

357. Hdt. II. 135.

358. Hdt. II. 178.

359. Hdt. II. 178; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. ?fes??. On the Greek te??? at Naukratis see below, Chapter IV. pp. 116–7.

360. Hdt. II. 179.

361. The most famous names connected with this industry are Rhoecus and Theodorus (below, pp. 73, 76, 80, 83) and Mnesarchus, father of the philosopher Pythagoras (see Diog. Laert. VIII. 1. 1; cp. Iambl. Pyth. 5, 9).

362. Theocr. XV. 125–6.

363. Plut. Qu. Gr. 57 (Moral. 304–5).

364. Apul. Florid. II. 15; Aesch. Pers. 883.

365. For possible early tyrants in Samos see Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. II. pp. 614, 616, who names Amphikrates (Hdt. III. 59), Demoteles (Plut. Qu. Gr. 57), and Syloson (Polyaen. VI. 45). All three are extremely doubtful. Amphikrates was probably a legitimate king of the period before the abolition of monarchy: very possibly he was a contemporary of the Argive Pheidon (below, pp. 177–8). Demoteles was, according to our only authority, the monarch whose murder led to the ascendancy of the geomoroi: he is naturally assumed to have been the last sovereign of the legitimate royal house. The Syloson of Polyaenus, VI. 45, is probably a confused recollection of the brother of Polycrates. He helps the Samians during a war with the Aeolians to observe a festival of Hera held outside the city and makes himself tyrant during the celebration. The connexion with Hera points to the family of Polycrates (see below, pp. 76, 81): the Aeolian war may be a disguised version of the struggle waged by Polycrates against the Great King who was in possession of the Aeolian mainland. This struggle went back to the beginning of the reign of Polycrates, when he was associated in his tyranny with his brother Syloson: see also Babelon, Rev. Num. 1894, p. 268.

366. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. II. p. 777, following Grote III. (ed. 1888), p. 453.

367. Busolt, Gr. G.² II. pp. 508–9, n. 3, who notes that Lygdamis was already tyrant of Naxos (Polyaen. I. 23, pace Plass, Tyrannis, p. 236).

368. Thuc. I. 13; Hdt. III. 39, 122; Strabo, XIV. 637. Max. Tyr. (Teubner), XXIX. 2; Euseb. Chron. Armenian vers. “mare obtinuerunt Samii,” Lat. vers. “Dicearchiam Samii condiderunt,” both just after notice of Polycrates’ accession. Cp. S. Reinach’s interpretation of the ring which Polycrates cast into the sea (Hdt. III. 41; Strabo, XIV. 638; Paus. VIII. 14. 8; Pliny, N.H. XXXVII. 1; Cic. de Fin. V. 30. 92; Val. Max. VI. 9. 5 (ext.); Tzetz. Chil. VII. 121; Galen, Protrept. 4; Eustath. ad Dionys. V. 534), with which the French scholar compares the ring with which the doge of Venice annually wedded his mistress the sea (S. Reinach, Rev. Arch. ser. IV. vol. VI. (1905), pp. 9 f.), but cp. Marshall, Brit. Mus. Cat. Rings, p. xxi, n. 7, who points out that wedding rings seem unknown among the Greeks.

369. Hdt. III. 60.

370. Suid. and Phot. Sa??? ? d???; Plut. Pericles, 26; Athen. XII. 540e; cp. Hesych. Sa?a??? t??p??; Phot. S?a??a?.

371. Thuc. I. 13, III. 104.

372. Phot. and Suid. ????a ?a? ????a. So Zenob. ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. I. p. 165; cp. Diogenian. ibid. p. 311.

373. ?p?????? p???a, Strabo, X. 486; cp. Pliny, N.H. XXXIV. 4.

374. See below, p. 260.

375. Malalas ap. Migne, Bibl. Patr. Gr. vol. 97, p. 260. So Cedren. Synops. 243; ibid. vol. 121, p. 277.

376. Plass, Tyrannis, p. 240.

377. Hdt. III. 47, where observe the causes to which the war is attributed.

378. Hence the relevance of the long account of the Thraco-Scythian expedition in the fourth book of Herodotus, immediately preceding the first attack upon Persia by European Greeks, that namely of Athens and Eretria during the Ionian revolt described in Book V.

379. Hdt. III. 44.

380. Hdt. III. 120.

381. Malalas, loc. cit.

382. ???a???e?? te ?a? ????e?? ?a? ?ap??e?e??, Hdt. I. 155. So Justin, I. 7, iussi cauponias et ludicras artes et lenocinia exercere.

383. Zenob. V. 1, ??d?? ?ap??e?e?, ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. I. p. 115.

384. pp. 76–7.

385. Cp. Hdt. III. 39 with Diod. I. 95, 98.

386. ?p? t??f?? t? pa?ta???e? s????e??, Athen. XII. 540c.

387. Hdt. I. 51; Athen. XII. 514 f.

388. Athen. XII. 540c-d.

389. Hdt. IV. 155; cp. ibid. 159.

390. Arcesilaus II is represented on a famous kylix in the Louvre as presiding over the weighing and shipment of a cargo of silphium, and has in that connexion been called by Michaelis a silphium merchant, Cent. Arch. Discov. p. 235.

391. Hdt. IV. 162–4.

392. Hdt. III. 56. The recipients are Spartan invaders of Samos.

393. Archaic Milesian hects of lead plated with electrum, Brandis, MÜnzwesen, pp. 327–8; F. Lenormant, La Monnaie dans l’Antiq. I. p. 225.

394. Suid. s.v. Sa??? ? d???.

395. On Aiakes see Hdt. VI. 13, 22, 25; on the Samaina coins see Head, Hist. Num.² pp. 153, 603–4; P. Gardner, Samos, p. 17, Pl. I. 17, 18; Babelon, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 281–2, Pl. X.; V. Sallet, Zeit. f. Num. III. p. 135, V. p. 103.

396. Hdt. III. 60.

397. Fabricius, Ath. Mitt. IX. (1884), pp. 165 f.; Jahrb. IV. Arch. Anz. pp. 39–40; Wiegand, Abhand. preuss. Akad. Phil. Hist. Class. 1911; Dennis, Academy, 1882, Nov. 4, pp. 335–6; GuÉrin, Patmos et Samos, pp. 196–7. The great tunneled aqueduct that took the water through the mountain which separates the city from the source of the supply is still in existence.

398. Hdt. IV. 87, 88.

399. ???a ???????te?a, Aristot. Pol. VIII. 1313b; cp. Athen. XII. 540d; Suet. Calig. 21 (regia).

400. Water supplies: Cypselids at Corinth (?e?????), Theagenes at Megara (the home of Eupalinus), Peisistratus at Athens (?a???????). Temples: Corinth, Athens (the huge Olympiaeum completed by Hadrian 700 years later).

401. Clearchus ap. Athen. 540 f.; cp. Ps.-Plut. I. 61, s.v. Sa??? ????, ?a? Sa?a?? ?a??a ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. I. p. 330.

402. Burrows, Discoveries in Crete, pp. 117 f.; cp. Conway, ibid. pp. 227 f. The ancient derivations are interesting but not helpful: see Et. Mag. s.v. pa?? t? ??a? ??e?? a??a?? ? d?’ ?? ? ?a?? ?e? e?? t?? ?d??.

403. Casaubon ad Athen. XII. cap. 10.

404. Ps.-Plut. I. 61; cp. Athen. 541a, Eustath. ad Odyss. XXII. 128.

405. See Encyc. Brit.¹¹ s.v. Bazaar: “Persian (bazar, market), a permanent market or street of shops or a group of short narrow streets of stalls under one roof.” A similar picture is given by Radet, Lydie, pp. 298–9, of the Lydian ?????? ?????.

406. See Macarius VII. 55ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. II. p. 207, “Samian laura: of those indulging in luxury” (?p? t?? e?? t??f?? ???e??????); Ps.-Plut. I. 61ap. eosd. I. p. 330, “of those indulging in extreme pleasures (?p? t?? ?st?ta?? ?d??a?? ???????).”

407. It goes on to state that “Polycrates, the tyrant of luxurious Samos, perished through his intemperate mode of life.”

408. ?s????a? ?a? pe??a? t?? ????????, Aristot. Pol. 1313b.

409. See above, pp. 26–32.

410. Athen. 540d, etest???et? d?, f?s?, ?a? te???ta? ?p? ?s???? e??st???: Hdt. III. 131.

411. Athen. 541a, ?t? d? t?? s?p?s?? p??e?? ?? ???ta?? te ?a? ??a??. The sentence is corrupt, but probably ?t? = furthermore, and the subject is still Polycrates. It occurs in an extract from Clearchus that appears to deal exclusively with the Samian tyrant. If Polycrates is not the subject ?t? is probably temporal, and the sentence described a state of affairs that had persisted from the time of the tyranny.

412. Diod. I. 95, “behaving with violence both to the citizens and to strangers who sailed in to Samos.”

413. Athen. 602d, “there are some who regarded pa?a?st?a? (wrestling schools) as counter-fortifications to their own citadels and set them on fire and demolished them, as was done by Polycrates the tyrant of Samos.”

414. Hdt. III. 39 and 45.

415. Hdt. III. 120.

416. They consisted of “hired mercenaries” and “native bowmen,” Hdt. III. 45.

417. Ap. Zenob. V. 64, s.v. ???????t?? ?t??a ??e? in Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. I. p. 146.

418. Cp. the story in Hdt. III. 119 of the woman who preferred to save her brother rather than her husband, because the latter was replaceable, but the former not.

419. Suid. Sa??? ? d???.

420. Strabo, XIV. 638; Heraclides, F.H.G. II. p. 216; Zenobius, III. 90 (ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. I. p. 79), and Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 534, ???t? S???s??t?? e????????; Suid. and Phot. s.v. Sa??? ? d???. Cp. Argos after the massacre of Cleomenes (about 494 B.C.): “Argos was so denuded of men that the slaves had the whole situation in their hands, ruling and administrating until the sons of the victims grew to manhood,” Hdt. VI. 83.

421. p?? d? t?? t??a???sa? ?atas?e?as?e??? st????? p???te?e?? ?a? p?t???a ?p?t?epe ???s?a? t??? ? ???? ? e????a? ?p?d???? p?????????, Athen. 540d.

422. Cp. Tzetz. Chil. X. 347, t? pa?a??? pe?? st????? ?? t? ????t? f??.

423. Hdt. III. 139.

424. Grote, III. p. 461.

425. Strabo, XIV. 638.

426. Athen. XI. 464a.

427. Bronze, Hdt. II. 37; silver, gold, Hdt. III. 148; Boeckh, C.I.G. 138. 7, 19, 27.

428. Cp. the borrowed metal vessels used for the entertainment of the Athenian envoys to Segesta just before the Athenian expedition to Sicily, Thuc. VI. 46.

429. Some ancient authorities held that Theodorus flourished more than a century before Polycrates (Plin. N.H. XXXV. 43 (152); cp. Frazer, Paus. IV. p. 237). Theodorus is always associated with Rhoecus and the two names may have been borne in alternate generations by one family of artists. This would not require the Rhoeci to have flourished longer in Samos than the Wedgwoods have in Staffordshire. Whether or no this explanation holds, the divergence in dates points to the industry having flourished for a long time in the island. If one date for Theodorus is insisted on, that of Hdt. (I. 51), which makes him the elder contemporary of Polycrates, must be chosen.

430. Hdt. IV. 152.

431. L. Curtius, Ath. Mitt. XXXI. (1906), pp. 151 f.

432. Illustrated, ibid. pp. 151, 152, Pl. XIV.; Amer. Journ. Arch. XI. (1907), p. 84.

433. E.g. Gardner, Gk. Sculp., Fig. 8.

434. Hence perhaps the friendship of Polycrates with Arcesilaus of Cyrene; cp. Hdt. IV. 152, “It was from this action that the Cyreneans and Theraeans first struck up great friendships with the Samians.”

435. Ath. Mitt. XXXI. (1906), pp. 160, 161.

436. Hdt. III. 39, 125.

437. Hdt. III. 40.

438. Hdt. III. 43.

439. Hdt. III. 43.

440. So E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. II. p. 792; cp. above, p. 72.

441. Hdt. III. 120 f.

442. Hdt. III. 121.

443. p?sa ? p???s?? p????? ?st? t?? pe?? a?t?? ????, Strabo, XIV. 638.

444. Hdt. III. 55.

445. Hdt. VIII. 85, IX. 90.

446. The wealth of Polycrates was still proverbial in the days of Plato, see Meno, 90a, and Stallbaum, Platonis Meno, ad loc.

447. Hdt. II. 177; Plin. N.H. V. 11; Mela, I. 9 (60).

448. Hdt. II. 177.

449. Breasted, Hist.² p. 574, apparently an inference from Herodotus’ inaccurate statement that a strict caste system prevailed among the Egyptians: only the priests became an exclusive caste, ibid. p. 575.

450. Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, III. p. 10.

451. Griffith, Encyc. Brit.¹¹, Egypt, p. 87.

452. Mallet, Prem. Étab. des Grecs en Ég. p. 292, quoting Erman u. Schweinfurth, Abh. Ak. Berl. 1885.

453. Diod. Sic. I. 66.

454. Hdt. II. 159; on technical progress in shipbuilding in seventh century Egypt see Mallet, Prem. Étab. pp. 99 f.

455. Hdt. II. 158, IV. 42; cp. Aristot. Meteor. I. 14 (352 b); Strabo, XVII. 804; Diod. I. 33; Tzetz. Chil. VII. 446. A canal connecting the two seas appears (pace Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 158) to have been in use 700 years earlier under Seti I and Ramses II; see Petrie, Hist. III. p. 13; Maspero, Hist. Anc.⁵ p. 228. Necho’s work was apparently completed by Darius (How and Wells, ad Hdt. II. 158).

456. Hdt. IV. 42 and How and Wells, ad loc.; cp. Hdt. II. 159 on Necho’s fleets of triremes on both the Mediterranean and the Red Sea.

457. Hdt. I.-III. p. 338.

458. For convenience of reference I give here a list of the rulers with whom in this chapter we shall be concerned. The bracketed forms of the names are Egyptian. The dates are taken from Petrie’s History of Egypt. In the case of acknowledged kings of all Egypt the number of their Dynasty is added after the date.

459. G. Smith, Assurbanipal, pp. 20, 27, 28; cp. Petrie, Hist. III. p. 299, “Niku of Mempi and Sa’a.”

460. II. 151.

461. Herodotus (II. 147) says that these kings had been set up by the Egyptians themselves. It is generally recognized that his “dodecarchy” is an Egyptian description of the Assyrian administration, but the Assyrians may well have taken over a previously existing state of things, and the dodecarchy have developed out of the Libyan penetration of Egypt much as the heptarchy resulted from the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain.

463. The Assyrian record gives twenty. Twelve may have been the number of kings in Lower Egypt (Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 36, quoting Lenormant), or the total number at times (Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 147), or Herodotus may have got the number twelve from the twelve courts of the labyrinth that he erroneously ascribes to this period (Sayce, Hdt. ad loc.).

464. Diod. I. 66.

465. Diod. III. 11.

466. Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 39. Polyaen. VII. 3 (= Aristagoras and Theban tradition, Gutschmid, Philol. 1855, p. 692) makes Psammetichus employ Carians because an oracle had warned his rival to beware of cocks and “the Carians were the first to put crests on their helmets.” Here too the armour is the main thing. The Egyptian warriors (?????) were called Kalasiries and Hermotybies (Hdt. II. 164). According to Sayce, ad loc., Kalasiries = armed with leather; but cp. How and Wells, ad loc.

467. He says Psammetichus “sent for” mercenaries from Caria and Ionia.

468. Diod. III. 11 quotes and praises two lost writers on Egypt, Agatharchides of Cnidus (second century B.C.) and Artemidorus of Ephesus (about 100 B.C.).

469. E.g. Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 152; Meyer, Ges. Alt. II. p. 461 (but cp. I. p. 562); Mallet, Prem. Étab. pp. 37–8 (but cp. p. 41). Only Mallet, however, sees features typical of the rulers of the period and he quotes only Lydian and Phoenician parallels.

470. Strabo XVII. 801; cp. Eustath. Comment. ad Dion. Perieg. 823ap. Geog. Gr. Min. (Didot), II. p. 362; Strabo knew Egypt personally, cp. II. 118.

471. Cp. however Pseudoscymn. 748–750 ap. Geog. Gr. Min. (Didot), I. p. 226, ?d?ss??, ?? ????s??? ?t????s?? ?st????? ?t’ ???e ??d?a?. This method of dating might have its origin in some work that described the expansion of Greece and Media previous to the great clash of 490–479.

472. Rhein. Mus. 1887, pp. 211 f.

473. Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 29.

474. II. 151–2. Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 38, cautiously quotes the Horus myth as a parallel for this flight. Nobody now would agree with Sayce (cp. Wiedemann, Aeg. Ges. p. 608) that “the story of Psammetichus’ retreat in the marshes is clearly (sic) borrowed from the myth of Horus.” It is far more likely that the story of Horus borrowed from the life of some early Egyptian ruler. Psamtek’s flight to the marshes is as natural and well attested as that of Alfred or of Hereward, the latter of whom is suspiciously like Horus in name as well as in behaviour.

475. In Diodorus’ version of the same affair they are specifically stated to have done so.

476. Diod. loc. cit.

477. G. Smith, Assurbanipal, pp. 64, 66, 67.

478. Radet, Lydie, p. 177, translates “oÙ l’on franchit la mer.”

479. Assyrian Pisamiilki: see Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 49, n. 1; but cp. Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 152.

480. Breasted, Hist. p. 566. This view is now commonly accepted. Against it, see Gutschmid, Neue BeitrÄge Ges. Or. pp. x.-xi.

481. Strabo XIII. 590: see Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 48, n. 1. Later in his reign Psamtek is said by Diodorus (I. 67) to have “made an alliance with the Athenians and some of the other Greeks”; but here we may follow Mallet (ib. p. 97; cp. pp. 212, 284) and suspect a reflexion backwards of events of the time of Psammetichus the Libyan (circ. 445 B.C.), who took part in the uprising against Persia in which Egypt received much help from Athens (Mallet, ib. p. 149, n. 3). On the very few examples from Naukratis of late Proto-Attic vases (Attic of about 600 B.C.) see Prinz, Funde aus Naukratis, pp. 75 f.

482. Isaiah XXXVII. 36; II Kings XIX. 35; II Chron. XXXII. 21.

483. Hdt. II. 141, ?pes?a? d? ?? t?? a???? ?? ??d??a ??d???, ?ap????? d? ?a? ?e????a?ta? ?a? ????a???? ?????p???.

484. Africanus and Euseb. F.H.G. II. p. 593; John of Antioch, F.H.G. IV. p. 540.

485. Their significance is well put by Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, III. pp. 9–10; cp. Moret, de Bocchori, pp. 76 f. quoting Revillout, PrÉcis droit Égy. pp. 190 f. The Diodorus passages are from I. 94 and I. 79; cp. also Plut. Demetr. 27 and Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. 18, Bocchoris as clever judge in a claim for payment; Iambl. (Didot, Erot. Scrip. p. 517) on Bocchoris’ skill in assessment of values (cup, nosegay, kiss). Moret is scarcely right in saying (de Bocch. p. 55) that every kind of story is told to illustrate the wisdom of Bocchoris: cp. Revillout ap. Moret, p. 78, “Bocchoris avait voulu surtout faire un code commercial.” Diod. I. 94 places Bocchoris fourth among the reputed lawgivers of Egypt. No similar measures are attributed to any of the earlier three.

486. Schiaparelli, Mon. Ant. VIII. pp. 90–100 and Tav. II. The context in which the vase was found (Poulsen, Orient u. frÜhgriech. Kunst, pp. 125–6) recalls the Regulini-Galassi and Bernardini graves.

487. See Poulsen, Orient u. frÜhgr. Kunst, p. 64; cp. Kinch, Vroulia, p. 249. Schiaparelli, Revillout (Quirites et Ég. p. 4), and Moret (de Bocch. pp. 27–8) think it of Phoenician make and provenance.

488. Plut. Demetr. 27.

489. p??t?? f??????at?tat?? (Diod. I. 94), a trait quite reconcilable with the statement of Zenobius (II. 60), that he was remembered for his justice (cp. Suid. s.v. ????????) and ingenuity (?p????a) as a judge. The statement of Aelian that Bocchoris was hated by his countrymen (H.A. XI. 11; cp. Plut. Vit. Pud. 3, f?se? ?a?ep??) proves only that he, like Solon and Cypselus, excited different feelings in different quarters: nobody would now follow Wiedemann (Aeg. Ges. p. 579) and quote it against reports favourable to him, as a proof that neither are of any use for serious history.

490. Manetho, F.H.G. II. pp. 592–3; see further below, p. 100, n. 4.

491. Breasted, Records, IV. 858; J. de RougÉ, Chrestom. Egypt, IV.

492. J.H.S. XXVI. p. 103; cp. pp. 91–2, 94 f. The main divergence is in the Lesbian thalassocracy, where the Armenian version of the canon of Eusebius gives the dates ann. Abr. 1345–1441 (= 96 years), whereas Jerome gives the duration as 68 years.

493. Note that he probably began his career at a small town near Canopus, E. de RougÉ (quoting Brugsch), Inscr. Hist. Pianchi ap. Maspero, Bibl. Égypt. XXIV. p. 290. De RougÉ notes that Tafnekht’s name has no cartouche and no qualification announcing royal birth and from these facts argues that he was of comparatively humble origin.

494. Note that the unrevised dating of the Egyptian thalassocracy makes it fall into the reign of Bocchoris as dated by Eusebius, Fotheringham, J.H.S. XXVII. p. 87.

495. Cp. perhaps Steph. Byz. ????????? ?a? ?a?????, t?p?? ?? ??f?d? ?f’ ?? ??????ef?ta?, ?? ???sta???a?. ibid. ?a?????? t?p?? ?d????? ?? ??f?d?, ???a ???e? ????sa?te? ?p??a?a? p??? ?ef?ta? p???s?e??? ?a??ef?ta? ??????sa?. Cp. Polyaen. VII. 3, ?p? t?? ?a??? ??e???? ???? t? t?? ??fe?? ?????ta? ?a??ef?ta?. These Caromemphites and Hellenomemphites are generally recognized as descendants of Psamtek’s mercenaries who were transplanted by Amasis to Memphis (Hdt. II. 154).

496. Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, p. 8, who compares the Herodotean king Pheron of Egypt (Hdt. II. 111) who plainly is simply a nameless Pharaoh.

497. See below, p. 101.

498. So apparently Breasted, Hist. Eg.² pp. 552–3.

499. Wiedemann, Aeg. Ges. p. 587; Lauth, Aeg. Vorzeit, p. 439 f; Oppert, Rapp. Eg. et Assyr. pp. 14 n. 1, 29 n. 1, quoting Brugsch.

500. Joseph., Antiq. Iud. X. 1. 4 (17); cp. Petrie, Hist. Eg. III. p. 296.

501. Cp. Hdt. II. 30.

502. Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, p. 10.

503. Ibid.

504. KÖnigsbuch, p. 47.

505. II Kings XVIII. 21; XIX. 9; Isaiah XXXVI. 6; XXXVII. 9.

506. Schrader, Cun. Inscr. and O.T., (marginal) pp. 292, 303; cp. 357. This fact by itself is fatal to Sourdille (Hdt. et la relig. de l’Ég. p. 141) when he places Sethon on his index mythologique on the ground that Shabataka was king of Egypt at this time.

507. Hence the equation with Shabataka, while Tirhaka is equated (Oppert, Rapp. Égy. et Assyr. p. 29) with the king of Meroe, is impossible, quite apart from its making nonsense of the reference to the bruised reed.

508. Petrie, Hist. Eg. III. p. 312; Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, III. p. 6.

509. Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, p. 10; Breasted, Records, IV. 830 (Pianchi stele).

510. G. Smith, Assurbanipal, p. 20.

511. See above, p. 88, n. 1.

512. F.H.G. II. p. 593.

513. Hdt. II. 151; Diod. I. 66; the Apis stelai.

514. F.H.G. II. p. 594.

515. Psamtek’s daughter Nitokris was adopted by Shepnepet, daughter of Taharqa (or, according to J. de RougÉ, Ét. sur les textes gÉogr. du temple d’Edfou, p. 62, of Pianchi), sacerdotal princess of Thebes, Breasted, Records, IV. 935 f.; cp. E. de RougÉ, Notice de quelques textes hiÉrogl. publ. par M. Greene, ap. Maspero, Bibl. Égypt. XXIII. pp. 70 f.; J. de RougÉ, Ét. sur les textes gÉogr. du temple d’Edfou, pp. 59–63; neither of whom understood that N. was daughter of S. only by adoption. From the omission of the revolt of Gyges and Psamtek from the earlier Assurbanipal cylinders and the statement that Miluhha (Ethiopia) revolted with Saulmugina (brother of Assurbanipal), G. Smith, Assurbanipal, p. 78, cp. pp. 154–5, infers that the revolt of Gyges and Psammetichus took place at the time of the general rising against Assyria, which means that Psammetichus was allied with Ethiopia at that time. His early flight into Syria, Hdt. II. 152, is to be connected with his father’s policy rather than with his own.

516. Against this identification see Maspero, Hist. Anc.⁵ p. 459, n. 3; E. de RougÉ, Textes pub. par M. Greene, ap. Maspero, Bibl. Égypt. XXIII. pp. 74–75.

517. Psamtek himself acknowledged the Ethiopian Taharqa as his predecessor: Wiedemann, Aeg. Ges. p. 600.

518. There can be no doubt that the reigns of rival rulers of the period largely overlap. Otherwise, as pointed out long ago by Gutschmid (Philol. 1855, p. 659), we have Psamtek I surviving his father for over 100 years.

519. Hist. Eg. III. p. 318.

520. Below, p. 101.

521. E.g. by Breasted.

522. Diod. I. 45; Plut. de Is. et Os. 8 (Moral. 354); cp. Moret, de Bocch. pp. 6–8, quoting Mariette and Maspero; Breasted, Records, IV. 811, 884, Hist.² p. 546; Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, p. 6. The Pianchi stele mentions one son of Tafnekht as killed in Pianchi’s campaign against Tafnekht, and another as spared by him (Breasted, Records, IV. 838, 854; cp. Moret, de Bocch. p. 6, n. 2).

523. Hist. Eg. III. p. 334.

524. Hist. Eg. III. p. 327.

525. Athen. X. 418e.

526. In Diod. (I. 45) and Plut. (de Is. et Os. 8) Tnefachthos, the father of Bocchoris, is said to have accidentally discovered while campaigning against the Arabians the joys of the simple life. In Athen. (418e) Neochabis and his son Bocchoris are said both to have been moderate in their diet (et??? t??f? ?e???s?a?). But even if we have here variants of a single story, it would be no proof that we are up against the same individuals.

527. It is implied by Breasted, Hist.² p. 556, when he calls Necho I “doubtless a descendant of Tefnakhte.”

528. Necho I enjoyed the favours of the Assyrian conqueror (G. Smith, Assurbanipal, pp. 20, 23, 27–28), but his revolt shows that he was making a virtue of necessity.

529. Translated Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, chaps. II., III.: Maspero, Pop. Stories, pp. 115 f.

530. Petrie, Hist. III. fig. 139.

531. Hdt. II. 173; cp. Athen. VI. 261c, X. 438b.

532. Maspero, Pop. Stories, pp. 281–2; the story, however, is Ptolemaic and may be influenced by Hdt.; cp. Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 173. E. Meyer, Ges. Aeg. p. 366, n. 1, uses the demotic stories about Amasis’ drunkenness as proof that the Saite Pharaohs were not popular with their Egyptian subjects. It might as well be argued that Edward VII must have been unpopular in England because the masses like to associate him with horse-racing and cigars. When the Egyptians represented Amasis as drunken they paid him the compliment of making him like themselves. The catastrophe of 525 B.C. was helped on by the drunkenness of the servants sent by Amasis to capture Phanes the captain of the Greek mercenaries when he was on his way to desert to Persia (Hdt. III. 4). The Egyptian who “complained before his majesty King Cambyses on the subject of all the strangers who dwelt in the sanctuary of Neith (at Sais) to the end that they might be expelled” (so-called demotic chronicle, ap. Rev. Égy. 1880, p. 75) is a better witness as to the policy of Cambyses than as to the unpopularity of Amasis; cp. the sequel: “His Majesty ordained: expel all the strangers who dwell in the sanctuary of Neith: destroy their houses.”

533. Hdt. II. 172; Hellanicus, F.H.G. I. p. 66; but cp. Revillout, Rev. Égypt. 1881, pp. 96–98.

534. Pop. Stories, pp. 151 f.

535. Hist. Anc.⁵ p. 531. Maspero refers to the evidence of excavations; Mallet, Prem. Étab. pp. 52–53.

536. Hdt. II. 179.

537. Naukratis, I. pp. 1 f.

538. Hieron. VIII. (Migne), pp. 365–6.

539. s.v. Naukratis.

540. Ap. Athen. XV. 675.

541. Strabo, XVII. 801.

542. Hdt. II. 178.

543. Plutarch, Sept. Sap. Conviv. 2 (Moral. 146), speaks of a certain Niloxenos the Naukratite as entertained by Periander. If the setting of the dialogue was strictly historical, this would be evidence for the existence of Naukratis before 590 B.C. But Amasis is introduced as reigning in Egypt and Croesus apparently as already King of Lydia, so that chronological inferences from this fictitious dialogue would be rash.

544. Strabo, XVII. 808; cp. Hdt. II. 135; Athen. XIII. 596b; Suid. s.v. ??d?p?d?? ?????a.

545. Oxyr. Pap. I. pp. 10–13.

546. So Gutschmid, ap. Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 178.

547. It is forcing the sense of Herodotus’ words to regard them, as does Petrie, Nauk. I. p. 4, as proof positive of a pre-Amasis occupation. Still less is Kirchhoff justified (Stud. Gr. Alph.⁴ p. 47) in regarding them as proving that there were no Greeks in Naukratis before the reign of Amasis.

548. E.g. Mallet and E. Meyer.

549. I was first led to apply to Egypt my views about the Greek tyranny, before I had read Diodorus on Psammetichus, from Herodotus’ account of Sethon and his following of tradesmen and artizans; above, p. 92.

550. Nauk. I. pp. 5, 6, 21.

551. J.H.S. XXV. pp. 110 f.

552. B.S.A. V. p. 39 f.; J.H.S. XXV. p. 109; cp. especially the finds there of vases dedicated “to the gods of the Greeks” and also to various different individual Greek deities. The size of the bricks dates this enclosure as earlier half of sixth century, B.S.A. V. p. 35.

553. B.S.A. V. pp. 41 n. 2, 48; J.H.S. XXV. p. 107. In 1899 there was found in Petrie’s “Great Temenos” a fourth century Egyptian inscription that speaks of “Pi-emro which is called Naukratis.” This is, however, pace Hogarth, J.H.S. XXV. p. 106, evidence not for but against thinking of Piemro Naukratis as a double town like Buda-Pesth rather than as a bilingual like Swansea Abertawe.

554. J.H.S. XXV. p. 107; B.S.A. V. p. 43.

555. B.S.A. V. p. 49.

556. Nauk. I. pp. 54 f.

557. Hirschfeld, Rhein. Mus. 1887, pp. 215–219; Kirchhoff, Stud.⁴ p. 44 f.; cp. Edgar, B.S.A. V. pp. 50 f. For Gardner’s reply see Nauk. II. pp. 70 f. For a rÉsumÉ of the epigraphical evidence see E. S. Roberts, Gk. Epig. I. pp. 159 f., 323 f.

558. Wiedemann accepts them, Hdt. II. 178.

559. B.S.A. XIV. p. 263.

560. B.S.A. V. p. 52.

561. Prem. Étab. pp. 167 f.

562. Hogarth’s publication of the additional inscriptions found in 1903 is still more deficient. Edgar’s account of those found in 1899 is better, though by no means adequate. Of 108 probable dedications (some are too fragmentary to be certain), 48 are on vases (black glaze, black figure, red figure) that cannot have been made before the reign of Amasis, 33 are on cups of types that certainly lasted into his reign, 6 on Naukratite fragments (phase not stated), 2 on (late) Milesian. The rest are on fabrics difficult to date from the meagre descriptions. Unfortunately this collection is not typical. It is to be regretted that Edgar thought it “unnecessary to state the provenance of each separate inscription” (B.S.A. V. p. 53). Sixteen have dedications to the gods of the Greeks, and only two to Apollo. We may conclude that a large percentage come from the Hellenium and are therefore after 570. But this does not prove a late date for graffiti generally. Of the sixteen dedications to the gods of the Greeks fifteen are on black figure or black glaze vases: the other is on one of the 33 cups mentioned above. This fact suggests that the dedications generally could have been dated from the vases they are inscribed on if the data had been made available, and that Gardner was fairly right in his main conclusion although wrong in his method of reaching it. Of the Milesian fragments one has a dedication to Apollo, of the Naukratite two (both from the old Southern “Temenos”) are to Aphrodite. It is significant that among the finds of the reign of Amasis “the early local pottery was disappointingly scarce” (B.S.A. V. p. 57). It is surprising that the excavators did not draw the obvious conclusion.

563. B.S.A. XIV. p. 263; J.H.S. XXIX. p. 320; Ure, Black Glaze Pottery, pp. 59–61. Others still unpublished from Burrows’ excavations of 1909.

564. For later Boeotian examples see Ath. Mitt. XV. pp. 412–413 (Theban Kabeirion) and probably those from Mt Ptoon alluded to in B.C.H. IX. 479, 523.

565. Occasional earlier inscriptions are no evidence against this later dating for the beginning of the real vogue.

566. The inscriptions are largely dedications to deities.

567. B.S.A. V. p. 57.

568. Ure, Black Glaze Pottery, pp. 32 f.

569. Three of the stamped black sherds from Naukratis (B.S.A. V. p. 56, nos. 113–15) are inscribed, one with a very secular inscription, one with a Cypriote abbreviation, and one with what may be the beginning of a dedication. The secular inscription on one example of a very common fabric is no argument against the use of other examples for religious purposes.

570. The vases so classed by Prinz, Funde aus Naukratis, p. 69, do not belong to the style (cp. Kinch, Vroulia, pp. 134 f.). His conclusions ib. p. 72 therefore do not hold.

571. B.S.A. V. p. 57.

572. Kinch, Vroulia, p. 26.

573. Cp. Rhitsona, passim.

574. Cp. also Daphnae, which flourished contemporaneously with Corinthian and some phases of proto-Corinthian pottery, but yielded no remains of Corinthian nor, apparently, of proto-Corinthian: Petrie, Tanis, II. p. 62.

575. Brit. Mus. 1886, 6–I. 40; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 102.

576. J.H.S. XXV. p. 136.

578. See e.g. Nauk. I. Pl. IV. 3.

579. Wiegand, Sitz. Preuss. Akad. 1905, pp. 545–6; Arch. Anz. 1914, p. 222, p. 219, figs. 29–31; Kinch, Vroulia, pp. 194–231.

580. Funde aus Nauk. p. 37.

581. The Boeotian Kylix style of B.S.A. XIV. pp. 308 f., Pls. VIII. and XV.

582. Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 105; 1905, p. 62; 1910, p. 224.

583. A. J. Reinach, Journ. d. Sav. 1909, p. 357.

584. Boehlau, Nekrop. Taf. XII. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11; cp. pp. 30, 31.

585. An important fact, not sufficiently taken into account by Boehlau and his followers.

586. Boehlau, Nekrop. p. 75; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 33.

587. Sitz. Preuss. Akad. 1905, p. 545.

588. The ware has often been called Rhodian and more recently (Kinch, Vroulia, passim) Camirian. Rhodes has produced far the most specimens, but probably only because tomb-robbing has been particularly prevalent in the island. Rhodian provenance is maintained by Poulsen (Orient u. frÜhgr. Kunst, p. 91), but on dangerous stylistic grounds. His treatment of the Russian finds is particularly unconvincing. All the same Perrot does well (Hist. de l’Art, IX. pp. 390, n. 2, 403 f.) to remind us that the Milesian attribution is not a certainty.

589. Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. pp. 39 f.

590. Petrie, Tanis, II. Pls. XXVII., XXVIII.

591. Petrie, Tanis, II. pp. 51, 52 (quoting Hdt. II. 30, 154). Duemmler’s doubts as to the identity of Daphnae and the Greek “Camps” (Jahrb. X. p. 36) seem somewhat superfluous.

592. Boehlau, Ion. Nekrop. pp. 52 f.; cp. Edgar, Cat. Vases, Cairo, pp. 10, 13, 14.

593. Hist. de l’Art, IX. p. 404.

594. Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. pp. 73–74.

595. C.R. II. 233e, Oxford Ashmolean Museum, G. 127. 2, 3 (the latter two excavated 1903). For an illustration of this type see J.H.S. XXX. p. 354, fig. 18.

596. See the evidence of the Rhitsona grave catalogues, B.S.A. XIV.; J.H.S. XXIX., XXX.

597. Nauk. I. Pl. VI. 1, 2; II. Pl. IX. 5; cp. Prinz, pp. 75 f.

598. E.g. Petrie and Gardner, Nauk. I. Pl. V. and (coloured) J.H.S. VIII. pl. 79.

599. Nauk. I. p. 51; II. p. 39: cp. Prinz, pp. 87 f.

600. Vroulia, pp. 7, 34, 89.

601. J.H.S. XXIX. pl. 25 and pp. 332 f.

602. Cp. Buschor, Gr. Vasenmal.¹ p. 81; Frickenhaus, Tiryns, I. p. 53.

603. Arch. Anz. 1910, pp. 224–5; 1914, p. 227.

604. Its absence from Daphnae, the military station from which the Greeks were removed by Amasis soon after 570 B.C., was formerly thought to indicate that at that date it had not yet been invented or at least not yet become popular. But the chief wares found at Daphnae, including the typical (Clazomenian?) Daphnae ware, and excepting only a peculiar local type of situla, are not uncommon at Naukratis (B.S.A. V. pp. 60–61). This could hardly be the case, at least not to the same extent, if Naukratis started only when Daphnae ceased. We must seek some other explanation of the lack of Naukratite at Daphnae. May it not have been simply that such delicate ware was ill-suited for a camp? The Naukratite cups show a fabric as fragile as the modern teacup.

605. Over 350; Nauk. I. pp. 60 f.

606. Nauk. I. p. 11.

607. Its central and crowded position is (pace Edgar, B.S.A. V. p. 53) no argument against this view, but rather the reverse, especially if it is remembered that Miletus and presumably as a consequence the Milesian part of Naukratis was in a bad way in the days of Amasis.

608. On the evidence of excavation as to these temene see Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. pp. 12–13.

609. Note, however, Perrot’s comments, Hist. de l’Art, IX. p. 415.

610. Prinz, pp. 39–42; B.S.A. V. pp. 41, 60.

611. Nauk. II. p. 60.

612. There is little evidence for the attractive suggestion (A. G. Dunham, Hist. Miletus, p. 68) that the establishment should be connected with the victory of the Samian side and the defeat of the Milesian in the (seventh century) Lelantine war.

613. IV. 152.

614. Athen. VII. 283e. Hirschfeld may be right in inferring that Apollonius took the foundation of Naukratis back to mythical times (Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 220).

615. Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 75, connects with it the Corinthian sherds, some of which are much earlier than Amasis. Better evidence for early Aeginetan dealings with Naukratis are the Naukratite sherds, some of them of the earliest phase, found in Aegina, Prinz, p. 88.

616. Hirschfeld, Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 212; E. Meyer, Ges. Aeg. p. 368; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 1.

617. Over 100 are recorded, Nauk. II. p. 62 f.; others, B.S.A. V. p. 41.

618. Not apparently on it: cp. Nauk. II. pl. 3 (section of the site down to the basal mud with no black stratum marked); B.S.A. V. p. 44 (spoken of as at South end of Greek quarter); J.H.S. XXV. p. 107. Considering that the temple lies so very near the scarab factory and due West of it and that the line of cleavage between Greek and Egyptian runs East and West it is strange that no explicit statement is made on this point.

619. B.S.A. V. pp. 38, 44.

620. J.H.S. XXV. p. 114.

621. Athen. XV. 675 f.

622. Nauk. II.

623. Nauk. II. Pl. XIV. 11.

624. Orient u. frÜhgr. Kunst, pp. 93–99 (Cyprus for examples with an Oriental character, Rhodes for those that are purely Greek). An example found at Polledrara (Vulci) comes from a grave (“tomb of Isis,” Montelius, Civ. Prim. en Ital. SÉr. B, pl. 266. 3) that contained also a scarab of Psammetichus I and is probably to be dated in the second half of the seventh century.

625. Nauk. I. Pls. XVI., XVII. For Pl. XVI. 4 see below, fig. 17.

626. Nauk. I. p. 21; cp. p. 42; but cp. Petrie, B.S.A. V. p. 41, “I found nothing but Egyptian South of Aphrodite.”

627. Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 84. Prinz, ibid. pp. 86–87, regards some of the early jars from Naukratis as Ionian, comparing the shapes of painted Ionian jars. Whether, as Prinz thinks (ibid. p. 13), they prove an early Greek settlement in the South quarter is another question.

628. For Phoenician remains at Naukratis see B.S.A. V. p. 49, where they are probably overestimated; cp. Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 102.

629. For connecting jars of this sort with Greco-Saite trade cp. perhaps Epiphan. de Mens. et Pond. 182d ? ???????? Sa?t?? ?est?? ?st? ? (= 44 kotylai).

630. For a more modest estimate of early Naukratis see Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 178. The view of Kahrstedt (Pauly Wissowa, S.V. Herostratos) and Hirschfeld (Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 219) (cp. Endt, Ion. Vasenmal. p. 68), that Greek Naukratis dates only from 570, is untenable.

631. One great gap in the evidence would be filled if ever the site of the Milesians’ Fort was found and excavated.

632. See below, pp. 122–3.

633. Petrie, Hist. Eg. III. pp. 351–2; Tanis, II. pp. 51 f.; cp. Mallet, Prem. Étab. pp. 129–130.

634. Sharpe, Hist. Eg.⁶ I. p. 167, thought it directed against Tanis, Mendes and Bubastis; but there is nothing to show that Amasis had anything to fear from these seats of earlier dynasties in the Eastern part of the Delta.

635. Hdt. II. 154; cp. II. 30; Diodorus (I. 67) dates the foundation of The Camps after Psamtek’s victory. The site confirms the date. Daphnae could become the military base of the Saite prince only after he had disposed of the dodecarchy and was mainly concerned with the Assyrian peril; see Petrie, Tanis, II. p. 48.

636. Whether troops were actually transferred from the “Fort” to the “Camp” is doubtful. There is little trace of Miletus at Daphnae, where the Greek pottery appears to have been mainly from Samos (Fikellura ware, Petrie, Tanis, II. pls. 27, 28) and Clazomenae (Daphnae ware, ibid. pls. 29–31). The marked differences between the pottery finds at Naukratis and Daphnae are now generally recognized as being local, not temporal, except in so far as the Daphnae series ends earlier. But the fact of these local differences still awaits a satisfactory explanation. Cp. above, p. 115, n. 2.

637. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt.¹ I. 384; cp. Mallet, Prem. Étab. pp. 43, 80. Mallet, ibid. pp. 79–80, makes Herodotus’ ????? a sort of militia, but this hardly suits their description as a caste. Egyptian documents do indeed show that, in spite of Herodotus II. 164, VI. 60; Plato, Tim. 23–24; Isocr. Bus. 15–17 (224); Diod. I. 28, 73–74; Strabo XVII. 787; there was no hard caste system in ancient Egypt; cp. Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 164; Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 411. But the ?????, though not a caste, were plainly a sharply defined class.

638. Prem. Étab. p. 80.

639. Ges. d. Alt.¹ I. 561.

640. Hdt. II. 30; Diod. I. 67; Strabo XVI. 770 and XVII. 786 (where they are said to have been still in Ethiopia in the days of the historian); Pliny, N.H. VI. 35 (30); Ptol. Geog. IV. 7 (Didot, i. p. 783); Hesych. s.v. ?a??a???a?. On the authenticity of this story see Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 30, pp. 128 f., Ges. Aeg. pp. 137–8 (sceptical); Mallet, Prem. Étab. pp. 77 f. Herodotus says there were 240,000, Diodorus over 200,000. These numbers will not now be regarded as sceptically as they were in the last century.

641. Wiedemann, Hdt. II. 161; Breasted, Records, IV. 1000, 1001.

642. Hdt. II. 169; Diod. I. 68; Petrie, Hist. Eg. III. 351–2; Breasted, Records, IV. 1003.

643. Hdt. II. 178.

644. Hdt. I. 77; cp. Xen. Cyrop. VI. 2. 10.

645. Hdt. III. 39.

646. Maspero, Passing of the Empires, p. 645; cp. Plut. Mor. 261 (Mul. Virt. 25).

647. Hdt. II. 180.

648. From a demotic chronicle published by E. Revillout, Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch. XIV. (Mar. 1892), pp. 251–4; cp. Rev. Égyptol. 1880, p. 60.

649. Hdt. II. 159; Hirschfeld, Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 219, suggests that the fleet with which Necho defeated the Syrians may have owed much to the Milesians’ Fort.

650. Cp. Hdt. II. 161; Lepsius, Denkm. III. 274d, e; Roberts, Gk. Epig. I. 151 f.

651. Hdt. II. 160; according to Diod. I. 95, the appeal was made to Amasis.

652. Hdt. II. 163; Diod. I. 68.

653. Heuzey, Fig. Ant. pl. 7. 2; Mallet, Prem. Étab. fig. 27; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 107.

654. For Amasis and trade cp. Plut. Sept. Sap. Conv. 6 (Moral. 151), ??e??? ??? (sc. ??s?d?) ?? ?????t? p?????? ???a t?? ?p???a? ? pa?e?????.

655. Mallet, Prem. Étab. p. 414.

656. Cp. Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, III. p. 44, n. 5.

657. Ibid. p. 201. The word analyses p (article)—san (man, vendor)—mtk.

658. Earlier Egyptologists derived the word quite differently, explaining it as Libyan (e.g. V. Stern, Z. f. Aeg. Spr. 1883, pp. 24 f. and references, ad loc.) or Ethiopian (= son of the Sun), (Brugsch, Ges. Aeg. pp. 731 f., but cp. Wiedemann, Aeg. Ges. p. 623). Meyer, Ges. Aeg. p. 363, describes it simply as “not Egyptian,” presumably as not occurring before the Saite period. But this is no argument if the name was till then extremely plebeian. Petrie rejects “man (vendor of) mixing bowls,” as manifestly absurd and analyses P-sam-te-k = the (Egyptian) lion’s (Upper Egyptian) son (Ethiopian) the (Ethiopian suffix) (Hist. Eg. III. p. 320, accepted as probable by How and Wells, ad Hdt. II. 151). He compares Shaba-ta-ka (Ethiopian dynasty, 707–693) = wild cat’s son the; but this is no parallel for the real difficulty, which is the extraordinary hybrid composition. Linguistic hybrids are legion. Our own forefathers enriched Latin with the word quicksethedgavit. But so complicated a hybrid as Petrie implies cannot be considered seriously without some very solid evidence for really parallel monstrosities. Spiegelberg (Orient. Litt. Zeit. 1905, p. 560), after arguing convincingly against Petrie, accepts “bowl vendor” as a popular etymology, but rejects it as the real meaning, “denn kein KÖnig wird MischkrughÄndler heissen wollen.” He explains the word as really meaning “man of the god Mtk”; only no such god is known. Even if there were, Spiegelberg’s explanation cuts both ways. If, as the evidence has shown, there is a probability that Psammetichus I had really been a vendor of something like mixing bowls, and got his name from his occupation, some such aristocratic explaining away of the plebeian name may perhaps have induced him and his successors to keep it, just as Mrs Snooks in one of Wells’ stories became more than reconciled to her name after it had been explained as an abbreviation of Sevenoaks and spelt accordingly.

659. Dem. Pap. Rylands, III. pp. 44, n. 5: 201, n. 3.

660. Ibid. p. 201, n. 3.

661. Hdt. II. 151.

662. Griffith, ibid. p. 44, n. 5, quoting Hdt. II. 174; cp. Ael. V.H. II. 41; Athen. VI. 261, X. 438.

663. There is little evidence for a trade in mixed wine. The ancient Greeks habitually drank mixed wine, but the mixing was done at home. In England there is no wholesale trade in claret cup. But note Mod. Gk. ??as?, = mixture, the normal word for wine.

664. Ibid. p. 44, n. 5.

665. Babelon, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 267 f.; Th. Reinach, L’Hist. par les Monnaies, pp. 32–3; Head, Hist. Num.² p. 643; Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 6–8; Radet, Rev. des Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 120; Busolt, Gr. G.² I. p. 493.

666. Evans in Corolla Numismatica B. V. Head, pp. 363–7; Ridgeway, Compan. Gk. Stud.³ p. 537.

667. Brit. Mus. Excavations at Ephesus (1908), chaps. IV., V.

668. Three have the ???????????? inscription that Six explained as an abbreviation of Alyattes’ name, Num. Chron. 1890, pp. 203 f.

669. Babelon, Origines, pp. 181 f.

670. Xen. ap. Poll. IX. 83; Hdt. I. 94.

671. Cp. Th. Reinach, Hist. par les Monn. p. 32. Cp. also the account of the invention of money in Rep. II. 371, where Plato connects it with the rise of middlemen.

672. See below, p. 148.

673. Soph. Antig. 1037.

674. Strabo XIII. 626 (cp. XIV. 680); Archilochus, quoted below, p. 134; cp. Justin I. 7.

675. Bacchyl. ed. Jebb, fr. 10 (??d?a ????? a??e? ???s??); Theophr. de Lap. 4; Pliny, N.H. XXXIII. 43; Pollux VII. 102; Hesych. s.v. asa??t?? and ???s?t?? ?????; cp. Ridgeway, Num. Chron. 1895, pp. 104 f.

676. Hdt. V. 52 f.; cp. Radet, Lydie, pp. 23 f. and references p. 23, n. 1.

677. Radet, pp. 31 f. On the political importance of the great highways of trade in Lydia see Radet, Lydie, pp. 108 (tolls along caravan routes in eighth century B.C., Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. p. 381, fr. 49), 227–8 (ferry tolls levied by the state under the dynasty founded by Gyges, and state compensation for damage done by the flooding of the waterways, Xanthus, F.H.G. I. p. 37, fr. 4).

For Sardis as geographically more likely than any coast city to have evolved a metal coinage see Radet, Lydie, p. 156; Th. Reinach, Hist. par les Monn. p. 22. For the contrary view see Babelon, Rev. Num. 1895, pp. 352 f., Origines, p. 218.

678. E.g. P. Gardner, Gold Coinage of Asia, p. 4, Hist. Anc. Coin. p. 69; Brandis, MÜnzwesen, p. 201; cp. also Radet, Lydie, p. 293.

679. Plut. Apophth. Lac., Agesil. 40 (Mor. 211b).

680. Hdt. I. 54.

681. The fact that 73 out of 87 early electrum coins found recently in the Artemision at Ephesus are of types usually assigned to Lydia is thus no argument against the usual attribution. Of the rest two are Phocaean, two possibly Phocaean, four possibly belong to Cyme, one perhaps to Ephesus, while five are quite uncertain. Head, Brit. Mus. Excav. Ephesus, pp. 79 f.

682. F. Lenormant, Monn. royal. de la Lydie, p. 28, quotes two early electrum coins, one obv. striated, rev. three incuses, as found in the Plain of Sardis, the other, obv. four petals, rev. one incuse, as found at Nymphi, about 12 miles inland from Smyrna. An electrum third (67·6 grains) obv. lion’s head, rev. one incuse, Brit. Mus. Coins, Lydia, p. 2, no. 4, is said to have been found at Ala Shehr (Philadelphia), 30 miles S.E. of Sardis.

683. Borrell, Num. Chron. VI. (1843), p. 156; cp. Brit. Mus. Coins, Troas, etc. p. lvii.

684. Num. Chron. 1890, p. 210, n. 69; cp. Babelon, Rev. Num. 1895, pp. 354 f., Origines, pp. 215 f.

685. Rev. Num. 1895, p. 303; ib. Pl. VI. 3.

686. Head, Brit. Mus. Coins, Ionia, p. xviii.

687. Head, Hist. Num.² p. 643, Ridgeway, Metal. Curr. p. 293, and others have stated that the 168 gr. standard was in regular use for early electrum, but their only evidence appears to be this one coin; cp. Head, ib. p. xl., who notes that no divisions of this standard are known in electrum. They are fully represented in Lydian gold and silver. Others, e.g. Radet, Lydie, p. 233, explain it as a three-quarter stater of the Phoenician standard normally employed for Lydian electrum, but a three-quarter stater is most unlikely. Nobody has suggested that the coin was meant to pass as gold.

688. Rev. Num. 1895, p. 303.

689. Head, Brit. Mus. Coins of Ionia, p. xxxviii.

690. Ibid. p. 184, nos. 6–11. Babelon himself ascribes three small early silver pieces to Miletus (his nos. 18, 23, 39 = Pl. VI. 7, 10, 17). They weigh 1·26 grammes, 1·75 grammes, 1·10 grammes and are hardly helpful from the metrological point of view.

691. La Chine et les Chinois (1847), p. 173; this, though he refers ibid. to ingots of silver mingled with gold dust, called “syce,” of which the literal translation is “fine silk.”

692. See further, Radet, Lydie, pp. 155 f.; Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 6–8.

693. F.H.G. III. p. 72, fr. 1; so Et. Mag. and Et. Gud. s.v. t??a????.

694. Cp. Hippias of Elis, F.H.G. II. p. 62; Schol. Aesch. P.V. 224; Plut. Vit. Hom., Didot V. p. 153.

695. Hdt. I. 12.

696. Ap. Aristot. Rhet. III. 17 and Plut. De Tranqu. An. 10 (Mor. 470c). The two lines quoted above were not consecutive. Plutarch quotes them thus:

But the ?a? appears to connect two extracts from a single passage. Aristotle, who quotes only ?? ?? t? G??e?, states that the passage was put by Archilochus into the mouth of Charon the carpenter (t??t??).

698. F.H.G. III. p. 380.

699. Radet, Lydie, p. 79.

700. F.H.G. III. pp. 380–1; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. T?ess??, “p???? ??d?a?... ?p? T?ess?? ?ap????.”

701. F.H.G. III. pp. 381–2. The scene of the story is doubtless Hermocapelia, put by Pliny, N.H. V. 33, in Pergamene territory, by Hierocles 670, Teub. p. 21, in the eparchy of Lydia. Schubert, KÖnige v. Lydien, p. 20, identifies Thyessos with Hermes himself.

702. Lydie, p. 98.

703. Radet, Lydie, p. 79; Rev. des Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 117.

704. Radet, pp. 95 f. and Rev. des Univ. du Midi, 1895, pp. 118–9 (foundation of Sinope by Milesians, 756 B.C., implies knowledge on part of Miletus of great eastern caravan routes).

705. Heraclides, F.H.G. II. p. 216, fr. 11.

706. Rhein. Mus. XXXV. (1880), p. 520.

707. Hdt. I. 7 f.; Plut. Mor. 622f; Justin I. 7. In Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. pp. 384–5 she does not aid Gyges.

708. Lydie, p. 134; cp. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. pp. 396, 397, fr. 63, 65; Ael. V.H. III. 26. The Ephesian connexion is (pace Radet) only attested for the later rulers of Gyges’ house. Cp. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXXV. p. 521. Cp. too with the attempt to poison Cadys the attempt to poison Croesus, Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16 (Mor. 401).

709. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. p. 397, fr. 65; cp. Ael. V.H. IV. 27; Hdt. I. 92. For a different version or phase of the struggle see Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16 (Mor. 401).

710. Babelon, Origines, p. 105, calls him a banker, on what authority I cannot discover: Nic. Dam. calls him simply e? ??a e?p????.

711. Note that Sadyattes (ap. Suid. (s.v. ????s??), Alyattes) bears a royal name, and that he is almost certainly the rival ??t?stas??t?? of Croesus of Hdt. I. 92. A var. lect. in Nic. Dam. has ?pa???? (governor) instead of ?p???? (merchant). Sadyattes may therefore well have been a great noble: but that is no reason, pace Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXXV. 520, for not assigning the chief rÔle to his wealth.

712. Pp. 37 f.

713. Hdt. I. 54.

714. Poll. III. 87, Brit. Mus. Coins, Lydia, p. XX.

715. Aristot. (?) Mirab. Ausc. 52 (834a).

716. Strabo XIII. 626; Justin I. 7.

717. Strabo, ibid.; Hdt. I. 92.

718. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. fr. 65 end.

719. Lydie, p. 242.

720. The ???? ?????? of Hdt. I. 92 is almost certainly the Sadyattes of Nic. Dam. See Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXXV. 520; Schubert, KÖnige v. Lydien, p. 61.

721. Hdt. I. 88–89; the story is repeated but with the point omitted, Diod. IX. 33.

722. Cp. Bacchyl. III., the earliest reference to the fall of Lydia, written for Hiero of Syracuse in 468 B.C., where Croesus is made during the sack of Sardis to immolate himself and his family and to be saved by Zeus and carried off by Apollo to the land of the Hyperboreans.

723. Hdt. I. 93; cp. Hipponax, fr. 5 pa?? t?? ?tt??e? t??? ?.t.?. (an almost contemporary reference); Strabo XIII. 627. For excavations of this monument see Abh. Preuss. Akad. 1858, pp. 539 f. and Pls. IV. (tomb) and V. (pottery from the tomb). The pottery suits very well the period of the Mermnad dynasty.

724. Radet, Lydie, p. 226, infers for the time of Croesus corporations of artizans (potters, boot-makers, dyers, etc.) such as existed in Lydia in the time of the Roman empire, but his suggestion is too speculative to build on.

725. Strabo XIII. 627; cp. Athen. XIII. 573a, “Clearchus in Book I. of his Erotica says Gyges, king of Lydia,... when (his mistress) died, gathered all the Lydians of the land and raised what is called the tomb of the hetaera.” This looks like the version preserved by Strabo with details borrowed from Herodotus: note that the work is here ascribed to Gyges.

726. Hdt. I. 153–4.

727. Hdt. VII. 27, 28.

728. Hdt. VII. 27, 28; Plut. de Mul. Virt. 27 (Mor. 262); Polyaen. VIII. 42.

729. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXXV. p. 521.

730. How and Wells, Hdt. VII. 27.

731. Lydie, pp. 155 f., and particularly pp. 162–3.

732. Early in his reign before the Cimmerian invasions (on which see Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXX. pp. 256 f.), Lydie, p. 166. So Cruchon, Banques dans l’Antiq. pp. 15–16.

733. Monn. dans l’Antiq. I. p. 110; cp. Babelon, Origines, pp. 39–40.

734. Cp. Babelon, Origines, p. 94, quoting Terrien de la Couperie, Brit. Mus. Cat. Chinese Coins, p. 4, on period before fourth century A.D. So also ibid. (Cat. Chinese Coins), p. xlviii. 5. Bonacossi, La Chine et les Chinois (1847), pp. 172–3, says there is no government mint: the precious metals are formed into ingots by private bankers: these ingots bear the name of districts, bankers, etc. To the present day Chinese bankers stamp foreign coins with their own countermarks, Babelon, Origines, pp. 121–2.

735. Babelon, Origines, pp. 41, 42.

736. Babelon, Origines, p. 98.

737. E. Thomas, Chron. Pathan Kings Delhi, p. 344 (cp. E. Thomas, Anc. Indian Weights, p. 57, n. 4), goldsmiths and merchants struck coins in fourteenth century A.D.; J. Malcolm, Mem. Central India, II. 80, similar issues still in 1832 but with permit from central government; cp. Babelon, Origines, p. 95.

738. Babelon, Origines, p. 83, at Kieff and Novgorod in the Middle Ages ingots weighing rouble or multiple stamped, sometimes with name, by merchants, bankers or goldsmiths. This practice arose before the Russian government first struck coins. On Greek and Roman stamped ingots see Saglio, Dict. d. Antiq. s.v. Metalla, p. 1865; all appear to be centuries later than the invention of money, on which accordingly they throw no light.

739. Babelon, Origines, p. 100; e.g. Chalmers’ shillings struck by a goldsmith named Chalmers in 1783, numerous private issues in California, 1831–1851, with the legend “native gold” or “pure gold” and the name and sometimes address of the striker.

740. Jevons, Money²³, p. 65.

741. Origines, pp. 110 f.

742. Ibid. p. 123.

743. Head, Hist. Num.² pp. lvii. and 644–5, dates private issues 687–610; P. Gardner, Gold Coinage of Asia, p. 9, attributes the first state coinage anywhere to Croesus, against which view see the whole of the present chapter. Gardner’s own objection to his own theory, based on the ?a??e? coins, is not cogent. Alyattes might, of course, have struck coins as a private venture. The late King George of Greece traded largely in wine grown on the royal estates, but the wine was in no sense a state beverage; cp. also Cruchon, Banques dans l’Antiq. pp. 11 f. For Babelon himself see further Rev. Num. 1895, pp. 332–3, on the early electrum coin, obv. stag, fa??? ?? sea; rev. one oblong incuse between two square, which Babelon ascribes to Ephesus and suggests was issued by “one of those rich bankers who lent to kings and whose safes were filled with precious metals”; see Hdt. VII. 27–29; but cp. Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 51. Against Babelon’s view has been urged the fact that his supposed collections of private marks on such coins as our fig. 19. a (p. 127) form in each case a single group all stamped together. But such a stereotyped grouping on the earliest extant specimens is no argument against his explanation of the origin of these curious marks, which on other very early coins occur in positions which show them to be counter-stamps: see e.g. that on the back of the tortoise of our fig. 20. b.

744. His accession is variously dated 716 B.C. (Hdt.), 708 (Euphorion), 698 (African.), 687 (Euseb. Arm. vers.); he was still alive after 660 B.C. and perhaps after 650 (Geo. Smith, Assurbanipal, pp. 64–68; cp. ibid. pp. 341–2, Winckler, Altorient. Forsch. VI. pp. 474 f., 494 f.).

745. The G???da? ???s?? of Poll. III. 87 and VII. 98 was not, pace Radet, Lydie, p. 162; Rev. d. Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 119, necessarily or even probably coined, but the history of Croesus shows that a king who unquestionably coined might yet be famous for his uncoined gold. Archilochus calls Gyges “the golden.”

746. Hdt. I. 8, 91; cp. Xanthus, ap. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. fr. 49, p. 383 ????e?se (t?? G????) et? t?? d???f???? e??a?.

747. KÖnige von Lydien, p. 30.

748. Ibid. p. 34; cp. Athen. VI. 231e, “The Delphian dedications of silver and gold were started by Gyges the king of the Lydians (?p? p??t?? G????... ??et???): before his reign the Pythia had neither silver nor gold, as is stated by Phanias the Ephesian and Theopompus,” and Hdt. I. 13, 14, “he won the throne and was confirmed on it by the Delphic oracle”.... “In this way the Mermnadae won the tyranny... and Gyges, having become tyrant, sent offerings to Delphi not a few, but most of the silver offerings at Delphi are his, and besides the silver he offered vast sums of gold.”

749. “He is dedicating golden bricks to the Pythian as payment for his oracles,” Lucian, Charon, II; Hdt. I. 50 f.; “we may suppose that the liberality of Croesus was intended to secure the Lacedaemonian alliance through Delphic influence,” How and Wells, Hdt. I. 53 (doubtless in view of Xen. Cyr. VI. 2. 11 (news is brought to Cyrus) “that Croesus had sent to Sparta about an alliance”); ???sta ??at?? ?? ??a??a? ???pe?e ???? (????s??), Bacchyl. III. 61–62.

750. Smith, Assurbanipal, pp. 64–68.

751. Lydie, pp. 57 f.; cp. Plut. Qu. Gr. 45 (Moral. 302), “when Gyges revolted and made war on him (Candaules)”: cp. also Hdt. I. 13, “when the Lydians much resented the way Candaules was treated and took up arms.” But Herodotus goes on to say that the two factions came to an understanding to refer the dispute to Delphi.

752. Hdt. I. 14; F.H.G. III. Nic. Dam. fr. 62; IV. p. 401, fr. 6; Paus. IV. 21, 5; IX. 29, 4; Suid. s.v. G???? and ??????.

753. Radet, Lydie, p. 214; cp. ib. 243 on the commercial necessities that drove Croesus to make war on Cyrus when the Persians, “who are accustomed to make no use of markets and have no market at all” (Hdt. I. 153), threatened the great trade routes of the East.

754. Radet, Lydie, p. 171; cp. Hdt. I. 17, on the way Sadyattes and Alyattes warred against Miletus, and also Ael. V.H. III. 26; Polyaen. VI. 50 on Croesus’ war with Ephesus.

755. Plut. Qu. Gr. 45 (Moral. 302a): ???e? ??s???? ?? ?????? ?p??????? t? G??? et? d???e??, ?a? t?? ?a?da????... d?af?e??e?. This notice is “historisch wertlos,” Meyer, G. d. A. I. p. 547, following Duncker, G. d. A.⁵ I. p. 488, but cp. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXXV. p. 528; Schubert, KÖnige v. Lydien, p. 33; Radet, Lydie, pp. 124 f., 133 f., 136, n. 2. It is more than a coincidence that Carian mercenaries become famous just at this time: cp. Archilochus. In Lydia, as in Egypt (pp. 89, 123), mercenaries, in great part Greek, play an important part throughout the period of the tyrant dynasty. Croesus raised a force of mercenaries before he became king, Nic. Dam. fr. 65, F.H.G. III. p. 397; mercenaries fought for Croesus against Cyrus, Hdt. I. 77; cp. Radet, Lydie, p. 261.

756. Nic. Dam. fr. 49; F.H.G. III. p. 385.

757. Rep. II. 359d; cp. Cic. de Off. III. 9 (38); Suid. s.v. G???? da?t?????.

758. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. III. p. 382; cp. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXXV. pp. 515 f.; Radet, pp. 80 f.; cp. also Hdt. I. 8.

759. Lydie, pp. 89, 120.

760. Cp. below, pp. 149 f.

761. Lydie, p. 224. For Gyges’ invisibility Radet, p. 153, compared that of Deiokes the Mede who, when he became king, withdrew himself from the sight of his subjects, ???s?a? as???a ?p? ?de???, Hdt. I. 99.

762. N.H. XXXIII. 4.

763. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. XXX. pp. 256 f. According to Eusebius Midas became king in B.C. 738.

764. Hammer, Zeits. f. Num. XXVI. 4; Midas himself worked the mines of Mt Bermion, Strabo XIV. 680. The fame of the Phrygians as metal workers went back to mythical times, see Schol. Ap. Rhod. I. 1129, with which cp. Diod. V. 64; Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 360 (132 edit. Sylburg.).

765. Note that Kelainai (the home of the rich Pythes, above, p. 140), which lies in East Phrygia near the source of the Maeander, occupied “a central point from which trade routes radiated in every direction. It became a commercial junction where goods arriving by caravan routes from the East were packed in chests to be forwarded to various sea ports.” These words (Head, Hist. Num.² p. 666) refer to Apamea, which, from its occupation, was nicknamed Kibotos (Box), but Apamea was only a revised version of Kelainai, which lay on the heights above it and was supplanted by the lower city in the time of Antiochus I.

766. Ovid, Met. XI. 100 f.; Hyginus, fab. 191.

767. Poll. IX. 83; so Heraclides, F.H.G. II. p. 216; Radet, p. 160, acutely argues from the association here of Cyme and Phrygia that this account associates the invention of money with the great caravan route, of which Cyme was the main terminus before the rise of the Lydian Mermnadae, about which time it was replaced by Ephesus, the Greek city with which the Lydians maintained the most friendly terms; cp. Ramsay, J.H.S. IX. (1888), pp. 350 f., followed by S. Reinach, Chroniques d’Orient, I. p. 574, Radet, Lydie, p. 172.

768. Hdt. I. 14.

769. Polyaen. VII. 5 makes Midas secure his throne (??da? t??a???? ??????e?sa?) “by pretending to celebrate by night rites in honour of the great gods.”

770. On Midas and the ring see also K. F. Smith, Amer. Journ. Phil. XXIII. p. 273.

771. Aristot. (?) Mirab. Ausc. 45, 47 (833b).

772. Strabo XIII. 591, XIV. 680. See also Radet, Lydie, p. 44, on Eurip. Bacch. 13.

773. Strabo XIII. 590–1, XIV. 680; cp. Xen. Hell. IV. viii. 37.

774. It is not known when the river was first exploited, but an early date may be safely assumed. The gold washings of the Phasis are said to have been the objective of the Argonauts (Strabo XI. 499; cp. Hammer, Zeits. f. Num. XXVI. p. 4). In Egypt “gold of the water,” i.e. river gold, is recorded about 1200 B.C. (Lepsius, Abh. Berl. Akad. 1871, p. 35). The Pactolus washings went back at least some generations beyond Croesus (Strabo XIII. 626; cp. Dio Chrys. Orat. 78, Teubner, p. 280).

775. Don Juan, XII. xii. For Gyges and Aladdin see K. F. Smith, Amer. Journ. Phil. XXIII. p. 271.

776. E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. I. p 580; cp. Regling ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 972.

777. Ridgeway, Orig. Metallic Currency, pp. 35 f., 44, 82, 128, 242, 399 f.; Babelon, Origines, chap. II. The rings appear not to have always a fixed weight, but the ring, especially if not closed, is a very convenient form for weighing, v. Bergmann, Num. Zeits. 1872, pp. 172–4.

778. Strabo XIII. 590, see above, p. 148.

779. Genesis XXIV. 22; cp. Job XLII. 11.

780. Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 52; cp. Brandis, Zeits. f. Num. I. p. 55.

781. Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 46.

782. Cp. Diog. Laert. I. 2. 9 (from a law of Solon’s), da?t???????f? ? ??e??a? sf?a??da f???tte?? t?? p?a???t?? da?t?????.

783. See Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 45.

784. I incline to the view that the types are in part heraldic (e.g. the lion), but I see nothing in Macdonald’s arguments to invalidate Ridgeway’s illuminating explanation of many early coin types as indicating the previous unit of exchange (e.g. tunny fish or tortoise shell; cp. Ridgeway, Cambridge Companion to Greek Studies, § 503).

785. Xen. de Vect. IV. 21, referring to public slaves; Ael. V.H. II. 9 (Samian prisoners branded with an owl).

786. Photius, F.H.G. II. p. 483.

787. Plut. Nikias, 29, the captive Athenians in 413 were branded on the forehead with a horse, but after being branded they were sold as domestic slaves (????ta?), which makes it possible that the branding was an act of simple revenge.

788. Timbres Amphoriques de Lindos, Copenhagen, 1909.

789. Cic. de Off. III. 38; Lucian, Nav. 42, Bis Acc. 21; Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. III. 8; Plato, Rep. 612b. The version which makes the hero an ancestor of Gyges is found in Proclus, Comm. in Remp. 614b (Teubner, II. p. 111).

790. Pollux III. 87, VII. 98.

791. Babelon, in his account of the origin of money, rightly points out (Origines, p. 167) that “in general the prince has at his disposal a greater quantity of precious metal than any banker or merchant.” This fact does not however affect our argument. As Babelon himself goes on to observe, the princes of this period, like modern monarchs in the East, “had in reserve in their treasuries enormous quantities of gold and silver ingots.” He cites Midas, Alyattes, Croesus and Darius as coining according to their various requirements from this reserve. But there is a point that Babelon does not touch. What started these monarchs coining? If, as Babelon assumes, it was simply the fact that the previous private coiners supplied bad coins, the position of coins is on a par with that of any other commodity. We might expect to hear of kings who became butchers and bakers to ensure their subjects good bread and good meat. It is therefore more than doubtful whether the initiative is likely to have come generally from the ruling sovereign. To imagine again a popular clamour for state control, as is done by Babelon, ibid. pp. 168–9, is probably an anachronism. The platform would be too constructive and original for a popular agitation. As a general rule constructive movements begin or at least take shape with outstanding individuals. Parallels from later periods, such as quoted by Babelon, p. 171, are dangerous. A populace can of course clamour for the restoration of lost rights and advantages, that of a state coinage among the rest. In the days that we are considering no precedents could be quoted for a state currency. On the other hand, the situation as conceived either by Babelon or myself implies outstanding individuals in the mercantile class. It is surely among these that it is most natural to look for the beginnings alike of a state coinage and of the new statesmanship that sprang up with it. This need not, of course, imply that occasionally a monarch of the old regime did not grasp the situation and himself institute a state coinage. Pheidon of Argos is a case in point.

792. Hdt. VI. 127.

793. See below, pp. 156–158.

794. Aristot. Pol. VII. (V.), 1310b.

795. J.H.S. XXVI. p. 140. Note that in later times Pheidon was regarded as a typical miser, ?? ???p?? t?? ?????s? ?e?p???t?? Fe?d???? te e?s? ?a? G??f???? ????p?ep?ste???, Alciphron, III. 34, where, however, the statement may be an inference from the name.

796. Strabo VIII. 376, “Ephorus says that in Aegina money was first coined by Pheidon”; Marm. Par. (Jacoby) under 895 B.C. “Pheidon the Argive... made a silver coinage in Aegina (?f’ ?? Fe?d?? ? ???e??? ?d?e?se t? ?t?a ?a? sta?? ?ates?e?ase ?a? ???sa ???????? ?? ?????? ?p???se?)”: Et. Mag. s.v. ?e??s???, “the first of all men to strike a coinage was Pheidon the Argive in Aegina”; Eustath. Comm. Iliad. II. 562, “silver was first coined by Pheidias (sic) there (sc. in Aegina).” So, but with no mention of Aegina, and an implication of other metals besides silver, Strabo VIII. 358, “and he (sc. Pheidon) invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and a stamped coinage, particularly that in silver,” and Pollux IX. 83, “whether Pheidon the Argive was first to strike money or Demodike of Cyme when married to Midas of Phrygia or Erichthonios and Lykos or the Lydians or the Naxians.” Aelian, V.H. XII. 10, in a list of Aeginetan achievements mentions their invention of money: he has no occasion to mention Pheidon but rather the reverse, so that no conclusion can be drawn from the omission of the name.

798. Pace Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI., vol. I. p. 382. See e.g. Hill, Hist. Greek Coins, p. 4; Regling ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 975; about the middle of the seventh century, Head, Hist. Num.² p. 394; rather after than before 650, Willers, Roem. KupferprÄg. pp. 8–9, Svoronos, J. I. d’A. N. V. p. 44; about 620 Earle Fox, Corolla Num. B. V. Head, pp. 40, 46; there is no specific evidence either way, but the earlier date seems much more probable, particularly since the discovery of the Cretan and Cyprian dumps and the coins from Ephesus discussed in the preceding chapter.

799. Satyrus, fr. 21, F.H.G. III. p. 165; Marm. Par. F.H.G. I. pp. 546–7. Theopompus (ap. Diod. VII. fr. 17 and Syncellus, F.H.G. I. p. 283) makes Pheidon sixth from Temenos, but this may be due to the accidental omission of a name. For fifth century pedigrees of the royal house of Macedon see Hdt. VIII. 137–9.

800. Busolt, Gr. G.² I. p. 616.

801. On Karanos see also Justin VII. 1. How and Wells, ad Hdt. VI. 127, refer wrongly to Theopompus as making Karanos a brother of Pheidon.

802. Hence the date 894 B.C. assigned to Pheidon by the Parian Marble.

803. Strabo VIII. 358; cp. Paus. II. 19. 2.

804. Pindar, Nem. p. 255.

805. See further Busolt, Gr. G. I.² p. 619, n. 2, and text. Long pedigrees are not in any case infallible material for arriving at a precise date. There is always e.g. the possibility that here and there a son who died before his father may have been left out of the list. A pedigree of the house of Hanover might easily omit Frederic the father of George III, as is in fact done by Thackeray, who, in chapter XXX. of the Virginians, speaks of Queen Victoria’s great grandfather, meaning George II.

806. Hdt. VI. 127.

807. Cp. Schol. Pindar, Ol. XIII. 17, pa?da? e?pe?... ?? ?p???????. The usage is poetical, and if accepted here might point to a poetical source for the Agariste story.

808. Bury, Pindar, Nem. pp. 255–6. Bury’s arguments are scarcely affected by the question (Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI., vol. I. ad VI. 127. 11; cp. ibid. ad VI. 127. 2) whether an Argive and Dorian suitor for Agariste is conceivable.

809. Ap. Gercke u. Norden, Einleit. i. d. Altertumsw. III. pp. 80–105.

810. See below, p. 159.

811. Hdt. V. 113.

812. Paus. II. 19. 2.

813. Beloch, Gr. G.² I. ii. pp. 193 f., following Wyttenbach: see Hitzig and Bluemner, Paus. II. 19. 2.

814. He is perhaps to be equated also with the luxurious Lakydes, king of Argos, of Plut. Mor. 89e.

815. Hdt. VII. 149.

816. Cp. Paus. IV. 35. 2, Damocratidas, king during the second Messenian war who does not appear in Theopompus’ list. Plut., de Fort. Alex. 8 (Mor. 340c), actually declares that the Heraclid royal family became extinct, and that a certain Aegon was indicated by the oracle to succeed them. Of this dynastic change there is no hint in Theopompus. Modern sceptics again, distrusting every statement about Pheidon not contained in Hdt. VI. 127, have doubted Pheidon’s royal descent, regarding it as an invention of Theopompus, beyond whom it cannot be traced. But if we assume that Theopompus glorified Pheidon to please the Macedonian royal family, we must suppose that the latter were anxious from the beginning to have their connexion with Pheidon brought into prominence, which would hardly have been the case if Pheidon had been regarded as an upstart; cp. Hdt. VIII. 137.

817. Paus. VI. 22. 2.

818. First suggested by Falconer, ad Strab. VIII. 355, and first fully discussed by Weissenborn, Hellen, pp. 18 f.; accepted by Busolt, Bury, and Macan, and by many earlier scholars, see E. Curtius, Gr. G. I.⁶ p. 660, n. 72.

819. Paus. VI. 22. 2.

820. Strabo VIII. 355.

821. Unger, Philol. XXVIII. (1869), pp. 399 f., followed by Duncker, Ges. d. Alt. V.⁵ p. 546; Holm, Hist. Greece (Eng. trans.), I. p. 213; Reinach, L’Hist. par les Monnaies, p. 35; Radet, Rev. Univ. du Midi, 1895, pp. 120–1; P. Gardner, Earliest Coins of Greece Proper, p. 7; and very tentatively by Head, Hist. Num.² p. xliv.

822. Philol. XXVIII. pp. 401 f.; Euseb. Chron. I. 33, Olymp. 28, “the Eleians being occupied through their war against the Dymaeans.”

823. Strabo VIII. 358.

824. J.H.S. II. pp. 164–178.

825. Busolt, Gr. G.² I. p. 586.

826. Plut. Numa, 1.

827. C. Mueller, Aeginetica, p. 58, ignored by Jacoby, Marm. Par. (1904), pp. 158–162.

828. See further, Bury, Pindar, Nemeans, pp. 253–4, and ibid. Bury’s discussion of the tyrants’ connexions with the great games.

829. Ridgeway, Orig. Met. Curr. p. 216.

830. Svoronos, J. I. d’A. N. V. (1902), p. 44: their other main mint was at Alexandria.

831. E.g. Head, Hist. Num.² pp. xliv, 394–5; G. F. Hill, Hist. Greek Coins, p. 4; cp. Babelon, Origines, pp. 211–3; Earle Fox, Corolla Numis. B. V. Head, p. 34.

832. E.g. Th. Reinach, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 2–3; P. Gardner, Earliest Coins Greece Proper, p. 8; F. Cauer ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Argolis, p. 733; Macan, Hdt. IV.-VI. vol. I. p. 382; How and Wells, Hdt. vol. II. pp. 117–8.

833. Lehmann-Haupt, Hermes, XXVII. (1892), p. 557; Beloch, Gr. G.² I. ii. p. 196.

834. Plut. Lys. 17; Pollux VII. 105; IX. 77–8; cp. Plut. Fab. Max. 27; Hdt. II. 135; and perhaps Caes. B.G. V. 12 (reading “taleis” as against “anulis”).

835. Jevons, Money²³, p. 28.

836. See Homolle ap. Saglio, Dict. Ant. s.v. donarium, pp. 374, n. 155 and 378. It is hardly surprising (pace Th. Reinach, Rev. Num. 1894, p. 5) that no instance there quoted is contemporary with the first recorded event in Greek history. Nor is Reinach’s psychology sound when he maintains (ibid.) that giving away what one no longer needs is an action that by its sentimental or archaeological character betrays a rather recent epoch. Reinach, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 1–8, notes that the ancients often kept in their temples samples of weights and measures and quotes examples from Athens, Delos, Lebadea, Rome (see also Homolle ap. Saglio, Dict. Ant. s.v. donarium, n. 176), whereas there is no other certain instance of the dedication of a disused currency (Paus. X. 14. 1, dedication at Delphi of double axes by Periklytos of Tenedos, is so interpreted by Babelon, Origines, pp. 75 f., 208, but see Regling ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 974 and references ibid. Coins have been found in temples superscribed ????ea (dedication) and ?a??? (sacred), Babelon, Origines, p. 208, but these may be nearer in intention to the modern offertory than to Pheidon’s reputed dedication). He therefore maintains that the ?e??s??? were not called in by Pheidon, but first issued by him: Pheidon’s invention thus becomes something that happened in Argos not in Aegina, and must be put back at least into the eighth century. Reinach accordingly dates the tyrant eighth Olympiad (748 B.C.). His conjecture only carries weight if that is regarded as the most probable date for Pheidon, against which see above, pp. 159–160.

837. Svoronos, J. I. d’A. N. IX. (1906), pls. X.-XII. For connecting iron spits with the coinage at Argos cp. perhaps the Argive iron coins of usual shape and type, Koehler, Ath. Mitt. VII. pp. 1–7, dating, however, only from the fourth century B.C.

838. Tiryns, I. p. 114. It does not follow simply from this that they were demonetized offerings, and not standard samples. Spits on the new standard may have circulated concurrently with the new silver coinage. In Thebes and Sparta very heavy iron spits were used as currency as late as the fourth century, Plut. Fab. Max. 27; Lysand. 17. On the other hand the spits published by de Cou in the Argive Heraeum (vol. II. pp. 300–323, pls. CXXVII.-CXXXII.; cp. vol. I. p. 63), appear to be mainly of the Geometric period, and discountenance the view that a spit currency was instituted by Pheidon and went on after him.

839. V. 82–89.

840. Hdt. V. 83; cp. VIII. 46 and Paus. II. 29. 5.

841. Hdt. V. 83. “The thalassocracy might be local and relative to Epidaurus,” Macan, ad loc.

842. Hdt. V. 88.

843. Hence too, pace How and Wells, it is improbable that the Argives who helped Aegina were merely mercenaries.