  In a Note at the Bottom of Page 52, (2d. Edition) of my Letter to Mr. Burke, I expressed myself in the following Manner: “The Instances which Mr. Burke has brought, [at Pages 74 and 75 of his Speech, 2d. Edit. 8vo.] to prove that the Colonies, or rather that a few out of the many Colonies, have been liberal in their Grants to Great-Britain, during the Continuance of a privateering, smuggling, trucking, and huckstering American Sea-War, in which they were sure to be the greatest Gainers, shall be particularly considered in an ensuing Treatise, An Address to the Landed Interest of Great-Britain and Ireland.” The Minutes which I took at that Time relative to this Affair, and which I intended to have inserted in the Body of this Treatise, were the following, that the leading Men in the Government of the Province of Massachusets, had, some Time before their famous Expedition against Cape Breton, been guilty of certain Mal-Practices in the Administration of public Affairs, for which they were in Danger of being This, I say, or to this Effect, was the Account which I received;—and which I believe in my own Mind, will be found to be for the most Part very true, when it can be very thoroughly examined into. But as I have been Indeed I have a particular Reason for acting in this cautious Manner; seeing that I have suffered already by making a Slip in an Affair of this Nature, which in any other Cause or Controversy, would have been reckoned to be a very venial one. The Case was this: In the First Edition of my Fourth Tract, I had accused Dr. Franklin with having acted a very disingenuous Part, in opposing and denying the Authority of the British Parliament, to lay a Tax [the Stamp-Duty] on America, when he himself had solicited to be employed as an Agent in the Collection of that very Tax. In Letters which passed between us, he denied the Charge, asserting first, that he did not make Interest for a Place in the Stamp-Office, ’till the Bill was passed into a Law;—And 2dly. that the Place, for which he asked, was not for himself, but for a Friend, one Mr. Hughes, who was accordingly appointed by Mr. Grenville. Now in Here therefore, I appeal to the Public, whether I have not advanced as far already in this Affair, as there was need for me to have done, supposing even (which is supposing a great deal) that every Thing which Dr. Franklin said was strictly true: For granting that he did not solicit for that Place in particular, yet it is a most undeniable Fact, that at the very Instant when he was declaiming at the Bar of the House of Commons, against the Authority of Parliament, he himself was an American Revenue Officer, in a very lucrative Post, created by parliamentary Authority: He was a Post-Master General in While I am writing this,—a Paragraph, cut out of a News-Paper, and dated from Salisbury, October 15, is laid before me, which I am positively told, is reckoned to be UNANSWERABLE. Now I have known so many of these Unanswerables to shrink to nothing, when examined with any due Care and Attention, that I own I am not much frightened at the Appearance of this new American Goliah. However, let us approach this formidable Champion a little nearer. “The Americans, says the News-Writer, in their Addresses to the Public, urge as a Reason against Parliamentary Taxation, the great Disadvantages they incur by submitting to such numerous Restrictions in Trade, which they deem a Burden equal to, if not greater than Taxation: And they also estimate, that that Mode of contributing to the Support of the English Nation, is, upon the whole, more beneficial than if they were to pay their Share by being equally taxed with the Subjects of the Mother “The Irish submit to parliamentary Restraints in Trade; but then, in return, they are exempted from Taxation. Why then should the Americans be burdened with both, in similar Circumstances?” Here the whole Matter of Complaint is reduced to two Heads; First, That the Americans by being restrained in their Trade, are thereby in Effect taxed, and therefore ought not be taxed a second Time: And 2dly, That this Hardship seems to be the more oppressive, because the Irish under similar Circumstances, are exempted from Taxation. With respect to the first Head, it is a mere Begging of the Question. For I have proved beyond Contradiction, that the Americans are not, in Fact and Reality, restrained either in their Exports or Imports, except in a very few Articles; and that they now enjoy the very best Market which Europe can afford, see my 4th Tract, Page 202-209. I have proved also, that Great-Britain hath restrained herself in Favour of America in Articles of at least as great Value and Importance, as those in which she 2dly, With respect to the other Head of Complaint, viz. That Ireland is exempted from Taxation, while such extraordinary Efforts are made for taxing America, I hope what follows will be as full an Answer to this Complaint, as what has been already given was to the former. First therefore, I observe, that with Respect to the Claim of the legislative Authority, which the Parent State makes over Ireland as well as America, both Countries are exactly on the same Footing: See the 7th and 8th of Wm. III. C. 22, § 9.:—And also Lord Rockingham’s Act itself, respecting the Claims of the Mother-Country over America:—See likewise the Declaratory Act of 6. Geo. I. C. 5, respecting Ireland. 2dly. The Mother-Country hath not only asserted, but maintained her Claims alike over both Countries, in the Affair of laying a general Post-Tax on all Parts of the British Empire; so that in this Respect likewise both Countries are on a Par. Now to account for this seeming Partiality, I have the following Points to offer; and I intreat my Readers to attend particularly to them. 1. Ireland never plunged us into any Wars since the Revolution; whereas America hath involved us in two, the most bloody and expensive that ever this Nation experienced; the last of which brought on a Debt of 70,000,000l. Sterling, the Interest of which we are now paying. 2. Ireland doth not drain us of any Sums of Money to support and maintain its civil and military Establishments; whereas America drains us for those Purposes of upwards 300,000l. annually. 3. Ireland drains us of no Money, by Way of Bounty on the Importation of her Goods, or natural Produce into this Kingdom; whereas America hath drained us of at least 1,000,000l. Sterling for Bounties on Pitch and Tar, on Lumber, Indigo, &c. &c. within a few Years. Many other Articles might have been enumerated, particularly the Restraint formerly laid upon the Irish fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland, and taken off only the last Session. But surely these are full enough; because these, I hope, will sufficiently shew, that there ought to be a wide Difference put on, every Principle of Equity and Justice, between the Case of Ireland and that of America; and that the two Countries are by no Means in similar Circumstances. What is now to follow, is added at the Request of a foreign Nobleman, whose good Sense and Penetration led him to discern, that a Crisis was certainly approaching, in which the Fate of this Country will be determined; and therefore wished to know, what was the Strength of each Party, and the Amount of the Forces on either Side. Parties for overturning the present Constitution, and for setting up something in its Stead, for which we have not yet a Name. 1st. The Idle and Dissolute among the common People are for throwing the present System into Anarchy and Confusion. They have ardently wished these many Years, for some Kind of levelling Scheme whereby they might enrich themselves at the Cost of their Masters, and rob and plunder with Impunity. If Mr. Wilkes, or any other modern Patriot can lead them into this Path of Glory, they will joyfully follow such a Leader, and become his devoted Fellow-Labourers, in the same good Work; but if not, they will forsake him with as little Ceremony as they have done some others, and look out for a new Leader. 4thly. The honourable Society of the Outs will go as great Lengths to throw Things into Confusion as any Set of Men whatever; for as these Persons have no other End in View than to get into Power, and to share the Emoluments of the State among themselves and their Dependents, they will stick at no Measure, however unjust and unconstitutional, to compass this End: Nay, they will unsay the Things which they themselves had said in Administration; they will blame those very Measures which they themselves had planned and recommended; and, in short, they will do any Thing, and every Thing, to raise the evil Spirit of Discord and Dissention, to bring themselves in. Parties for preserving the present Constitution, and for keeping every Thing in a quiet and peaceable Condition. 1st. The greatest Part of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom; that is, almost all those who have the greatest Property at Stake, and have the most to lose. 2dly. A vast Majority of the richest Merchants, and principal Traders and Manufacturers throughout the Kingdom, are the warm Friends of Government: The Exceptions on this Head are few, and very inconsiderable. 3dly. The Clergy of the established Church are zealously attached to the present happy Constitution, wishing to preserve, and to promote Peace on Earth, and Good-Will among Men: And in respect to the dissenting Clergy, the most eminent and respectable (tho’ it is to be feared, not the most numerous) act in the same 4thly. The Proprietors and Stock-Holders in the public Funds will undoubtedly range on the Side of Government; because they can get nothing, but must necessarily lose by the Convulsions of the State, and by the Overthrow of that Constitution, the Preservation of which is their greatest Security. 5thly. The whole Body of the learned Profession in the Law (Men who have acquired their Knowledge of the Constitution from Authors of a Cast very different from bawling, disappointed Patriots, or hungry Pamphleteers;—these Men, I say) in general agree, that each Member of the House of Commons, tho’ elected by one particular County, City, or Borough, doth not represent that particular County, City, or Borough, in any exclusive Sense; for he represents the whole Commons of the Realm, one Part, and one Individual as well as another. A Member chosen by the County of Middlesex is not chosen for Middlesex exclusively, but for all the Subjects of the British Empire; each of whom hath as constitutional a Right to his Services, and may be as much affected by his particular Conduct, and therefore has as much Right to instruct him, as any Freeholder in the County of Middlesex: 6thly. The whole legislative Power of the Kingdom will certainly support their own Authority, and not commit Felo de se to please their Enemies. They will not, they never can admit the Parliaments of North-America to be independent of them, or co-ordinate with themselves in the same State or Empire. 7thly. The whole executive Power of the Kingdom is at present in the Hands of his Majesty, and of those who act in his Name, and by his Authority. There the Constitution has placed it, and in no other Hands; nor is there the least Probability that mobbing, huzzaing, furious Speeches, and inflammatory Libels, without Arms, Artillery, or Ammunition, and And now upon this General Review and Muster of the Forces on the Malcontent, as well as the Government Side, let every one consider well within himself, what he ought to do at the present Crisis, as a constitutional Patriot, an honest Englishman, a loyal Subject, and a prudent Man. THE END. ERRATA.
Lately published by the same Author, TRACTS Political and Commercial. 1. A Solution of the important Question, whether a poor Country, where raw Materials and Provisions are cheap, and Wages low, can supplant the Trade of a rich manufacturing Country, where raw Materials and Provisions are dear, and the Price of Labour high. 2. The Case of going to War for the Sake of Trade considered in a new Light. 3. A Letter from a Merchant in London to his Nephew in America, concerning the late and present Disturbances in the Colonies. 4. The true Interest of Great-Britain set forth in regard to the Colonies; and the only Means of living in Peace and Harmony with them. 5. The respective Pleas and Arguments of the Mother Country and of the Colonies distinctly set forth; and the Impossibility of a Compromise of Differences, or a mutual Concession of Rights plainly demonstrated; with a prefatory Epistle to the Plenipotentiaries of the Congress. Printed for Rivington, Cadel, and Walter. TRACTS Polemical and Theological. 1. An Apology for the Church of England, as by Law established, occasioned by a Petition to Parliament for abolishing Subscriptions. 2. Two Letters to the Rev. Dr. Kippis: Letter 1st. Concerning the Extent of the Claim of the Church of England to regulate the external Behaviour of her own Members; and also to influence their internal Judgments in Controversies of Faith: Letter 2d. Wherein the Question is discussed, whether the English Reformers in the Reign of Edward VI. intended to establish the Doctrines of Predestination, Redemption, Grace, Justification, and Perseverance, in the Calvinistical Sense, as the Doctrines of the Church of England. 3. Religious Intolerance no Part of the General Plan either of the Mosaic or Christian Dispensation. 4. A brief and dispassionate View of the Difficulties respectively attending the Trinitarian, Arian, and Socinian Systems. To be published in the Course of the ensuing Winter. A Volume of select Sermons on interesting and important Subjects. All by the same Author. Footnotes: [1] In the Year of the Rebellion 1745, and for many Years afterwards, the London Evening Post (now a republican) was then a flaming Jacobite Paper: During which Period the Author of these Tracts had frequently the Honour of being abused by him, under the Character of a low-church, fanatical, Oliverian Whig. Once in particular (above 20 Years ago) he was complimented in the high-flown Strain of Josiah ben Tucker ben Judas Iscariot. The Times are now greatly altered; and so is the Tone of the Abuse. But the Author is perfectly resigned to these Vicissitudes of human Affairs: And he has no other Favour to ask of this, and of all his Brother-Scribblers, whether weekly or monthly, in Sheets, or in Pamphlets, than that they would never praise him, because that, and that only, he should look upon to be a real Disgrace. But it is not the London Evening Post alone, who from a violent Jacobite has commenced a fierce Republican. Many like Instances may be recollected. And indeed the Transition is natural enough; for if a Man can be so absurd as to think that there is an indefeasible Right in any one Family, when that Family becomes extinct, he turns a Republican. [2] The late Dr. Butler, Bishop of Bristol, and afterwards of Durham had a singular Notion respecting large Communities and public Bodies;—a Notion which perhaps is not altogether unapplicable to the present Case. His Custom was, when at Bristol, to walk for Hours in his Garden in the darkest Night, which the Time of the Year could afford; and I had frequently the Honour to attend him. After walking some Time, he would stop suddenly, and ask the Question, “What Security is there against the Insanity of Individuals? The Physicians know of none: And as to Divines, we have no Data either from Scripture, or Reason to go upon relative to this Affair.”—True, my Lord, no Man has a Lease of his Understanding, any more than of his Life. They are both in the Hands of the Sovereign Disposer of all Things. He would then take another Turn, and again stop short. “Why might not whole Communities and public Bodies be seized with Fits of Insanity, as well as Individuals?” My Lord, I have never considered the Case, and can give no Opinion concerning it. “Nothing but this Principle, that they are liable to Insanity, equally at least with private Persons, can account for the major Part of those Transactions, which we read in History.” I thought little of this odd Conceit of the Bishop’s at that Juncture: But I own I could not avoid thinking of it a great deal since, and applying it to many Cases. [3] See, for a Proof of this Fact, First, A Message from the General Assembly of Massachusetts Bay to Governor Shirley, 4th of January, 1754. Secondly, A Message from the Council and House of Representatives of ditto to ditto. Thirdly, An Address from the Council of Representatives of ditto to ditto. Forthly, An Address of the Assembly of Virginia to the King. Fifthly, A Representation of the Commissioners met at Albany. And Sixthly, Extracts from the Proceedings of the Congress at Albany, all in the Year 1754. And all of them antecedent to the Arrival of the two Regiments under General Braddock. I would here recommend the Perusal of The Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies, printed for Almon, to those who wish for a fuller Information on these interesting Points; particularly from Page 107 to 136. [4] Were it not for the British Fleets, and for the Fortresses of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon,—and in short for the general Terror of the British Name, all the piratical States of Barbary would immediately seize on American Ships, when carrying Fish, or Rice, or any other American Produce South of Cape Finistere, as their lawful Prey. And yet America doth not pay a single Shilling towards the Support of our Fleets, or the Maintenance of our Forts and Garrisons in any Part of the World. [5] See the Resolutions of the grand Continental Congress, in Opposition to the reconciliatory Proposal of Parliament for permitting each Province to tax itself, according to its own Mode. In these Resolutions they expressly declare, that they will be the sole Judges, not only of the Mode of raising, but also of the Sum or Quantum to be raised, and of the Application of it: And that the Parliament of Great-Britain hath no Right to decide as to either of these Points. [6] The Princes of the House of Stuart took it into their Heads to believe, that all Colonies were their private Patrimony; in respect of which the Parliament had no Right to intermeddle. This Notion, so long ago justly exploded, is now revived, (strange to tell!) even by modern Patriots, and American Republicans: For they are the People at present, and not the King’s Ministers, who propose to exalt the Prerogatives of the Crown to the Subversion of the Rights, Privileges, and Liberties of the British Parliament, and the British Nation. Indeed so far, it must be owned, is Fact,—that as the Princes of that House had the first modelling of the Colonies, they introduced a Practice, (still most absurdly retained tho’ without any Power to enforce it) of bringing all Appeals before themselves and their Privy Councils, instead of before the Court of King’s-Bench or the House of Lords; which is the only regular and constitutional Mode of appealing, and the only one now observed in Appeals from Ireland. However, notwithstanding this Impropriety, as the King can send no armed Forces to America, without Consent of Parliament first had for their Maintenance, and afterwards for authorizing the Use of military Law, and military Discipline among them, it may be justly averred, that the King doth in no other exclusive Sense govern America, than as the sole executive Power, which is to enforce and put in Motion the Laws and Decrees of the supreme Legislature of Great-Britain. See a very candid and impartial Account of this Matter in a Book entituled, “Remarks on the principal Acts of the 13th Parliament of Great-Britain,” from Page 38 to 45. [7] See De Lolme’s Constitution of England, the Note of Page 52. The whole is a most excellent Treatise, and worthy the Perusal of all those Englishmen, who wish to understand, and to set a just Value on the distinguishing Excellencies of the English Constitution,—a Constitution, as he justly observes, the only one in its Kind, ponderibus librata suis. [8] See his Speech, March 22, 1775, second Edition Octavo. [9] Queen Elizabeth sometimes raised this Duty to 20 and 25 per Cent. by Orders and Warrants issued from her Privy Council; that is, by her own sole and absolute Authority. Yet she was good Queen Bess: And her Days were golden Days. See also the shocking Number of Monopolies granted in her Reign, set forth at large in Townshend’s Collection; or in Sir Simon d’Ewe’s Journal of Parliament. See more particularly the Debates which past in the 43d Year of her Reign, after a Struggle of upwards of 20 Years for abolishing these Monopolies. [10] A few shallow, half-sighted Politicians have objected to the Trade with Russia, because the Balance, according to their narrow Ideas, is visibly against us. But what Balance do they mean?—Not the Balance of Industry, for that is plainly in our Favour; or, in other Words, we export more manufactured Goods to Russia, than we receive from it. And as to the Balance of Money, they ought to have known, that it is much more beneficial to an industrious, commercial Country to import Raw-Materials (if it wants them) than to import Gold and Silver; because there cannot be so many Hands employed in the manufacturing of these Metals, as in the working up of Timber, Iron, Hemp, Flax, &c. &c. to their respective Uses. It is amazing, how little these self-evident Principles have been understood, or at least attended to by commercial Writers of some Note and Character, and particularly by Josiah Gee; according to whose Doctrine of the Balance of Trade, this Nation hath not been worth a single Shilling for almost these 100 Years. [11] I am told, that this Deficiency of the Excise this Year, on Liquors imported into the Out-Ports, is owing to a new Species of Smuggling lately put in Practice, whereby the Revenue is grossly defrauded. If so, the Balance would have been still greater, had all the Duties on Rum, and other Liquors imported into the Out-Ports, been justly and fairly paid; or at least paid as fairly and justly as usual. Transcriber’s Note: This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will be renamed. |
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