MEMBERS OF CONGRESS SEEK TO DISFRANCHISE THE WOMEN OF UTAH—CLAGGETT'S ASSAULT—THE WOMEN OF AMERICA COME TO THEIR AID—CHARLES SUMNER ABOUT TO ESPOUSE THEIR CAUSE—DEATH PREVENTS THE GREAT STATESMAN'S DESIGN.

But the enemies of the Mormons, at home and abroad, who have sought to break up their religious institutions and turn their sacred relations into unholy covenants, have, from the very hour of the grant of woman's charter, also sought to take away from them female suffrage. And perhaps they would have done so ere now, had not a million American women been on the side of the Mormons, in this. Claggett of Montana, in his attack upon the people of Utah, in the House of Representatives, January 29th, 1873, gave to Congress a touch of the anti-Mormon opposition to female suffrage in Utah. He said:

"My friend from Utah [Hooper] goes on to say that Utah is a long way in advance of the age in one respect; that female suffrage has been adopted there. What was the reason for adopting that measure? Was it because the peculiar institution of the territory recognizes in any degree whatever, the elevation, purity, and sanctity of women? No, sir. When the Union Pacific Railroad was completed, and when the influx of miners and other outsiders began to come into the territory, the chiefs of the Mormon hierarchy, fearing that power would pass from their hands by the gradual change of population, by adopting female suffrage trebled their voting power by a stroke of their pen; and I am credibly informed upon the authority of at least fifty men, that in practice in that territory any child or woman, from twelve years old and upwards, that can wear a yard of calico, exercises the prerogatives of a freeman, so far as voting is concerned."

The flippant remark of the delegate from Montana, that every Mormon woman could exercise the prerogative of a freeman, called forth a burst of laughter from the house; but it would have been more in keeping with the great theme of woman's rights, had a hearty "Thank God!" rang from the lips of those legislators who laughed in derision. Of course, the gentleman's statement was an exaggeration; but what a story he has unwittingly told of the power that has been committed to the hands of the Mormon women? What an epic prophesy he gave of woman's destiny, when he said, that from the age of twelve years they are trained in Utah to exercise the freeman's prerogative. If this be so—and it is near enough to the truth—and if the Mormon women have trebled the power of the men by the grant of female suffrage, then already do they hold not only their own destiny in their hands, but also the destiny of the men. Their very husbands are depending upon them for grace and salvation from their enemies, in spite of all their enemies' designs. Do legislators for a moment foolishly fear that the Mormon women will not discover this vast power which they hold, and discovering, wield it almost as a manifest destiny? They have discovered it; and their future movements will manifest it, to the astonishment of the whole civilized world. Fifty to a hundred thousand women, who are henceforth in one single State to be trained, from the age of twelve, to exercise the political power of "freemen," cannot but be free, and can have nothing less than a splendid future before them.

Mr. Claggett blasphemed against the truth, when he said that there was nothing in the Mormon religion that "recognized, in any degree whatever, the elevation, purity and sanctity of woman." This is a wicked outrage against the sisters, whose lives are stainless and matchless records of purity, devotion and heroism. That devotion of itself would elevate and enoble their characters; and, if Congress and the American people believe them to be martyrs to their religion, then their very martyrdom should sanctify them in the eyes of the nation.

Moreover, woman suffrage is a charter not incompatible with the genius of Mormonism, but in positive harmony therewith. The Mormon Church is originally based upon the woman as well as upon the man. She is with him a partner and priest, in all their religious institutions. The sisters have also exercised the vote in the church for the last forty-seven years, it being conferred with their membership. So female suffrage grows out of the very genius and institutions of their church.

Now the marriage question specially belongs to the women of the age, and not to Congress; and the Mormon women must and will make the country practically confess as much. They will do it by a movement potent enough upon this question, if they have to stir all the women of America to the issue. They are forced to this by their supreme necessities—their honor, their duty, their love, their most sacred relations. Their brothers, their husbands and their sons are threatened with prisons, for that which their religion and the Bible sanction—that Bible which Christendom for nearly two thousand years has received as the word of God. If there be a radical fault, then is the fault in their too substantial faith in that word. Surely there can be no crime in a Bible faith, else Christendom had been under a condemnation that eternity itself would not outlive. But the damnation of Congress and the regenerators is to be visited upon the heads of the innocent—for the shaping of the case is making the sisters in the eye of the law dishonored women. The very spies and minions of the court enter their marriage chamber—sacred among even barbarians—to find the evidence for prosecution, or to drag them to the witness-box, to testify against their husbands, or disown them to screen them from punishment. Not in the history of civilization has there been such a monstrous example before. Claggett has said, in Congress, of their marriage, "That it tears the crown jewel from the diadem of woman's purity, and takes from her the holy bond which honors her in all the nations of the earth; which has elevated lechery to the dignity of a religious dogma, and burns incense upon the altars of an unhallowed lust; and above all, and as a crime against the future, which ages of forgiveness cannot condone nor the waters of ocean wash out, which yearly writes in letters that blister as they fall, the word 'bastard' across the branded brows of an army of little children. Such an institution is not entitled by any right, either human or divine, to hide the hideous deformity of its nakedness with the mantle of religion, nor seek shelter under the protecting aegis of the civil law." [Applause from Congress.]

The women of Mormondom must force Claggett and Congress to take this back. It is such as he who spoke, and they who applauded, who have written "in letters that blister as they fall the word 'bastard' across the branded brows of an army of little children," and the mothers of those dear little branded ones must appeal to the wives and mothers of America, to take that curse of "bastard" from their innocent brows. They must ask those noble women everywhere in America, who are earnestly battling for their own rights, and especially the supreme right of woman to settle the marriage question; and the answer to their mighty prayer shall come back to them from a million women, throughout the land. The women of America, who lead the van of the new civilization, shall cry to Congress and the nation in behalf of their Mormon sisters, with voices that will not be hushed, till justice be done. Indeed, already have they done this, so far as the suffrage is concerned; and it is due to them alone, under Providence, that the women of Utah have not been disfranchised. This is best brought home to the reader by reference to the following, from the report of the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association, read at the Opera House, Detroit, Mich., October 13, 1874:

"During the session of Congress we spent some time in the capital, proposing to work for the enfranchisement of the women of the District of Columbia and of the territories; but finding that Congress was more likely to disfranchise the women who already possessed this right, than to enfranchise others, our efforts were used, as far as possible, to prevent this backward step.

"Had we been a voter, we might have had less trouble to convince some of our friends in this affair.

"Several bills were introduced, anyone of which, if it became a law, would have disfranchised the women of Utah.

"The McKee bill had been referred to the House Committee on Territories. While the subject was under discussion in the committee, by invitation of the members, on two occasions, we stated our views. One of the members, before the committee convened, gave his reason for favoring the passage of the bill.

"'The woman's vote sustains polygamy,' said he, 'and to destroy that, I would take the right of suffrage from every woman in the territory.'

"'Would it do that?' we inquired.

"'I think it would.'

"'Did polygamy exist in the territory before the women voted?'

"'Oh! yes.'

"'Have they ever had the privilege of voting against it?'

"'No; that has never been made an issue; but they voted to send a polygamist to Congress.'

"'Did any man vote for him?'

"'Yes, more than eleven thousand men, and ten thousand women.'

"'How many voted for the opposing candidate?'

"'Something less than two thousand men and women together.'

"'You intend to disfranchise the men who voted for this man?' we asked.

"'Oh! no.'

"'Then the polygamist can still come to Congress by a majority of five to one.' Though this was true, he seemed to think it very wrong to disfranchise the men.

"How many of the committee reasoned as this one did, we are unable to say, but the majority wished to disfranchise the women, as they returned the bill to the House with the obnoxious sections unchanged. The friends of woman, by their honest work, prevented action being taken on the bill, and perhaps saved the country the disgrace of having done such a great wrong, which it could not soon have undone. There was something more vital to the well-being of the nation in this, than some of our legislators were willing to admit. Had they passed this act they would probably have laid the foundation for the ruin of the nation. If Congress has the power to disfranchise one class, it undoubtedly has the power to disfranchise another, and what freeman in such a case is secure in his rights?

"Similar bills were before the Senate and House Judiciary Committees.

"The question came: Where shall we look for help among those in power? To the true, the trusted and the tried. To those of the grandest intellect and the purest heart. To the friends of the weak and the oppressed. Our appeal shall be made to the highest, to the honorable and most honored Charles Sumner. He cordially granted us a hearing. When we stated the object of our visit, he quietly remarked, 'You have come to the wrong person. I have no influence with these men.'

"After talking some time on the subject, he said, 'I should hesitate to take this right from any who now possess it. I will go farther; I would be willing to grant it to those who have it not.' He afterwards remarked, 'I shall investigate this matter thoroughly.'

"'The bill passed the Senate last year, and many good men voted for it,' we said.

"He kindly apologized for their action, in these words: 'They did not fully realize the nature of the bill; they had not examined it carefully.'

"'Had it deprived them, or any class of men, of the right to vote, would they have realized what it meant, and voted differently?' we inquired.

"'In that case they would doubtless have had sharp eyes to note all its defects,' he answered, with a smile. 'I did not vote on it. I was sick in bed at the time. Have you seen Mr. Frelinghuysen in reference to this?' was the next inquiry.

"'We have not. It seems useless. A man who would frame such a bill would not be likely to change it.'

"But we followed his advice, saw Mr. Frelinghuysen, Mr. Edmunds and others. Mr. Frelinghuysen declared he would not change his bill however much he might be abused.

"Two days after we again met Mr. Sumner and stated the results of our efforts.

"In closing this second interview Mr. Sumner said, 'I will present to the Senate any memorial or petition you may wish, and then refer it to the Judiciary Committee. That is the best way to do.'

"His farewell words were: 'Whether you succeed or not, I wish you all well.'

"Just three weeks from the day of our last conversation with Mr. Sumner, his work on earth ceased, and the cause of justice lost a grand friend. On the morning of February 20th we handed him a suffrage memorial, which he presented to the Senate, requesting that it be referred to the Judiciary Committee, which was almost his last official act."

The women of Utah were not disfranchised. Doubtless this was chiefly owing to the searching and logical editorials of the Woman's Journal, which placed the subject in its true light before the people, together with the action of the advocates of woman suffrage in New England, New York, Pennsylvania and other States. This was a grand victory for woman suffrage. Miss Mary F. Eastman, in her report to the New York Association, said: "When the bill, disfranchising the women of Utah, came before Congress, our representatives were promptly petitioned to use their influence against the measure."

Thus it will be seen that the women of Mormondom and the women of America have a common cause, in this all-vital marriage question, which is destined to receive some very decided and peculiar solution before the end of the century. And it must be equally certain that fifty thousand God-fearing women, with the vote of "freemen"—as Mr. Claggett has it—coming fairly out upon the national platform, in the great issue, will give a toning to the marriage question, for which even orthodox Christians, now so much their enemies, will heartily thank God.