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FOOTNOTES [1] All these satires are found in the works of their respective authors, heretofore cited, except that of Morillo “On the Corrupted Manners of his Times,” which is in Espinosa, Flores, 1605, f. 119. The “EpÍstolas” of Artieda were printed the same year, under the name of “Artemidoro,” and are six in number. The best are one against the life of a sportsman, and one in ironical defence of the follies of society. A letter of Virues to his brother, also dated 1605, might have been added. It is a pleasant satirical account of a military march from Milan to the Low Countries, passing the St. Gothard. [2] They were first printed in Sedano, Parnaso, Tom. IX., 1778. [3] Rimas, 1618, p. 198. It is a remarkably happy union of the Italian form of verse and the Roman spirit. [4] Rimas, 1634, pp. 56, 234, 254. It is singular, however, that, while BartolomÉ imitates Horace, he expresses his preference for Juvenal. Pero quando Á escribir sÁtiras llegues, A ningun irritado cartapacio, Sino al del cauto Juvenal, te entregues. He seems, too, to have been accounted an imitator of Juvenal by his contemporaries; for Guevara, in his “Diablo Cojuelo,” Tranco IX., calls him “Divino Juvenal Aragones.” But it is impossible not to see that he is full of Horatian turns of thought. [5] It is the last poem in the “Melpomene.” [6] The satires of all these authors are in their collected works, except those of Villegas, which were printed from manuscripts, supposed to be the originals, by Sedano (Tom. IX. pp. 3-18); or rather, two of them on bad poets were so printed, for the third seems to have been suppressed, on account of its indelicacy. [7] Cervantes is a strong case in point. In the fourth chapter of his “Journey to Parnassus,” immediately after speaking of his Don Quixote, he disavows having ever written any thing satirical, and denounces all such compositions as low and base. Indeed, the very words sÁtira and satÍrico came at last to be used in a bad sense oftener than in a good one. Huerta, SinÓnimos Castellanos, Valencia, 1807, 2 tom. 12mo, ad verb. [8] A striking instance of this is to be found in the “Primera Parle del Parnaso AntÁrtico,” by Diego Mexia, printed at Seville, 1608, 4to, and the only portion of it ever printed. It consists of an original poetical letter by a lady to Mexia, and a translation of twenty-one of the Epistles of Ovid and his “Ibis”; all in terza rima, and nearly all in pure and beautiful Castilian verse. In the edition in the collection of Fernandez, Tom. XIX., 1799, the epistle by the lady is omitted, which is a pity, since it contains notices of several South American poets. [9] The best elegiac poetry in the Spanish language is, perhaps, that in the two divisions of the first eclogue of Garcilasso. Elegies, or mournful poems of any kind, are often called Endechas in Spanish, as Quevedo called his sad amatory poems; but the origin of the word is not settled, nor its meaning quite well defined. Venegas, in a vocabulary of obscure words at the end of his “AgonÍa del TrÁnsito de la Muerte,” 1574, p. 370, says he thinks it comes from inde jaces, as if the mourner addressed the dead body. But this is absurd. It may come from the Greek ??de?a, for when the last verse of each stanza contained just eleven syllables, the poem was said to be written in endechas reales. See Covarrubias, and the Academy, ad verbum, who give no opinion. [10] There are many editions of the Works of Saa de Miranda; but the second and best (s. l. 1614, 4to) is preceded by a life of him, which claims to have been composed by his personal friends, and which states the odd fact, that the lady of whom he was enamoured was so ugly, that her family declined the match until he had well considered the matter; but that he persevered, and became so fondly attached to her, that he died, at last, from grief at her loss. His merits as a poet are well discussed by Ant. das Neves Pereira, in the fifth volume of the “Memorias de Litt. Portugueza” of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Lisboa, 1793, pp. 99, etc. Some of his works are in the Spanish Index Expurgatorius, 1667, p. 72. [11] Of the poets whose eclogues are found in their prose pastorals I shall speak at large when I examine this division of Spanish romantic fiction. Montemayor, however, it should be noted here, wrote other eclogues, which are in his Cancionero, 1588, ff. 111, etc. [12] It is found in the important collection, the “Flores,” of Espinosa, f. 66, where it first appeared. [13] “Eglogas Pastoriles de Pedro de Padilla,” Sevilla, 1582, 4to; thirteen in number, in all measures, and the last one partly in prose. Of Padilla, who was much connected with the men of letters of his time, all needful notices may be found in Navarrete, “Vida de Cervantes,” pp. 396-402, and in Clemencin’s Notes to Don Quixote, Tom. I. p. 147. The curate well says of his “Tesoro de PoesÍas,” (Madrid, 1587, 12mo,) “They would be better, if they were fewer.” They fill above nine hundred pages, and are in all forms and styles. Padilla died as late as 1599. [14] There are six of them, in terza and ottava rima, with a few lyrical poems interspersed, in other measures and in a better tone, in a volume entitled “Versos Espirituales,” Cuenca, 1596, 12mo. Their author was a monk. [15] The eclogue of Morales is in Espinosa, f. 48, and that of Tapia occurs—where we should hardly look for it—in the “Libro de MonterÍa, que mandÓ escribir el Rey Don Alfonso XI.,” edited by Argote de Molina, 1582. It is on the woods of Aranjuez, and was written after the birth of a daughter of Philip II.; but its descriptions are long and wearisome. [16] Rimas, 1591, ff. 50-57. [17] Espinosa includes it in his “Flores,” f. 107. [18] The authors mentioned in this paragraph are, I believe, all more amply noticed elsewhere, except Pedro Soto de Roxas. He was a friend of Lope de Vega, and published in Madrid, 1623, 4to, his “DesengaÑo de Amor,”—a volume of poems in the Italian manner, the best of which are the madrigals and eclogues. Á quien contarÉ yo mis quejas, Mi lindo amor; Á quien contarÉ mis quejas, Si Á vos no? Faber found this and a few more in Salina’s treatise on Music, 1577, and placed it, with a considerable number of similar short compositions, in the first volume of his collection, pp. 303, etc. O dulce suspiro mio! No quisiera dicha mas, Que las veces que Á Dios vas Hallarme donde te envio. Ubeda, 1588, was the first, I think, who paraphrased this epigram; but where he discovered it I do not know. De dentro tengo mi mal, Que de fora no ay seÑal. Mi nueva y dulce querella Es invisible Á la gente: El alma sola la siente, Qu’ el cuerpo no es dino della: Como la viva sentella S’ encubre en el pedernal, De dentro tengo mi mal. CamÕes, Rimas, Lisboa, 1598, 4to, f. 179. Several that precede and follow, both in Spanish and Portuguese, are worth notice. [22] “Agudezas de Juan Oven, etc., con Adiciones por Francisco de la Torre,” Madrid, 1674, 1682, 2 tom. 4to. Oven is the Owen or Audoenus of Wood’s “AthenÆ Oxon.,” Tom. II. p. 320. His “Epigrammata,” printed about a dozen times between 1606 and 1795, were placed on the list of prohibited books in 1654. Index, RomÆ, 1786, 8vo, p. 216. Pues el rosario tomais, No dudo que le receis Por mÍ, que muerto me habeis, O por vos, que me matais. Obras, 1778, Tom. I. p. 337. Camoens had the same idea in some Portuguese redondillas, (Rimas, 1598, f. 159,) so that I suspect both of them took it from some old popular epigram. [24] The poems of Boscan and Silvestre are found in their respective works, already examined; but of Francisco de Castilla and of Juan de Mendoza and their poetry it may be proper to give some notice, as their names have not occurred before. Castilla was a gentleman apparently of the old national type, descended from an illegitimate branch of the family of Pedro el Cruel. He lived in the time of Charles V., and passed his youth near the person of that great sovereign; but, as he says in a letter to his brother, the Bishop of Calahorra, he at last “withdrew himself, disgusted alike with the abhorred rabble and senseless life of the court,” and “chose the estate of matrimony, as one more safe for his soul and better suited to his worldly condition.” How he fared in this experiment he does not tell us; but, missing, in the retirement it brought with it, those pleasures of social intercourse to which he had been accustomed, he bought, as he says, “with a small sum of money, other surer and wiser friends,” whose counsels and teachings he put into verse, that his weak memory might the better preserve them. The result of this life merely contemplative was a book, in which he gives us, first, his “TheÓrica de Virtudes,” or an explanation, in the old short Spanish verse, accompanied with a prose gloss, of the different Virtues, ending with the vengeful Nemesis; next, a Treatise on Friendship, in long nine-line stanzas; and then, successively, a Satire on Human Life and its vain comforts; an Allegory on Worldly Happiness; a series of Exhortations to Virtue and Holiness, which he has unsuitably called Proverbs; and a short discussion, in dÉcimas, on the Immaculate Conception. At the end, separately paged, as if it were quite a distinct treatise, we have a counterpart to the “TheÓrica de Virtudes,” called the “PrÁtica de las Virtudes de los Buenos Reyes de EspaÑa”; a poem in above two hundred octave stanzas, on the Virtues of the Kings of Spain, beginning with Alaric the Goth and ending with the Emperor Charles V., to whom he dedicates it with abundance of courtly flattery. The whole volume, both in the prose and verse, is written in the strong old Castilian style, sometimes encumbered with learning, but oftener rich, pithy, and flowing. The following stanza, written, apparently, when its author was already disgusted with his court life, but had not given it up, may serve as a specimen of his best manner:— Nunca tanto el marinero Desseo llegar al puerto Con fortuna; Ni en batalla el buen guerrero Ser de su victoria cierto Quando puÑa; Ni madre al ausente hijo Por mar con tanta aficion Le desseo, Como haver un escondrijo Sin contienda en un rincon Desseo yo. f. 45. b. Never did mariner desire To reach his destined port With happy fate; Ne’er did good warrior, in the fire Of battle, victory court, With hopes elate; Nor mother for her child’s dear life, Tossed on the stormy wave So earnest pray, As I for some safe cave To hide me from this restless strife In peace away. An edition of Castilla’s very rare volume may have been printed about 1536, when it was licensed; but I have never seen it, nor any notice of it. The one of which I have a copy was printed at Zaragoza, 4to, lit. got., 1552; and I believe there is one of AlcalÁ, either in 1554 or 1564, 8vo. The poetry of Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, who was Regidor of Madrid, and a member of the Cortes of 1544, is, perhaps, more rare than that of Castilla, and is contained in a small volume printed at AlcalÁ in 1550, and entitled “Buen Placer trovado en treze discantes de quarta rima Castellana segun imitacion de trobas Francesas,” etc. It consists of thirteen discourses on a happy life, its means and motives, all written in stanzas of four lines each, which their author calls French, I suppose, because they are longer lines than those in the old national measures, and rhymed alternately,—the rhymes of one stanza running into the next. At the end is a Canto Real, as it is called, on a verse in the Psalms, composed in the same manner; and several smaller poems, one of which is a kind of religious villancico, and four of them sonnets. The tone of the whole is didactic, and its poetical value small. I cite eight lines, as a specimen of its peculiar manner and rhymes:— Errado va quien busca ser contento En mal plazer mortal, que como heno Se seca y passa como humo en viento, De vanos tragos de ayre muy relleno. Quando las negras velas van en lleno Del mal plazer, villano peligroso, De buen principio y de buen fin ageno, No halla en esta vida su reposo. Mendoza was a person of much consideration in his time, and is noticed as such by Quintana, (Historia de Madrid, Madrid, 1629, folio,) who gives one of his sonnets at f. 27, and a sketch of his character at f. 245. [25] The “Triunfos Morales de Francisco de Guzman” (Sevilla, 1581, 12mo) are imitations of Petrarca’s “Trionfi,” but are much more didactic, giving, for instance, under the head of “The Triumph of Wisdom,” the opinions of the wise men of antiquity; and under the head of “The Triumph of Prudence,” the general rules for prudent conduct. [26] The “Arte PoÉtica” of Espinel is the first thing published in the “Parnaso EspaÑol” of Sedano, 1768, and was vehemently attacked by Yriarte, when, in 1777, he printed his own translation of the same work. (Obras de Yriarte, Madrid, 1805, 12mo, Tom. IV.) To this Sedano replied in the ninth volume of his “Parnaso,” 1778. Yriarte rejoined in a satirical dialogue, “Donde las dan las toman” (Obras, Tom. VI.); and Sedano closed the controversy with the “Coloquios de Espina,” Malaga, 1785, 2 tom. 12mo, under the name of Juan MarÍa Chavero y Eslava. It is a very pretty literary quarrel, quite in the Spanish manner. [27] The “Egemplar PoÉtico” of Cueva was first printed in the eighth volume of the “Parnaso EspaÑol,” 1774; and the “Inventores de las Cosas,” taken generally from Polydore Virgil, and dated 1608, was first published in the ninth volume of the same collection, 1778. How absurd the last is may be inferred from the fact, that it makes Moses the inventor of hexameter verse, and Alexander the Great the oldest of paper-makers. [28] What remains of CÉspedes’s poetry is to be found in the eighteenth volume of Fernandez’s collection. His life is well set forth in the excellent “Diccionario de los Profesores de las Bellas Artes, por A. Cean Bermudez,” Madrid, 1800, 6 tom. 12mo, Tom. I. p. 316; besides which, its learned author, at the end of Tom. V., has republished the fragments of the poem on Painting in a better order than that in which they had before appeared; adding a pleasant prose discourse, in a pure style, on Ancient and Modern Painting and Sculpture, which CÉspedes wrote in 1604, when recovering from a fever, and two other of his trifles; to the whole of which is prefixed a judicious Preface by Cean himself. CÉspedes had been a Greek scholar in his youth, and says, that, in his old age, when he chanced to open Pindar, he “never failed to find a well-drawn and rich picture, grand and fit for Michel Angelo to paint.” He was a friend of Carranza, the great archbishop, who, after being a leading member of the Council of Trent, and confessor of Mary of England after she married Philip II., was worried to death by the Inquisition in 1576. (See, ante, Vol. I. p. 466.) CÉspedes himself came near suffering from a similar persecution, in consequence of a letter he wrote to Carranza in 1559, in which he spoke disrespectfully of the Grand Inquisitor and the Holy Office. Llorente, Hist., Tom. II. p. 440. [29] Lope’s “Arte Nuevo” has been already noticed. The “Selva Militar y PolÍtica” of Rebolledo was first printed at Cologne, in 1652, 18mo, its author being then Spanish minister in Denmark, of whose kings he has given a sort of genealogical history in another poem, his “Selvas DÁnicas.”—“La Cruz, por Albanio Ramirez de la Trapeza,” Madrid, 1612, 12mo, pp. 368, to which are added a few pages of short poems on the Cross. [30] “Los Emblemas de Alciato, etc., aÑadidos de nuevos Emblemas,” Lyon, 1549, 4to,—on the Index Expurgatorius of 1790. Those of Covarrubias were printed in Spanish in 1591; and in Spanish and Latin, Agrigenti, 1601, 12mo;—the last, a thick volume, with a long and learned Latin dissertation on Emblems prefixed. Covarrubias was brother of the lexicographer of the same name. Tesoro, Art. Emblema. [31] “Aula de Dios, Cartuxa Real de Zaragoza. Descrive la Vida de sus Monjes, acusa la Vanidad del Siglo, etc., consagrala Á la Utilidad PÚblica Don Miguel de Mencos,” Zaragoza, 1637, 4to. They are written in silvas, and their true author’s name is indicated by puns in some of the laudatory verses that precede the work. [32] The pleasantest, if not the most important exception to this remark, which I recollect, is to be found in an epistle by the friend of Lope de Vega, CristÓval de Virues, to his brother, dated June 17, 1600, and giving an account of his passage over the Saint Gothard with a body of troops. It is in blank verse that is not very exact, but the descriptions are very good, and marked with the feeling of that stern scenery. Obras, 1609, f. 269. [33] The shorter poems, noticed as didactic, are found in the Cancioneros and other collections already referred to, or in the works of their respective authors. [34] When looking through any of the large collections of ballads, especially those produced in the seventeenth century by the popularity of the whole class and the facility of their metrical structure, we find pertinent an excellent remark of Rengifo, in his “Arte PoÉtica,” 1592, p. 38:—“There is nothing easier than to make a ballad, and nothing more difficult than to make it what it ought to be.” [35] “Romances nuevamente sacados de Historias Antiguas de la CrÓnica de EspaÑa, compuestos por LorenÇo de SepÚlveda,” etc., en Anvers, 1551, 18mo. There were editions, enlarged and altered, in 1563, 1566, 1580, and 1584, mentioned by Ebert. That of 1584 contains one hundred and fifty-six ballads;—that of 1551 contains one hundred and forty-nine. Many of them are in the Romanceros Generales, and not a few in the recent collections of Depping and Duran. [36] The “Cantos de Fuentes,” in the EpÍstola to which this ballad is found, were printed three times, and in the edition of AlcalÁ, 1587, 12mo, fill, with their tedious commentary, above eight hundred pages. Fuentes is noted by ZuÑiga, in his “Annals of Seville,” 1677, p. 585, as a knight of Seville “of an illustrious lineage.” See also, ante, Vol. I. pp. 36-38. [37] The only copy of this volume known to exist is among the rare and precious Spanish books given by Reinhart to the Imperial Library at Vienna; but an excellent account of it, followed by above sixty of the more important ballads it contains, was published at Leipzig, 1846, 12mo, under the title of “Rosa de Romances,” by Mr. Wolf, the admirable scholar, to whom the lovers of Spanish literature owe so much. [38] “Romancero de Pedro de Padilla,” Madrid, 1583, 12mo. The ballads fill about three hundred and sixty pages. The first twenty-two are on the wars in Flanders; afterwards there are nine taken from Ariosto’s stories; then several on the story of Rodrigo de Narvaez, on Spanish traditions, etc. [39] Cueva, whom we have found in several other departments of Spanish literature, printed his ballads with the title of “Coro Febeo de Romances Historiales,” in his native city, Seville, 1587, 12mo,—a volume of nearly seven hundred pages. Only four or five are on Spanish subjects;—that on DoÑa Teresa (f. 215) being obviously taken from the “CrÓnica General,” Parte III. c. 22. The ballad addressed to his book, “Al Libro,” is at the end of the “Melpomene,” and is of value for his personal history. [40] Hita’s “Guerras Civiles de Granada” will be noticed when I come to speak of romantic fiction. [41] “Romances de GermanÍa,” 1609; reprinted, Madrid, 1789, 8vo. The words GermanÍa, Germano, etc., were applied to the jargon in which the rogues talked with one another. Hidalgo, who wrote only six of the ballads he published, gives at the end of his collection a vocabulary of this dialect, which is recognized as genuine by Mayans y Siscar, and reprinted in his “OrÍgenes”; so that the suggestion of Clemencin, which I have followed in the text, where I speak of Juan Hidalgo as a pseudonyme, may not be well founded;—a suggestion further discountenanced by the fact, that, in Tom. XXXVIII. of the Comedias Escogidas, 1672, the play of “Los MozÁrabes de Toledo” is attributed to a Juan Hidalgo. That this had nothing to do with the Gypsies, though supposed, in the last edition, to have been connected with them, is shown in Borrow’s “Zincali,” London, 1841, 8vo, Tom. II. p. 143. Sandoval (Carlos V., Lib. III. § 38) more than once calls the rebellious Comuneros of Valencia a GermanÍa, or combination, which can leave little doubt about the origin of the word from Hermandad, Hermano,—brotherhood and brother,—though Covarrubias does not seem sure about it, in verb. Alemania. [42] Valdivielso’s name occurs very often in the Aprobacion of books in the sixteenth century. His “Romancero Espiritual,” Valencia, 1689, 12mo, first printed 1612, was several times reprinted, and fills above three hundred and fifty pages. It is not quite all in the ballad measure or in a grave tone. [43] In Lope’s Obras Sueltas, Tom. XIII. and XVII. [44] “Ramillete de Divinas Flores para el DesengaÑo de la Vida Humana,” Amberes, 1629, 18mo, pp. 262. “Avisos para la Muerte, por L. de Arellano,” Zaragoza, 1634, 1648, etc., 18mo, 90 leaves. See, ante, p. 341, note. [45] The ballads of Roca y Serna, often disfigured by his Gongorism, are found in his “Luz del Alma,” Madrid, 1726, 12mo, first printed in 1634, and frequently since. [46] It is entitled “Silva de Varios Romances,” and contains the well-known ballads of the Conde d’ Irlos, the Marquis of Mantua, Gayferos, and the Conde Claros, with others, to the number of twenty-three, that are in the Ballad-book of 1550. Those on the death of Philip II. and DoÑa Isabel de la Paz are, of course, not in the first edition of this Silva. They occur in that of Barcelona, 1602, 18mo. [47] “Floresta de Varios Romances, sacados de las Historias Antiguas de los Hechos Famosos de los Doce Pares de Francia,” Madrid, 1728, 18mo, first printed 1608. See Sarmiento, § 528, for its popularity; but the later ballads in the volume do not relate to the Twelve Peers. [48] “Romancero y Historia del muy Valeroso Cavallero, el Cid Ruy Diaz de Bivar, recopilado por Juan de Escobar,” AlcalÁ, 1612, 18mo, and many other editions, the most complete being that of Stuttgard, 1840, 12mo. [49] Besides the editions of 1623 and 1629, I know that of Madrid, 1659, 18mo, in two parts, containing additions of satirical ballads, letrillas, etc., by Francisco de Segura. [50] Lopez Maldonado was a friend of Cervantes, and his Cancionero (Madrid, 1586, 4to) was among the books in Don Quixote’s library. There is a beautiful ballad by him, (f. 35,) beginning,— Ojos llenos de beldad, Apartad de vos la ira, Y no pagueis con mentira A los que os tratan verdad. The other authors referred to in the text have been before noticed. [51] Some of GÓngora’s romantic ballads, like his “Angelica and Medoro,” and some of his burlesque ballads, are good; but the best are the simplest. There is a beautiful one, giving a discussion between a little boy and girl, how they will dress up and spend a holiday. [52] Cervantes speaks of his “numberless ballads” in his “Viage al Parnaso.” Those of Lope de Vega soon came into the popular ballad-books, if, indeed, some of the best of them were not, as I suspect, originally written for the “Flor de Romances” of Villalta, printed at Valencia in 1593, 18mo. [53] SolÍs, “PoesÍas Sagradas y Humanas,” 1692, 1732, etc. [54] “Vergel de Plantas Divinas, por Arcangel de Alarcon,” 1594. [55] It is a ballad about money (Espinosa, Flores, 1605, f. 30), and is the only thing I know by Diego de la Chica. I might add ballads by other authors, which are found where they would least be looked for; like one of by Rufo, in his “Apotegmas,”—one by Jauregui, in his “Rimas,”—and a beautiful one by Camoens, (Rimas, 1598, f. 187,) worthy of GÓngora, and beginning,— Irme quiero, madre, A aquella galera, Con el marinero A ser marinera. I long to go, dear mother mine, Aboard yon galley fair, With that young sailor that I love, His sailor life to share. [56] There is no need of authorities to prove the universal prevalence of ballads in the seventeenth century; for the literature of that century often reads like a mere monument of it. But if I wished to name any thing, it would be the Don Quixote, where Sancho is made to cite them so often; and the Novelas of Cervantes, especially “The Little Gypsy,” who sings her ballads in the houses of the nobles and the church of Santa MarÍa; and “Rinconete and Cortadillo,” where they make the coarse merriment of the thieves of Seville. Indeed, as the puppet-showman says, in Don Quixote, (Parte II. c. 26,) “They were in the mouths of every body,—of the very boys in the streets.” [57] Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 28. [58] The laws of the “Partidas,” about 1260, afford abundant illustrations of the extent and importance of the pastoral life in Spain at that period, and for a long time before. [59] GinguenÉ, Hist. Litt. d’Italie, Tom. X., par Salvi, pp. 87, 92. [60] Barbosa, Bib. Lusitana, Tom. II. p. 809, and the PrÓlogo to the Diana of Perez, ed. 1614, p. 362. [61] I have never seen any edition of the Diana cited earlier than that of Madrid, 1545; but I possess one in 4to, 112 leaves, well printed at Valencia, in 1542, without the name of the printer. The story of Narvaez, of which I shall have occasion to speak when we come to Antonio Villegas, does not stand in the fourth book of this copy, as it does in the copies of subsequent editions. The Diana of Montemayor was so popular, that at least sixteen editions of the original appeared in eighty years; six French translations, according to Gordon de Percel (Bib. de l’Usage des Romans, Paris, 1734, 12mo, Tom. II. pp. 23, 24); two German, according to Ebert; and one English. The last, by Bartholomew Yong, (London, 1598, folio,) is excellent, and some of its happy versions of the poetry of Montemayor are found in “England’s Helicon,” 1600 and 1614, reprinted in the third volume of the “British Bibliographer,” London, 1810, 8vo. The story of Proteus and Julia, in “The Two Gentlemen of Verona,” was supposed by Mrs. Lenox and Dr. Farmer to be taken from that of Felismena, in the second book of Montemayor’s Diana, and therefore Collier has republished Yong’s translation of the last in the second volume of his “Shakspeare’s Library,” (London, s. a. 8vo,) though he doubts whether Shakspeare were really indebted to it. Malone’s Shakspeare, Boswell’s ed., London, 1821, 8vo, Vol. IV. p. 3, and Brydges, Restituta, London, 1814, 8vo, Vol. I. p. 498. Poor abridgments of the Diana of Montemayor, and of Polo’s Continuation, were published at London, 1738, 12mo. [62] Sometimes he wrote in both languages at once; at least, he did so in his Cancionero, 1588, f. 81, where is a sonnet which may be read either as Spanish or as Portuguese. [63] In his Argumento to the whole romance. [64] Dorotea, Act II. Sc. 2. Obras Sueltas, Tom. VII. p. 84. [65] The first edition cited (Ant., Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 539) is of 1564, and I know of but one other, that which I have, Barcelona, 1614, 12mo; though I have seen one without a title-page, which may be different from both. At any rate, its editions were few, and its popularity was small. It was, however, translated into French, and by Bart. Yong into English; and was printed in the original more than once with the Diana of Montemayor. [66] Polo’s “Diana Enamorada” was first printed in 1564, and seven editions of the original appeared in half a century, with two French translations and a Latin one; the last by Caspar Barth. It is well translated by Bart. Yong, as the third part of the Diana, in the same volume with the others; but is really the second part. [67] There is, however, a third part to the Diana of Montemayor, written by Hier. Texada, and printed at Paris, 1627, 8vo, of which a copy in the Royal Library at Paris is cited by Ebert, but I have never seen it. [68] The best edition of Gil Polo’s Diana is that with a life of him by CerdÁ, Madrid, 1802, 12mo; particularly valuable for the notes to the “Canto de Turia,” in which, imitating the “Canto de Orfeo,” where Montemayor gives an account of the famous ladies of his time, Polo gives an account of the famous poets of Valencia. For lives of Polo see, also, Ximeno, Escritores de Valencia, Tom. I. p. 270, and Fuster, Bib. Valentina, Tom. I. p. 150. It is singular that Polo, who had such success with his Diana, should have printed nothing else, except one or two short and trifling poems. [69] It is the same book that Cervantes ridicules in the sixth chapter of the first part of Don Quixote, and in the third chapter of his “Journey to Parnassus”; and is curious for some specimens of Sardinian poetry which it contains. But Pedro de Pineda, a teacher of Spanish in London, taking the irony of the good curate in Don Quixote on Lo Frasso’s romance to be sincere praise, printed a new edition of it, in two very handsome volumes, (London, 1740, 8vo,) with a foolish Dedication and PrÓlogo, alleging the authority of Cervantes for its great merit. Hardly any other of the Spanish prose pastorals is so absurd as this, or contains so much bad verse; a great deal of which is addressed to living and known persons by their titles. The tenth book, indeed, is almost entirely made up of such poetry. I do not recollect that Cervantes is so severe on any poet, in his “Journey to Parnassus,” as he is on Lo Frasso. [70] The best edition of the “FÍlida” is the sixth, (Madrid, 1792, 8vo,) with a biographical prologue by Mayans y Siscar; ill-digested, as are all his similar prefaces, but not without valuable matter. [71] Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, pp. 66, 278, 407. [72] Lope de Vega, Obras Sueltas, Tom. I. p. 77, and Tom. XI. p. xxviii. Don Quixote, ed. Clemencin, Tom. I. p. 146, and Tom. III. p. 14, in the notes. The “Tears” of Tansillo enjoyed the honor of being four times translated into Spanish. [73] Ante, Vol. II, pp. 61-64. [74] “DesengaÑo de Celos, compuesto por BartholomÉ Lopez de Enciso, Natural de Tendilla,” Madrid, 1586, 12mo, 321 leaves. There is, I believe, absolutely nothing known of the author, except what he tells us of himself in this romance;—an extremely rare book, of which I possess the copy that belonged to CerdÁ y Rico, and which Pellicer borrowed of him to make the needful note on Enciso for his edition of Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 6. [75] Don Quixote, ed. Pellicer, Parte I. Tom. I. p. 67, and ed. Clemencin, Tom. I. p. 144. [76] Ante, Vol. II. p. 125. Perhaps the “Enamorada Elisea” of GerÓnimo de Covarrubias Herrera, printed in 1594, 8vo, should also be excepted; but I know this work only from the title of it in Antonio. [77] The prefatory notice to this edition contains all that is known of Balbuena. [78] There was an edition with a French translation in 1614, but the best is that of Madrid, 1781, 8vo. [79] It was first printed, I believe, at Naples, in 1602, but was improved in the edition at Valencia, 1609, 12mo, pp. 278, from which I transcribe the opening of Act III.:— O primavera, juventud del aÑo, Nueva madre de flores, De nuevas yervezillas y d’ amores, Tu buelves, mas contigo No buelven los serenos Y aventurosos dias de mis gustos; Tu buelves, sÍ, tu buelves, Mas contigo no torna Sino la remembranÇa Miserable y doliente De mi caro tesoro ya perdido. p. 94. This passage is so nearly word for word, that it is not worth while to copy the Italian, and yet its fluency and ease are admirable. There is a translation of the “Pastor Fido,” by a Jewess, DoÑa Isabel de Correa, of which I know only the third edition, that of Antwerp, 1694, 12mo. It is one of the few trophies in poetry claimed by the fair sex of its author’s faith; but it is not worthy of much praise. GinguenÉ complains of the original, which extends to seven thousand lines, for being too long. It is so; but this translation of DoÑa Isabel is much longer, containing, I think, above eleven thousand lines. Its worst fault, however, is its bad taste. There is a drama with the same title, “El Pastor Fido,” in the Comedias Escogidas, Tom. VIII., 1657, f. 106;—but, though it is said to be written by three poets no less famous than SolÍs, Coello, and Calderon, it has very little value. [80] Antonio (Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 251) gives a list of nine of the works of Figueroa, some of which must be noticed under their respective heads; but it is probably not complete, for Figueroa himself, in 1617, (Pasagero, f. 377,) says he had already published seven books, and Antonio gives only six before that date; besides which, a friend, in the Preface to Figueroa’s Life of the Marquis of CaÑete, 1613, says he had written eight works in the ten years then preceding. [81] Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, pp. 179-181, and elsewhere. The very curious notices given by Figueroa of his own life, which have never been used for his biography, are in his “Pasagero,” from f. 286 to f. 392, and are, like many other passages of that singular book, full of bitterness towards his contemporaries, Lope de Vega, Villegas, Espinosa, etc. [82] Pasagero, f. 96. b. [83] “El Premio de la Constancia y Pastores de Sierra Bermeja, por Jacinto de Espinel Adorno,” Madrid, 1620, 12mo, 162 leaves. I find no notice of it, except the slight one in Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 613; but it is not worse than some that were more valued. [84] “El Pastor de Clenarda de Miguel Botelho de Cavalho,” Madrid, 1622, 8vo. He wrote, also, several other works; all in Castilian, except his “Filis,” a poem in octave stanzas. Barbosa, Bib. Lus., Tom. III. p. 466. [85] “Experiencias de Amor y Fortuna, por el Licenciado Francisco de las Cuevas de Madrid,” Barcelona, 1649, 12mo. See, also, Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. pp. 172 and 189. Francisco de Quintana dedicated this pastoral to Lope de Vega, who wrote him a complimentary reply, in which he treats Quintana as a young man, and this as his first work. There were editions of it in 1626, 1646, 1654, as well as the one at Barcelona, above noted, and one at Madrid, 1666, 12mo; and in the nineteenth volume of Lope’s Obras Sueltas, pp. 353-400, is a sermon which Quintana delivered at the obsequies of Lope, in the title of which he is called Lope’s “intimate friend.” [86] “La Cintia de Aranjuez, Prosas y Versos, por Don Gabriel de Corral, Natural de Valladolid,” Madrid, 1629, 12mo, 208 leaves. I know of no other edition. He lived in Rome from 1630 to 1632, and probably longer. (Antonio, Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 505.) He is Gongoresque in his style, as is Quintana. [87] “Los Pastores del Betis, por Gonzalvo de Saavedra,” Trani, 1633, 4to, pp. 289. It seems to have been written in Italy; but we know nothing of its author, except that he was a Veintiquatro of CÓrdova. His style is affected. In my copy, which in the colophon is dated 1634, there are, as a separate tract, four leaves of religious and moral advice to the author’s son, when he was going as governor to one of the provinces of Naples; better written than the romance that precedes it. [88] Portugal might have been added. The “Menina É MoÇa” of Bernardino Ribeyro, printed 1557, is a beautiful fragment; and the “Primaveira” of Francisco Rodriguez de Lobo, in three long parts, printed between 1601 and 1614,—the first of which was translated into Spanish by Juan Bart. Morales, 1629,—is among the best full-length pastoral romances extant. Both for a long time were favorites in Portugal, and are still read there. Barbosa, Bib. Lus., Tom. I. p. 518, Tom. II. p. 242. [89] Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 6, in the examination of the library, where his niece begs that the pastorals may be burnt as well as the books of chivalry, lest, if her uncle were cured of knight-errantry, he should go mad as a shepherd;—and Parte II. c. 67 and 73, where her fears are very nigh being realized. [90] Comedias, Parte VI., Madrid, 1615, 4to, f. 102. El Cuerdo en su Casa, Act. I. [91] “The Diana of Montemayor,” says Lope de Vega, in the passage from his “Dorotea” already cited, (n. [64],) “was a lady of Valencia de Don Juan, near Leon, and he has made both her and the river Ezla immortal. So the FÍlida of Montalvo, the Galatea of Cervantes, and the Filis of Figueroa, were real personages.” Others might be added, on the authority of their authors, such as “Los Diez Libros de Fortuna y Amor,” “La Cintia de Aranjuez,” etc. See a note of Clemencin, Don Quixote, Tom. VI. p. 440. [92] For these low, vagabond attorneys, or jackals of attorneys,—the Catariberas,—see, ante, Vol. I. p. 519, and note. [93] Antonio, Bib. Nova, Article MatthÆus Aleman; and SalvÁ, Repertorio Americano, 1827, Tom. III. p. 65. For his troubles with the government, see Navarrete, “Vida de Cervantes,” 1819, p. 441. He seems to have been old when he went to Mexico; and Don Adolfo de Castro, at the end of the “BuscapiÉ,” 1848, gives us a letter, dated at Seville, April 20th, 1607, from Aleman to Cervantes, of whose origin or discovery we receive no account whatever, and into which its author seems to have thrust all the proverbs and allusions he could collect;—none, however, so obscure that the curious learning of Don Adolfo cannot elucidate them. The whole letter is a complaint of Aleman’s own hard fortune, and a prediction of that of Cervantes, ending with a declaration of the purpose of its writer to go to Mexico. It does not seem to me to be genuine; but if it is, it gives the coup de grace to Clemencin’s conjectures, in his notes to both the first and second part of Don Quixote, (Parte I. c. 22, and Parte II. c. 4,) that Cervantes intended to speak slightingly of the “Guzman de Alfarache”;—a conjecture not to be sustained, if the relations of Cervantes with Aleman were as friendly as this letter, published by Don Adolfo de Castro, implies. [94] The first three editions, those of Madrid, Barcelona, and Saragossa, are well known, and are all of 1599; but most of the remaining three-and-twenty rest on the authority of Valdes, in a letter prefixed to the first edition of the second part, (Valencia, 1605, 12mo,) an authority, however, which there seems no sufficient reason to question, remarkable as the story is. Valdes says expressly, “The number of printed volumes exceeds fifty thousand, and the number of impressions that have come to my notice is twenty-six.” [95] This continuation, not quite so long as the first part of the original work, was printed at Madrid, 1846, 8vo, in the third volume of the “Biblioteca” of Aribau. Previously, it had been hardly known in literary history, and much overlooked by the bibliographers; Ebert, who had found some traces of it, attributing it to Aleman himself, and considering it as a true second part of the Guzman. But this is a mistake. Both Aleman himself and his friend Valdes are explicit on the subject, in their epistles prefixed to the first edition of the second part;—Valdes declaring that the author of the continuation in question was “a Valencian, who, falsifying his own name, called himself Mateo Luxan, to assimilate himself to Mateo Aleman.” Aleman himself says he was obliged to rewrite his second part, because he had, through a prodigal communication of his papers, been robbed and defrauded of the materials out of which he had originally composed it. The work of the Valencian was printed at Barcelona in 1603, at Brussels, 1604, etc. On the title-page to the first edition of the genuine second part Aleman says, “Let the reader take notice, that the second part published before this is none of mine, and that this is the only one I recognize.” Fuster, in his “Biblioteca,” Tom. I. p. 198, gives strong reasons for supposing the spurious second part was written by Juan Marti, a Valencian advocate. [96] There has been some confusion about the time of the first appearance of these two second parts; one having sometimes been mistaken for the other. But Fuster evidently believed in no edition of the spurious second part older than 1603, the license to which is dated in 1602; and I possess the edition of the genuine second part, printed at Valencia in 1605, with a license of the same year, recognizing no earlier publication, and bearing all the usual proofs of being the first. Both of the second parts promise a third, which never appeared. [97] Parte II. Lib. I. c. 8. [98] The common bibliographers give lists of all the translations. The first English is by Mabbe, and is excellent. (See Wood’s AthenÆ, ed. Bliss, Tom. III. p. 54, and Ret. Review, Tom. V. p. 189.) It went through at least four editions, the fourth being printed at London, 1656, folio; besides which there has been a subsequent translation by several hands, taken, however, I think, from the French of Le Sage. The Latin translation was by Gaspar Ens, and I have seen editions of it referred to as of 1623, 1624, and 1652. Every thing, indeed, shows that the popular success of the Guzman was immense throughout Europe. [99] See the verses prefixed to the translation of Mabbe, and signed by Ben Jonson. [100] There are four French translations of it, beginning with one by Chappuis, in 1600, and coming down to that of Le Sage, 1732, which last has been many times reprinted. The third in the order of dates was made by Bremont, while in prison in Holland; and, out of spite against the administration of justice, from which he was suffering, he made bitter additions to the original whenever a judge or a bailiff came into his hands. See the Preface of Le Sage. [101] Parte I. Lib. I. c. 8. It is related by Guzman, however, who is much too young to tell such a story. It may be noted, also, that Guzman grows very suddenly to man’s estate, after leaving Madrid and before reaching Toledo, whither he went as fast as he could to escape pursuit. [102] Beaumont and Fletcher, ed. Weber, Edinburgh, 1812, 8vo, Vol. V. p. 120. Le Sage omits it in his version, because, he says, Scarron had made it one in his collection of tales. It has, in fact, been often used, as have many other stories of the same class. [103] The first edition of the “PÍcara Justina” is that of Medina del Campo, 1605, 4to, since which time it has been often printed; the best edition being probably that of Madrid, 1735, 4to, edited by Mayans y Siscar, who, in a prefatory notice, makes the reproach against its author, as the oldest corrupter of the Spanish prose style, alluded to in the text. There is a good deal of poetry scattered through the volume; all very conceited and poor. Some of it is in that sort of verses from which the final syllable is cut off,—such verses, I mean, as Cervantes has prefixed to the first part of Don Quixote; and as both that part and the “PÍcara Justina” were originally published in the same year, 1605, some question has arisen with Pellicer and Clemencin, who is the inventor of these poor, truncated verses. Le jeu ne vaut pas la chandelle. But, as the first part of Don Quixote, according to the Tassa prefixed to it, was struck off as early as the 20th of December, 1604, though the full copyright was not granted till the 9th of February following, there can be little doubt that Cervantes was the earliest. [104] See the “Cancion Á su Patria,” which is creditable alike to his personal feelings and—with the exception of a few foolish conceits—to his poetical character. Diversas Rimas de V. Espinel, Madrid, 1591, 12mo, f. 23. [105] Espinel’s own PrÓlogo to “Marcos de Obregon.” [106] End of the first silva to the “Laurel de Apolo,” which was published in 1630. [107] Lope de Vega, Dorotea, Acto I. Sc. 8. [109] Salas Barbadillo, Estafeta del Dios Momo, 1627, Dedicacion. Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, 1819, 8vo, pp. 178, 406. [110] The first edition is dedicated to his patron, the Archbishop of Toledo, whose daily pension to him, however, may have well been called “alms”—limosna—by Salas Barbadillo. Other editions followed, and “Marcos” has continued to be reprinted and read in Spain down to our own times. In London, a good English translation of it, by Major Algernon Langton, was published in 1816, in two volumes, 8vo; and in Breslau, in 1827, there appeared a very spirited, but somewhat free, translation into German, by Tieck, in two volumes, 18mo, with a valuable Preface and good notes. The original is on the Index of 1667 for expurgation. [111] The Escudero of the plays and novels of the seventeenth century is wholly different from the Escudero of the romances of chivalry of the sixteenth. Covarrubias, in verb., well describes both sorts, adding, “Now-a-days” (1611) “esquires are chiefly used by ladies, but men who have any thing to live upon prefer to keep at home; for as esquires they earn little, and have a hard service of it.” [112] “Marcos de Obregon” has been occasionally a good deal discussed, both by those who have read it and those who have not, from the use Le Sage has been supposed to have made of it in the composition of Gil Blas. The charge was first announced by Voltaire, who had personal reasons to dislike Le Sage, and who, in his “SiÈcle de Louis XIV.,” (1752,) said, boldly enough, that “The Gil Blas is taken entirely from the Spanish romance entitled ‘La Vidad de lo Escudiero Dom Marcos d’Obrego.’” (Œuvres, ed. Beaumarchais, Paris, 1785, 8vo, Tom. XX. p. 155.) This is one of the remarks Voltaire sometimes hazarded, with little knowledge of the matter he was discussing, and it is not true. That Le Sage had seen the “Marcos de Obregon” there can be no doubt; and none that he made some use of it in the composition of the Gil Blas. This is apparent at once by the story which constitutes its Preface, and which is taken from a similar story in the PrÓlogo to the Spanish romance; and it is no less plain frequently afterwards, in the body of the work, where the trick played on the vanity of Gil Blas, as he is going to Salamanca, (Lib. I. c. 2,) is substantially the same with that played on Marcos, (Relacion I. Desc. 9,)—where the stories of Camilla (Gil Blas, Liv. I. c. 16, Marcos, Rel. III. Desc. 8) and of Mergellina (Gil Blas, Liv. II. c. 7, Marcos, Rel. I. Desc. 3), with many other matters of less consequence, correspond in a manner not to be mistaken. But this was the way with Le Sage, who has used Estevanillo Gonzalez, Guevara, Roxas, Antonio de Mendoza, and others, with no more ceremony. He seemed, too, to care very little about concealment, for one of the personages in his Gil Blas is called Marcos de Obregon. But the idea that the Gil Blas was taken entirely from the Marcos de Obregon of Espinel, or was very seriously indebted to that work, is absurd. See the next Period, Chap. IV., note on Father Isla. [113] The name of this author is one of the many that occur in Spanish literature and history, where it is difficult to determine which part of it should be used to designate its owner. The whole of it is GerÓnymo de AlcalÁ YaÑez y Rivera; and, no doubt, his personal acquaintances knew him as “the Doctor GerÓnymo.” In the Index to Antonio’s Bib. Nova, he is placed under AlcalÁ; but as that name only implied, I presume, that he had studied in AlcalÁ, I have preferred to call him YaÑez y Rivera, the first being his father’s name and the second his mother’s; and I mention the circumstance only because it is a difficulty which occurs in many cases of the same sort, and should be noticed once for all. The title of his romance is “Alonso MoÇo de Muchos Amos,” and the first part was first printed at Madrid, in 1624; but my copy is of the edition of Barcelona, 1625, 12mo, showing that it was well regarded in its time, and soon came to a second edition. Many editions have been published since; sometimes, like that of Madrid, 1804, 2 tom. 12mo, with the title of “El Donado Hablador,” or The Talkative Lay-Brother, that being the character in which the hero tells his story. YaÑez y Rivera was born in 1563. [114] Alonso de Castillo Solorzano seems to have had his greatest success between 1624 and 1649, and was at one time in the service of Pedro Faxardo, the Marquis of Velez, who was Captain-general of Valencia. There is an edition of the “NiÑa de los Embustes” as early as 1632, and one of the “GarduÑa de Sevilla” in 1634. But, except the few hints concerning their author to be gathered from the titles and prefaces to his stories, and the meagre notices in Lope de Vega’s “Laurel de Apolo,” Silva VIII., and Antonio, Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 15, we know little of him. He sneers at cultismo on one page of his “NiÑa de los Embustes,” and falls into it on the next. [115] “El Siglo PitagÓrico y la Vida de Don Gregorio GuadaÑa,” was written by Antonio Enriquez Gomez, a Portuguese by descent, who was educated in Castile, and lived much in France, where several of his works were first printed. The earliest edition of the “Siglo PitagÓrico” is dated Rouen, 1644, but the one I use is of Brussels, 1727, in 4to. There is a notice of the life of Gomez in Barbosa, Tom. I. p. 297, and an examination of his works in Amador de los Rios, “Judios de EspaÑa,” 1848, pp. 569, etc. He was of a Jewish Portuguese family, and Barbosa says he was born in Portugal, but Amador de los Rios says he was born in Segovia. That he renounced the Christian religion, which his father had adopted, that he fled to France in 1638, and that he was burnt in effigy by the Inquisition in 1660, are facts not doubted. His Spanish name was Enriquez de Paz; and in the Preface to his “Sanson Nazareno” he gives a list of his published works. [116] “Vida y Hechos de Estevanillo Gonzalez, Hombre de Buen Humor, compuesta por el mismo,” was printed at Antwerp in 1646, and at Madrid in 1652. Whether there is any edition between these and the one of 1795, Madrid, 2 tom. 12mo, I do not know. The rifacimento of Le Sage appeared, I believe, for the first time in 1707. [117] I know only the edition of Antwerp, 1556, 12mo, but there are several others. Lowndes, Bib. Manual, Article Aurelio, and Malone’s Shakspeare, by Boswell, Vol. XV. [118] “Historia de los Amores de Clareo y Florisea, por Alonso NuÑez de Reinoso,” Venecia, 1552, reprinted in the third volume of Aribau’s Biblioteca, 1846. The author is said by Antonio to have been a native of Guadalaxara, and, from his poems, published at the same time with his story, and of no value, he seems to have led an unhappy life, divided between the law, for which he felt he had no vocation, and arms, in which he had no success. [119] It claims to be “sacado del estilo Griego,” and in this imitates one of the common fictions in the title-pages of the romances of chivalry. There are several editions of it,—one at Venice, 1553, 12mo, which is in my library, entitled “Quexa y Aviso de un Cavallero llamado Luzindaro.” [120] Historia de la Reyna Sevilla, 1532, and 1551;—and Libro de los Honestos Amores de Peregrino y de Jinebra, 1548. [121] The “Selva de Aventuras” was printed at Salamanca, in 1573, 12mo, and probably earlier, besides which there are subsequent editions of Barcelona, Saragossa, etc. (Antonio, Bib. Nova, Tom. I. p. 572); but it is in the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 529. Philip II., in the Licencia, calls Contreras “nuestro cronista.” The Selva was translated into French by G. Chapuys, and printed in 1580. (BibliothÈque de Duverdier, Tom. IV. p. 221.) Contreras wrote, also, a volume of allegories in prose and verse, (Dechado de Varios Subjetos, Zaragoza, 1572, and AlcalÁ, 1581, 12mo,) which is very formal and dull. [122] The Chronicle of Pedro de Moncayo, published in 1589, is cited in Chap. XII., and the first edition of the first part of the Guerras Civiles, as is well known, appeared at Saragossa in 1595, 12mo. This part was reprinted much oftener than the second. There are editions of it in 1598, 1603, 1604 (three), 1606, 1610, 1613, 1616, etc., besides several without date. [123] Bertuch, Magazin der Spanischen und Portugiesischen Literatur, Tom. I., 1781, pp. 275-280, with the extract there from “Carter’s Travels.” A suggestion recently reported—not, however, without expressing doubts of its accuracy—by Count Albert de Circourt, in his curious and important “Histoire des Arabes d’Espagne,” (Paris, 1846, 8vo, Tom. III. p. 346,) that Don Pascual de Gayangos, of Madrid, has in his possession the Arabic original of the Guerras de Granada, is equally unfounded. From Don Pascual himself, I learn that the MS. referred to is one obtained by him in London, where it had been carried from Madrid as a part of Conde’s collection, and that it is merely an ill-made translation, or rather abridgment, of the romance of Hita;—probably the work of some Morisco Spaniard, not thoroughly acquainted with his own language. [124] The second part appeared for the first time at AlcalÁ, in 1604, but has been reprinted so rarely since, that old copies of it are very scarce. There is a neat edition of both parts, Madrid, 1833, 2 tom. 12mo, and both are in the third volume of Aribau’s Biblioteca, 1846. [125] Parte I. c. 18, Parte II. c. 25. [126] In my copy of the second part, printed at Madrid, 1731, 12mo, the Aprobacion, dated 10th of September of that year, speaks distinctly of three parts, mentioning the second as the one that was printed at AlcalÁ in 1604, and the third as being in manuscript. I know no other notice of this third part. Circourt (Histoire des Maures Mudejares et des Moresques) has frequently relied on the second part as an authority, and, in the passage just cited, gives his reasons for the confidence he reposes in it. [127] Scott is reported to have said, on being shown the Wars of Granada in the latter part of his life, that, if he had earlier known of the book, he might have placed in Spain the scene of some of his own fictions. Denis, Chroniques Chevalresques, Paris, 1839, 8vo, Tom. I. p. 323. [128] “La Cryselia de Lidaceli, Famosa y Verdadera Historia de Varios Acontecimientos de Amor y Fortuna,” was first printed at Paris, 1609, 12mo, and dedicated to the Princess of Conti; besides which I have seen a third edition, of Madrid, 1720. At the end a second part is announced, which never appeared. The other work of El Capitan Flegetonte is entitled “La Famosa y Temeraria CompaÑÍa de Rompe Columnas,” and was also printed in 1609, with two Dialogues on Love; all as poor as can well be imagined. The “Cryselia” is a strange confusion of the pastoral style with that of serious romance;—the whole mingled with accounts of giants and enchantments, and occasionally with short poems. [129] Benito Remigio Noydens was author of a number of moral and ascetic works. The “Historia Moral del Dios Momo” (4to, Madrid, 1666, 12mo) is an account of the exile of the god Momus from heaven, and his transmigration through the bodies of persons in all conditions on earth, doing mischief wherever he goes. Each chapter of the eighteen into which it is divided is followed by a moralizing illustration; as, for instance, (c. 5,) the disturbance Momus excites on earth against heaven is illustrated by the heresies of Germany and England, in which the Duke of Saxony and Henry VIII. appear to very little advantage. [130] “Poema TrÁgico del EspaÑol Gerardo y DesengaÑo del Amor Lascivo” is the title of the story; and, besides the first edition, it was printed in 1617, 1618, 1623, 1625, 1654, etc. The “Varia Fortuna del Soldado PÍndaro,” who, notwithstanding his classical name, is represented as a native of Castile, was less favored. I know only the editions of 1626 and 1661, till we come to that of Madrid, 1845, 8vo, illustrated with much spirit. Of CÉspedes y Meneses a slight notice is to be found in Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. p. 362. [131] The “Historia TragicÓmica de Don Enrique de Castro” was printed at Paris, in 1617, when its author was twenty-nine years old. Two years earlier he had published “EngaÑos deste Siglo.” (Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 358.) I believe he sometimes wrote in French. [132] I do not know who was the author of this foolish fancy, which is, perhaps, a chronique scandaleuse of the court. It was printed at Roussillon, and is a small 18mo volume. [133] The names of a good many unpublished manuscripts of such works can be found in the Bibliotheca of Antonio, and in Baena, “Hijos de Madrid.” [134] The MS. of “El Caballero Venturoso,” which is evidently autograph throughout, belongs to Don Pascual de Gayangos, Professor of Arabic in the University of Madrid, and fills 289 closely written leaves, in 4to. A second part is announced, but was probably never written. [135] “Leon Prodigioso, ApologÍa Moral, por el Licenciado CosmÉ Gomez Texada de los Reyes,” Madrid, 1670, 4to;—“Segunda Parte del Leon Prodigioso, Entendimiento y Verdad, Amantes FilosÓficos,” AlcalÁ, 1673, 4to. The first part was licensed in 1634. The author published “El FilÓsofo,” a miscellany on the physical sciences and moral philosophy, in 1650. In the “Leon Prodigioso” is a good deal of poetry; particularly, in the first part, a poem called “La Nada,” which is very dull, and one in the second, called “El Todo,” which is still worse. His ridicule of the culto style, in Parte I. pp. 317, 391-395, is acute and successful. [136] My copy is of the eleventh edition, Madrid, 1734, 4to; and Lib. III. c. 1, p. 237, was written just at the moment of the accession of Charles II. The story is connected with the favorite doctrine of the Spanish Church: that of the immaculate conception, whose annunciation by the Madonna is described with dramatic effect in Lib. I. c. 10. The earliest edition I have seen noticed is of 1667. [137] The only grave romance of this class, after 1650, that needs, I believe, to be referred to, is “La Historia de Lisseno y Fenisa, por Francisco Parraga Martel de la Fuente,” (Madrid, 1701, 4to,)—a very bad imitation of the “Gerardo EspaÑol” of CÉspedes y Meneses. [138] The “Inventario” of Villegas was twice printed, the first edition in 4to, 1565, and the second in small 12mo, 1577, 144 leaves;—both times at Medina del Campo, of which its author is supposed to have been a native, and both times with a note especially prefixed, signifying that the first license to print it was granted in 1551. [139] The story of Narvaez, who is honorably noticed in Pulgar’s “Claros Varones,” TÍtulo XVII., and who is said to have been the ancestor of Narvaez, the minister of state to Isabella II., is found in Argote de Molina (Nobleza, 1588, f. 296); in Conde (Historia, Tom. III. p. 262); in Villegas (Inventario, 1565, f. 94); in Padilla (Romancero, 1583, ff. 117-127); in Lope de Vega (Remedio de la Desdicha; Comedias, Tom. XIII., 1620); in Don Quixote (Parte I. c. 5), etc. I think, too, that it may have been given by Timoneda, under the title of “Historia del Enamorado Moro Abindarraez,” sine anno, (Fuster, Bib., Tom. I. p. 162,) and it is certainly among the ballads in his “Rosa EspaÑola,” 1573. (See Wolf’s reprint, 1846, p. 107.) It is the subject, also, of a long poem by Francisco Balbi de Corregio, 1593. (Depping’s Romancero, Leipsique, 1844, 12mo, Tom. II. p. 231.) That Montemayor took his version of the story of Narvaez from Villegas nobody will doubt who compares both together and remembers that it does not appear in the first edition of the “Diana”; that it is wholly unsuited to its place in such a romance; and that the difference between the two is only that the story, as told by Montemayor, in the “Diana,” Book IV., though it is often, for several sentences together, in the same words with the story in Villegas, is made a good deal longer by mere verbiage. See, ante, Chap. XXXIII., note. In the “Nobiliario” of Ferant de Mexia, (Sevilla, 1492, folio,)—a curious book, written with Castilian dignity of style, and full of the feudal spirit of an age that believed in the inherent qualities of noble blood,—its author (Lib. II. c. 15) boasts that Narvaez was the brother of his grandfather, calling him “cavallero de los bienaventurados que ovo en nuestros tiempos desde el Cid acÁ batalloso É victorioso.” [140] Rodriguez, Biblioteca, p. 283. Ximeno, Bib., Tom. I. p. 72. Fuster, Bib., Tom. I. p. 161, Tom. II. p. 530. The “Sobremesa y Alivio de Caminantes,” by Timoneda, printed in 1569, and probably earlier, is merely a collection of a hundred and sixty-one anecdotes and jests, in the manner of Joe Miller, though sometimes cited as a collection of tales. They are preceded by twelve similar anecdotes, by a person who is called Juan Aragones. In all the editions of the “PatraÑuelo,” I believe, except the first and that in Aribau’s Biblioteca, there are only twenty-one tales;—the eighth, which is a coarse one borrowed from Ariosto, being omitted. [141] The story of Apollonius,—the same with that in Shakspeare’s “Pericles,”—was, as we have seen, (Vol. I. p. 24,) known in Spanish poetry very early, though the old poetical version of it was not printed till 1844; but it is more likely to have been taken by Timoneda from the “Gesta Romanorum,” Tale 153, in the edition of 1488. The story of Griselda he, no doubt, took from the version of it with which the “Decamerone” ends, though he may have obtained it elsewhere. (Manni, Istoria del Decamerone, Firenze, 1742, 4to, p. 603.) As to the story so familiar to us in Percy’s “Reliques,” he probably obtained it from the fourth Novella of Sacchetti, written about 1370; beyond which I think it cannot be traced, though it has been common enough ever since, down to BÜrger’s version of it. Similar inquiries would no doubt lead to similar results about other tales in the “PatraÑuelo”; but these instances are enough to show that Timoneda took any thing he found suited to his purpose, just as the Italian Novellieri and the French Trouveurs had done before him, without inquiring or caring whence it came. [142] See, ante, Vol. II. p. 84. [143] It is in the form of dialogues, and called “Carnestolendas de Castilla, dividido en las tres Noches del Domingo, Lunes y Martes de Antruexo, por Gaspar Lucas Hidalgo, Vezino de la Villa de Madrid,” Barcelona, 1605, 12mo, ff. 108. Editions are also noted of 1606 and 1618. [144] “El Pasagero” (Madrid, 1617, 12mo, ff. 492) is in ten dialogues, carried on in the pauses or rests of two travellers, and thence affectedly called Alivios. I have a small volume entitled “Historia de los Siete Sabios de Roma, compuesta por Marcos Perez, Barcelona por Rafael Figuero,” 12mo,—no date; but, I think, printed in the eighteenth century. It contains the story of “The Seven Wise Masters,” which is one of the oldest of modern fictions,—the Emperor, in this version of it, being named Ponciano, and being called the son of Diocletian. The style is somewhat better than that of the “Donzella Teodor,” (ante, II. 212,) but seems to be of about the same period. [145] Notices for the life of Barbadillo may be found in Baena (Hijos de Madrid, Tom. I. p. 42); in Antonio (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 28); and in the Prefaces to his own “Estafeta del Dios Momo,” (Madrid, 1627, 12mo,) and his “Coronas del Parnaso” (Madrid, 1635, 12mo). He was associated with Cervantes in the same religious fraternity, and gave his strong testimony in favor of the tales of his friend in their first edition. (Navarrete, Vida, §§ 121, 132.) He seems to have had an office at court, for he calls himself “Criado de su Magestad.” [146] “La Ingeniosa Helena, Hija de Celestina,” Lerida, 1612, and often since. The edition I have is of Madrid, 1737, 12mo. [147] “El Caballero Perfeto,” Madrid, 1620, 12mo. [148] “Casa del Plazer Honesto,” Madrid, 1620, 12mo. [149] “El Caballero Puntual,” Primera Parte, Madrid, 1614; Segunda Parte, Madrid, 1619, 12mo. At the end of the second part is a play, “Los Prodigios de Amor.” A work not entirely unlike the “Caballero Puntual” was printed at Rouen in 1610, 12mo, called “Rodomuntadas Castellanas.” It is in Spanish, as were many other books printed at that time in France, from the connection of the French court with Spain, and it consists of the incredible boastings of a braggadocio, something like Baron Munchausen. But it has little value of any sort, and I mention it only because it preceded the fiction of Barbadillo by four years. [150] “El Necio bien Afortunado,” Madrid, 1621, 12mo. [151] “Don Diego de Noche,” Madrid, 1623, 12mo. All nine of his unhappy adventures occur in the night. For some reason, I know not what, this story appears among the translated works of Quevedo, (Edinburgh, 1798, 3 vols. 8vo,) and, I believe, may be found, also, in the previous translation made by Stevens. There is a play with the same title, “Don Diego de Noche,” by Roxas (in Tom. VII. of the Comedias Escogidas, 1654); but it has, I think, nothing to do with the tale of Barbadillo. [152] “Coronas del Parnaso y Platos de las Musas,” Madrid, 1635, 12mo. There is some resemblance in the idea to that of the “Convito” of Dante; but it is not likely that Salas Barbadillo imitated the philosophical allegory of the great Italian master. [153] The “Primera Parte de las Noches de Invierno, por Antonio de Eslava,” was printed at Pamplona in 1609, and at Brussels in 1610, 12mo; but, as was so common in these works of amusement, I believe no second part followed. It is ordered to be expurgated in the Index of 1667, p. 67. [154] “Doce Novelas Morales y Exemplares, por Diego de Agreda y Vargas,” Madrid, 1620; reprinted by one of his descendants, at Madrid, in 1724, 12mo. Diego de Agreda, of whom there is a notice in Baena, (Tom. I. p. 331,) was a soldier as well as an author, and, in the tale he called “El Premio de la Virtud,” relates, apparently, an event in the history of his own family. Others of his tales are taken from the Italian. That of “Aurelio y Alexandra,” for instance, is a rifacimento of Bandello’s story of “Romeo and Juliet,” used at just about the same time by Shakspeare. [155] “Guia y Avisos de Forasteros, etc., por el Licenciado Don Antonio LiÑan y Verdugo,” Madrid, 1620, 4to. In a discourse preceding the tales, which are fourteen in number, their author is spoken of as having written other works, and as being an old man; but I find no notice of him except that in Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 141,) which gives only the titles of the tales, and mistakes the year in which they were printed. Some of the stories, it may be added, seem true, and some of the sketches of manners are lively. [156] See, ante, Vol. II. pp. 156, 157, an account of these tales of Lope, and the way in which four others that are not his were added to them, and yet appear in his collected works, Tom. VIII. [157] Literally, Pinks of Recreation,—“Clavellinas de Recreacion, por Ambrosio de Salazar,” Ruan, 1622, 12mo. He wrote several other Spanish works, printed, as this was, in France, where he was physician to the queen. Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 68. [158] “Novelas de Francisco de Lugo y Avila,” Madrid, 1622, 12mo. [159] “Novelas Amorosas por Joseph Camerino,” Madrid, 1623 and 1736, 4to. (Antonio, Bib. Nova, Tom. II. p. 361.) He was an Italian, as appears from the hint in Lope de Vega’s sonnet prefixed to his tales, as well as from his own Proemio. His Spanish, however, is pure enough, except in those affectations of style which he shared with many Castilian writers of his time. His “Dama Beata,” a longer tale, was printed at Madrid, in 1655, in 4to. [160] Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. p. 267. I find no edition of the “Cigarrales de Toledo” cited earlier than 1631; but my copy is dated Madrid, 1624, 4to, and is evidently of the first publication. Covarrubias (ad verb. Cigarral) gives the proper meaning of the word, which is perhaps plain enough from the work itself. The “Deleytar Aprovechando” was reprinted at Madrid in 1765, in 2 tom. 4to. In the “Cigarrales,” Tirso promises to publish twelve novelas, with an argument to connect them, adding, satirically, ”Not stolen from the Tuscans”;—but they never appeared. [161] Baena, Tom. III. p. 157. I own the ninth edition of “Para Todos,” AlcalÁ, 1661, 4to. Quevedo seems to have borne some personal ill-will against Montalvan, whom he calls “a little remnant of Lope de Vega,” and says his “Para Todos” is “like the coach from AlcalÁ to Madrid, full of all sorts of passengers, including the worst.” (Obras, Tom. XI. p. 129.) Quevedo does not appear among those who in 1639 offered verses or other tributes to the memory of Montalvan, though their number is above a hundred and fifty, and includes, I think, nearly or quite every other Spanish author of any note then living. See “LÁgrimas Panegyricas en la Muerte de Montalvan,” 1639. [162] Matias de los Reyes was the author of other tales besides those in his “Para Algunos.” His “Curial del Parnaso,” (Madrid, 1624, 8vo,) of which only the first part was published, contains several. He also wrote for the stage. His “Para Algunos” was printed at Madrid, 1640, in quarto, and is not ill written. Baena, Hijos, Tom. IV. p. 97. [163] I have never seen the “Para SÍ” of Peralta, and know it only from its title in catalogues. Two other similar works, of a later date, may be added to these. The first is “El Entretenido,” by Antonio Sanchez Tortoles, which was licensed to be printed in 1671, but of which I have seen no edition except that of Madrid, 1729, 4to. It contains the amusements of an academy during the Christmas holidays; namely, a play, entremes, and poems, with discussions on subjects of natural history, learning, and theology. But it contains no tales, and goes through only ten of the fourteen evenings whose entertainments it announces. The remaining four were filled up by Joseph Moraleja, (Madrid, 1741, 4to,) with materials generally more light and gay, and, in one instance, with a tale. The other work referred to is “Gustos y Disgustos del Lentiscar de Cartagena, por el Licenciado Gines Campillo de Bayle” (Valencia, 1689, 4to). It takes its name from the “Lentiscar,” a spot near Carthagena where the Lentisco or mastich-tree abounds; and it consists of twelve days’ entertainment, given at a country-house to a young lady who hesitated about taking the veil, but, finding her mistake from the unhappy ending of each of these days of pleasure, returns gladly to her convent and completes her profession. Neither of these works is worth the trouble of reading. The four “Academias” of Jacinto Polo, the amusements of four days of a wedding, (Obras, 1670, pp. 1-106,) are better, but consist chiefly of poems. [164] They were translated into French by Rampale, and printed at Paris in 1644 (see Baena and Brunet); and are in the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 735. [165] Gonzalo de CÉspedes y Meneses, “Historias Peregrinas,” Zaragoza, 1628, 1630, and 1647, the last in 12mo. Only the first part was ever published. It is a curious book. It opens with “An Abridgment of the Excellences of Spain,” and each of the six tales of which it consists, having its scene laid in some famous Spanish city, is preceded by a similar abridgment of the excellences of the particular city to which it relates. CÉspedes is the author of the “Gerardo EspaÑol,” noticed, ante, p. 87, and, like many of the story-writers of his time, was a native of Madrid. [166] Juan Martinez de Moya, “FantasÍas de un Susto.” It reminds us of the theory of Coleridge about the rapidity with which a series of events can be hurried through the mind of a drowning man, or any person under a similar excitement of mind. It is, however, a very poor story, intended for a satire on manners, and is full of bad verses. There is a reprint of it, Madrid, 1738, 12mo. [167] “Auroras de Diana, por Don Pedro de Castro y Anaya.” He was a native of Murcia, and there are editions of his “Auroras” of 1632, 1637, 1640, and 1654, the last printed at Coimbra, in 12mo. [168] Mariana de Carbajal y Saavedra, “Novelas Entretenidas,” Madrid, 1633, 4to. At the end of these eight stories, she promises a second part; and in the edition of 1728 there are, in fact, two more stories, marked as the ninth and tenth, but I think they are not hers. [169] Baena, Hijos, Tom. IV. p. 48. Both collections are printed together in the edition of Madrid, 1795, 4to;—the first being called Novelas and the second Saraos. [170] GerÓnimo Fernandez de Mata, “Soledades de Aurelia,” 1638, to which, in the edition of Madrid, 1737, 12mo, is added a poor dialogue between Crates and his wife, Hipparcha, against ambition and worldliness; originally printed in 1637. [171] AndrÉ del Castillo, “La Mogiganga del Gusto,” Zaragoza, 1641. Segunda Impresion, Madrid, 1734. They are written in the affected style of the cultos. [172] ChristÓval Lozano, “Soledades de la Vida,” 6a impresion, Barcelona, 1722, 4to. After the four connected stories told by the hermit, there follow, in this edition, six others, which, though separate, are in the same tone and style. Lozano wrote the “Reyes Nuevos de Toledo,” noticed, ante, p. 91; the “David Perseguido,” and other similar works;—at least, I believe they are all by one person, though the Index Expurgatorius of 1790 makes the “Soledades” the work of Gaspar Lozano, as if he were not the same. [173] Of Alonso del Castillo Solorzano I have spoken, ante, p. 72, as the author of picaresque tales. A list of most of his works may be found in Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 15,) among which is a sort of suite with the following titles: “Jornadas Alegres,” 1626;—“Tardes Entretenidas,” 1625;—and “Noches de Placer,” 1631. None of these had much success; nor, indeed, did he succeed much in any of his tales, except “La GarduÑa de Sevilla,” already noticed. But his “Quinta de Laura” was printed three times, and his “Alivios de Cassandra,” which first appeared in 1640,—and is something like the “Para Todos” of Montalvan, being a collection of dramas, poetry, etc., besides six stories,—was translated into French, and printed at Paris, both in 1683 and 1685. [174] Alonso de AlcalÁ y Herrera, “Varios Efetos de Amor,” Lisboa, 1641, 18mo. He was a Portuguese, but was of Spanish origin, and wrote Spanish with purity, as well as Portuguese. (Barbosa, Bib. Lus., fol., Tom. I. p. 26.) Clemencin cites these stories of AlcalÁ as proof of the richness of the Spanish language. (Ed. Don Quixote, Tom. IV. p. 286.) There is a tale, printed by Guevara, called “Los Tres Hermanos,” in the volume with his “Diablo Cojuelo,” (Madrid, 1733, 12mo,) in which the letter A is omitted; and in 1654 Fernando Jacinto de Zarate published a dull love-story, called “MÉritos disponen Premios, Discurso LÍrico,” omitting the same vowel;—but the five tales of AlcalÁ are better done than either. [175] Jacinto de Villalpando, “Escarmientos de Jacinto,” Zaragoza, 1645. He was Marquis of Osera, and published other works in the course of the next ten years after the appearance of the “Jacinto,” one of which, at least, appeared under the name of “Fabio Clymente.” See, ante, Vol. II. p. 483. [176] Literally, Luncheons of Wit, etc. “Meriendas del Ingenio y Entretenimientos del Gusto,” Zaragoza, 1663, 8vo. Six tales. [177] Isidro de Robles collected the “Varios Efetos de Amor” (Madrid, 1666, 4to). They were published again, with the five tales of AlcalÁ, already noted, in 1709, 1719, and 1760;—the number of tales being thus eleven, with three “Sucesos” at the end, published under the title of “Varios Prodigios de Amor.” [178] Antonio (Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 68) and Montalvan (in the catalogue at the end of his “Para Todos,” 1661, p. 545) make him one of the principal and most fashionable dramatic authors of his time. (See, ante, Vol. II. p. 293.) The “Diablo Cojuelo” has been very often reprinted in Spanish since 1641. Le Sage published his “Diable Boiteux” in 1707, chiefly from Guevara; and nineteen years afterwards enlarged it by the addition of more Spanish stories from Santos and others, and more Parisian scandal. In the mean time, it had been carried upon the stage, where, as well as in its original form, it had a prodigious success. [179] “Universidad de Amor y Escuela del Interes, Verdades SoÑadas Ó SueÑo Verdadero.” The first part appeared under the name of Antolinez de Piedra Buena, and the second under that of El Bachiller Gaston Daliso de Orozco; but both were printed subsequently in the works of Jacinto Polo, and both appear together in a separate edition, 1664, filling sixty-three leaves, 18mo, and including some of Polo’s poetry. [180] Marcos Garcia, “La Flema de Pedro Hernandez, Discurso Moral y PolÍtico,” Madrid, 1657, 12mo. The author was a surgeon of Madrid, and wrote “Honor de la Medecina”; and another “Papelillo,” without his name, which he mentions in his PrÓlogo. (Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 83.) He shows, at the beginning of his “Flema,” that he means to imitate Quevedo; but he has a good deal of cultismo in his style. For the meaning of “Flema,” see Covarrubias, ad verb.—One more trifle may here be mentioned; the “DesengaÑo del Hombre en el Tribunal de la Fortuna y Casa de Descontentos, ideado por Don Juan Martinez de Cuellar,” 1663. It is a vision, in which the author goes to the house of “DesengaÑo,”—that peculiarly Castilian word, which may here be translated Truth. He is led afterwards to the palace and tribunal of Fortune, where he is disabused of his errors concerning all earthly good. The fiction is of little worth, and the style is that of the school of GÓngora. [181] Baena, Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. p. 216. There is a coarse edition of the works of Santos, in 4 tom. 4to, Madrid, 1723. [182] “Dia y Noche en Madrid, Discursos de lo mas Notable que en Él passa,” Madrid, 1663, 12mo; besides which there are editions of 1708, 1734, etc. [183] “Periquillo, Él de las Gallineras,” Madrid, 1668, 12mo. He gets his name from the circumstance, that, as a child, he was employed to take care of chickens. [184] “El Verdad en el Potro y el Cid Resuscitado,” Madrid, 1679, 12mo, and again, 1686. The ballads cited or repeated in this volume, as the popular ballads sung in the streets in honor of the Cid, are, it is curious to observe, not always to be found in any of the Romanceros. Thus, the one on the insult to the Cid’s father begins,— Diego Lainez, el padre De Rodrigo el Castellano, Cuidando en la mengua grande Hecha Á un hombre de su grado, etc. p. 9, ed. 1686. It is quite different from the ballad on the same subject in any of the ballad-books. So is the one at p. 33, upon the death of Count Lozano, as well as the one at p. 105, upon the Cid’s insult to the Pope at Rome. On hearing the last sung in the streets, the Cid is made, in the story, to cry out, “Is it pretended I was ever guilty of such effrontery? I, whom God made a Castilian,—I treat the great Shepherd of the Church so?—I be guilty of such folly? By St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. Lazarus, with whom I held converse on earth, you lie, base ballad-singer!” Several ballads might be taken from this volume and added even to the “Romancero del Cid,” Keller, Stuttgard, 1840, which is the most ample of all the collections on the Cid. [185] “El Diablo anda Suelto,” (Madrid, 1677,) and “El Vivo y el Difunto,” (1692,) are both very curious fictions. [186] “Las Tarascas de Madrid y Tribunal Espantoso,” Madrid, 1664, Valencia, 1694, etc. “La Tarasca de Parto en el Meson del Infierno y Dias de Fiestas por la Noche,” Madrid, 1671, Valencia, 1694, are again interesting, partly because they contain anecdotes and sketches that serve to explain the popular religious theatre. [187] “Los Gigantones de Madrid por defuera,” Madrid, 1666, 12mo. [188] The Spanish tales of the middle and latter part of the seventeenth century are much infected with the false taste of cultismo; no portion of Spanish literature more so. As we approach the end of the century, not one, I think, is free from it. [189] Italy is the only country that can enter into competition with Spain in the department of tales, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Indeed, I am not certain, considering the short period (a little more than a century) during which Spanish tales were fashionable, that as many in proportion were not produced as were produced of Italian tales in Italy during the long period—four centuries and a half—in which they have now been prevalent there. And if, to the Spanish tales found in books professing and not professing to be collections of them, we add the thousands used up in Spanish dramas, to which the elder Italian theatre offers no counterpart, I suppose there can hardly be a doubt that there are really more Spanish fictions of this class in existence than there are Italian. If, however, we were to settle the point only by a comparison of the meagre and imperfect catalogues of Spanish stories in Antonio’s Bibliotheca with the admirably complete one of Italian stories in the “Bibliografia delle Novelle Italiane,” by Gamba, we should settle it differently. But, in any event, when speaking of the Italian novelle, we should remember, that, until very lately, the whole spirit and power of fiction in Italy, so to speak, have been taken from the theatre and romances, and cast into these short tales. [190] Puibusque, Histoire ComparÉe, Tom. II. c. 3. [191] The most remarkable, and perhaps the most beautiful, specimen is in the first book of “The Names of Christ”; the text being from Isaiah, ix. 6: “The everlasting Father.” [192] See the accounts of Luis de Granada in Antonio, and in the Preface to the “Guia de Pecadores,” Madrid, 1781, 2 tom. 8vo. His treatise on pulpit eloquence, entitled “RhetoricÆ EcclesiasticÆ, sive de Ratione Concionandi, Libri Sex,” was valued in other countries. An edition of it, Cologne, 1611, 12mo, fills above 500 closely printed pages. It is somewhat remarkable, that, besides the sermon on the Resurrection, from which the extract I have translated was made, one of the best of his meditations, that entitled “De la AlegrÍa de los Santos Padres,” is on the same subject. He was born in 1504, and died in 1588. [193] For Paravicino and his school, see Sedano, (Parnaso EspaÑol, Tom. V. p. xlviii.,) Baena, (Hijos de Madrid, Tom. II. p. 389,) and Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 612,) who speaks as if he had often heard Paravicino’s eloquence, and witnessed its effects. E contra is Figueroa, who, in his “Pasagero,” (1617, Alivio IV.,) is severe upon the preachers and audiences of Madrid. The fact, however, that Capmany, in his five important volumes devoted to Spanish eloquence, has been able to find nothing in the seventeenth century, either in the way of forensic orations or popular pulpit eloquence, with which to fill his pages, but is obliged to resort to the eloquent prose of history and philosophy, of ethics and religious asceticism, tells at once, in a way not to be mistaken, the tale of the deficiencies in Castilian eloquence, as the word eloquence is understood in English. [194] These writers have all been mentioned earlier, (see, ante, Vol. I. pp. 395, 540, 543,) except Queen Isabella, whose letters are best found in Clemencin’s excellent work on her character and times, filling the sixth volume of the “Memorias de la Academia de la Historia.” They are addressed to her confessor, Hernando de Talavera, and strongly illustrate both her prudence and her submission to ecclesiastical influences. (See pp. 351-383.) Several letters addressed to Columbus, and marked with her spirit rather than that of her husband, though signed by both of them, may be seen in the second volume of Navarrete, (Viages, etc.,) which is rich in such curious documents. [195] The correspondence of Zurita and his friends is to be sought in the “Progresos de la Historia en el Reyno de Aragon,” by Diego Josef Dormer, (Zaragoza, 1680, folio,) and especially pp. 362-563, which are entirely given up to it. [196] “La Ulyxea de Homero,” etc., por Gonzalo Perez, (Venecia, 1553, 18mo,) is in blank verse; but in this edition we have only the first thirteen books, with a dedication to Philip the Prince, whose chief secretary Gonzalo Perez then was, as his son Antonio was afterwards secretary of the same Philip on the throne. Subsequently, when he had translated the remaining eleven books, he dedicated the whole anew to Philip as king, (Anvers, 1556, 12mo,) correcting and amending the first part carefully. Lope de Vega (in his Dorotea, Acto IV. sc. 3) praises the version of Perez; but, like most of the Spanish translations from the ancients in the sixteenth century, it shows little of the spirit of the original. [197] Obras, Genevra, 1654, 12mo, p. 1073. [198] Ibid., p. 96. [199] The first publication of Perez, I think, is the one made at Lyons, without date, but supposed to be of 1598, and entitled “PedaÇos de Historia,” etc.; but, the same year, the contents of this volume were reprinted at Paris, with the more appropriate title of “Relaciones.” Perez seems to have amused himself with publishing different portions of his works at different times and in different places; but the most complete collection is that of Geneva, 1654, 12mo, pp. 1126. His life is admirably discussed by M. Mignet, in his “Antonio Perez et Philippe II.” (2de Édit., Paris, 1846). The work of Salvador Bermudez de Castro, entitled “Antonio Perez, Estudios HistÓricos,” (Madrid, 1841, 8vo,) would be better worth reading if the author had not permitted himself to indulge in fictions, such as ballad poetry, which he calls the poetry of Perez, and which he gives as part of the means Perez used to stir up the people of Saragossa, but which is, no doubt, the work of Castro himself. The lives of Perez in Baena (Tom. I., 1789, p. 121) and Latassa (Bib. Nov., Tom. II., 1799, p. 108) show how afraid men of letters were, as late as the end of the eighteenth century, to approach any subject thus connected with royalty. The works of Perez are strictly forbidden by the Index Expurgatorius of the Inquisition to the last,—in 1790 and 1805. The letters of Perez to Essex are in pretty good Latin, and out of his Spanish works there were early made two or three collections of very acute and striking aphorisms, which have been several times printed. There are many MS. letters of Perez at the Hague and elsewhere, referred to by Mignet, and there is in the Royal Library at Paris an important political treatise which bears his name, but which, though strongly marked with his acuteness and brilliancy, Ochoa hesitates to attribute to him. It is, however, I doubt not, his. (See Ochoa, Manuscritos EspaÑoles, pp. 158-166; and Seminario Erudito, Tom. VIII. pp. 245 and 250.) Further accounts of Perez are to be found in Llorente, Tom. III. pp. 316-375. [200] “Cartas de Santa Teresa de Jesus,” Madrid, 1793, 4 tom. 4to,—chiefly written in the latter part of her life. [201] The letters of Argensola are in the “Cartas de Varios Autores EspaÑoles,” by Mayans y Siscar, (Valencia, 1773, 5 tom. 12mo,)—itself a monument of the poverty of Spanish literature in that department from which it attempts to make a collection, since by far the greater part of it consists of old printed dedications, formal epistles of approbation that had been prefixed to books when they were first published, lives of authors that had served as prefaces to their works, etc. The letters of Quevedo and Lope are chiefly on literary subjects, and are scattered through their respective writings. Those of Antonio and SolÍs are in a small volume published by Mayans at Lyons, in 1733; to which may be added those at the end of Antonio’s “Censura de Historias Fabulosas,” Madrid, 1742, fol. The “Cartas Philologicas” of Cascales, (of which there is a neat edition by Sanchez, Madrid, 1779, 8vo,) are to Spain and the age in which they were written what the terse and pleasant letters published by Melmoth, under the pseudonyme of Fitzosborne, are to England in the reign of George II.,—an attempt to unite as much learning as the public would bear with an infusion of lighter matter in discussions connected with morals and manners. [202] The best notice of GerÓnimo de Zurita is the one at the end of Part II. Chap. I. of Prescott’s “Ferdinand and Isabella”;—the most ample is the folio volume of Diego Josef Dormer, entitled “Progresos de la Historia en Aragon” (Zaragoza, 1680, folio); really a life of Zurita, published in his honor by the Cortes of his native kingdom. There are several editions of his Annals; and Latassa (Bib. Nueva, Tom. I. pp. 358-373) gives a list of above forty of his works, nearly all unpublished, and none of them, probably, of much value, except his History, to which, in fact, they are generally subsidiary. He held several offices under Philip II., and there is a letter to him from the king in Dormer, (p. 109,) which shows that he enjoyed much of the royal consideration; though, as I have intimated, and as may be fully seen in Dormer, (Lib. II. c. 2, 3, 4,) he was much teased, at one time, by the censors of his History. The first edition of the “Anales de la Corona de Aragon” was published in different years, at Saragossa, between 1562 and 1580, to which a volume of Indices was added in 1604, making seven volumes, folio, in all. The third edition (Zaragoza, 1610-21, 7 tom. folio) is the one that is preferred. Another volume was added to the Annals of Zurita (Zaragoza, 1630, fol.) by BartolomÉ Leonardo de Argensola, the poet, who brought them down to 1520, and whose style is better than that in Zurita’s portion; but not much of it is the work of Argensola, so heavy is it with documents. I have said that Zurita was employed as secretary of Philip II., from time to time; and such was the fact. But this title often implied little except the right of the person who bore it to receive a moderate salary from the public treasury;—a circumstance which I mention because I have occasion frequently to notice authors who were royal secretaries, from the time of Baena, the Jew, in the days of John II., down to the disappearance of the Austrian family. Thus Gonzalo Perez and his son Antonio were royal secretaries; so were the two Quevedos, and many more. In 1605, Philip III. had twenty-nine such secretaries. Clemencin, note to Don Quixote, Parte II. c. 47. [203] The History of Ambrosio de Morales was first published in three folios, AlcalÁ, 1574-77; but the best edition is that of Madrid, 1791, in six small quartos, to which are commonly added two volumes, dated 1792, on Spanish Antiquities, and three more, dated 1793, of his miscellaneous works;—the whole being preceded by the work of Ocampo, in two volumes, already noticed, and followed by the continuation of Sandoval, in one volume, a work of about equal merit with that of Morales, and first printed at Pamplona, in 1615, folio. The three authors, Ocampo, Morales, and Sandoval, taken together, are thus made to fill twelve volumes, as if they belonged to one work, to which is given the unsuitable title of “CorÓnica General de EspaÑa.” Morales, in his youth, cruelly mutilated his person, in order to insure his priestly purity of life, and wellnigh died of the consequences. I might have mentioned here the “Comentario de la Guerra de AlemaÑa de Luis de Avila y ZuÑiga,” a small volume, (Anvers, 1550, 12mo,) first printed in 1548, and frequently afterwards, both in Latin and French, as well as in Spanish. It is an account of the campaigns of Charles V. in Germany, in 1546 and 1547, prepared, probably, from information furnished by the Emperor himself, (Navarra, DiÁlogos, 1567, f. 13,) and written in a natural, but by no means polished, Castilian style. Parts of it bear internal evidence of having been composed at the very time of the events they record, and the whole is evidently the work of one of the few personal friends Charles V. ever had; one, however, who does not appear to much advantage in the private letters of Guillaume van Male, printed by the Belgian Bibliophiles, in 1843. See, ante, Vol. I. p. 499, n. [204] Pedro de Ribadeneyra, who died, aged 84, in 1611, and for whom a beautiful epitaph was composed by Mariana, wrote several works in honor of his company, and several ascetic works, besides his “Cisma de Inglaterra,” (Valencia, 1588,) and his “Flos Sanctorum,” Madrid, 1599-1601, 2 tom. folio. JosÉ de Siguenza, who was born in 1545, and died in 1606, as Prior of the Escurial,—whose construction he witnessed and described,—published his “Vida de San GerÓnimo,” in Madrid, 1595, 4to, and his “Historia de la Orden de San GerÓnimo,” in Madrid, 1600, 4to. He was persecuted by the Inquisition. Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. II., 1817, p. 474. It would be easy to add to these two writers on ecclesiastical history the names of many more. Hardly a convent or a saint of any note in Spain, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, failed of especial commemoration; and each of the religious orders and great cathedrals had at least one historian, and most of them several. The number of books on Spanish ecclesiastical history to be found in the list at the end of the second volume of Antonio’s Bibliotheca Nova is, therefore, one that may well be called enormous. Some of them, too, like the history of the order of St. Benedict, by Yepes, and several of the histories of those orders that were both knightly and religious, are of no little importance for the facts and documents with which they are crowded. But nearly all of them are heavy, monkish annals, and not one, I believe, has literary merit enough to attract our attention. [205] Llorente, Tom. I. p. 479, Tom. II. p. 457, Tom. III. pp. 75-82. Carvajal, the author of the “ElÓgio Historico” of Montano, in the seventh volume of the Memoirs of the Academy of History, (1832, 4to, p. 84,) does not think the course of Mariana, in this investigation, was so frank as it should have been. Perhaps it was not; but he came to the right conclusion at last, and it was a bold and honest thing to do so. [206] The account of this book, and of the discussions it occasioned, is given amply by Bayle, in the notes to his article Mariana; but, as is usual with him, in a manner that shows his dislike of the Jesuits. I know the treatise “De Rege et Regis Institutione” only in the edition “Typis Wechelianis,” 1611, 12mo; but I believe that edition is not at all expurgated. Certainly, the passage Lib. I. c. 6 is quite strong enough, in extenuation of the atrocious crime of Jaques Clemens, to be open to severe animadversion. (Sismondi, Hist. des FranÇais, Paris, 8vo, Tom. XXII., 1839, p. 191.) From the very remarkable letters of Loaysa, the confessor of Charles V., it appears that the great Emperor himself was as little scrupulous as his son in such matters. This renders the passage in Mariana more easy of explanation. See Briefe an Kaiser Karl V., etc., von D. G. Heine, Berlin, 1848, 8vo, p. 130, and note. [207] “Joh. Mariana, e Soc. Jesu, Tractatus VII., nunc primum in Lucem editi,” Colon. Agrip., 1609, fol.; my copy of which is mutilated according to the minute directions given in the Index Expurgatorius, 1667, p. 719. It should be noted that the treatise “De Ponderibus et Mensuris,” which contains the obnoxious discussions about the coin, had been previously published at Toledo, in a neat quarto volume, in 1599, a copy of which I have, with all needful authority and privileges. (Santander, Catalogue, 1792, 8vo, Tom. IV. pp. 152, 153, article Proceso del Padre Mariana, MS. Lope de Vega, Obras Sueltas, Tom. I. p. 295.) The “Discursus de Erroribus qui in Form Gubernationis Societatis Jesu occurrunt,” written in Mariana’s beautiful flowing style, was first printed at Bordeaux, 1625, 8vo, and then again on the suppression of the order by Charles III.; but in the Index Expurgatorius, (1667, p. 735,) where it is strictly prohibited, it is craftily treated as if it were still in manuscript, and as if its author were not certainly known. In the Index of 1790, he is still censured with great severity. A considerable number of his unpublished manuscripts is said to have been long preserved in the Jesuits’ Library at Toledo. [208] The most carefully printed and beautiful edition of Mariana’s History is the fourteenth, published at Madrid, by Ibarra, (two vols. fol. 1780,) under the direction of the Superintendents of the Royal Library;—a book whose mechanical execution would do honor to any press in Europe. It is remarkable how much Mariana amended his History in the successive editions during his lifetime; the additions between 1608 and 1623 being equal, as stated by the editors of that of 1780, to a moderate volume. [209] Mariana, Hist., Lib. I. c. 13. Saavedra, RepÚblica Literaria, Madrid, 1759, 4to, p. 44. Mariana admits the want of critical exactness in some parts of his history, when, replying to a letter of Lupercio de Argensola, who had noticed his mistake in calling Prudentius a Spaniard, he says: “I never undertook to make a history of Spain, in which I should verify every particular fact; for if I had, I should never have finished it; but I undertook to arrange in a becoming style, and in the Latin language, what others had collected as materials for the fabric I desired to raise. To look up authorities for every thing would have left Spain, for another series of centuries, without a Latin History that could show itself in the world.” J. A. Pellicer, Ensayo de una Biblioteca de Traductores, p. 59. [210] The first attack on Mariana was made by a Spaniard in Italy, who called himself Pedro Mantuano, and who printed his “Advertencias” at Milan in 1611. Thomas Tamayo de Vargas wrote a vituperative reply to it (Toledo, 1616, 4to). But Mariana wisely refused to read either. The Marquis of Mondejar, a most respectable authority, renewed the discussion, and his “Advertencias” were published, (Valencia, 1746, folio,) with a preface by Mayans y Siscar, somewhat mitigating their force. Still, neither these, which are the principal criticisms that have appeared on Mariana, nor any others, have, in the estimation of Spaniards, seriously interfered with his claims to be regarded as the great historian of his country. [211] Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 255. La Mothe le Vayer, in a discourse addressed to Cardinal Mazarin, (Œuvres, Paris, 1662, folio, Tom. I. pp. 225, etc.,) assails Sandoval furiously, and sometimes successfully, for his credulity, superstition, flattery, etc., not forgetting his style. It was a part of the warfare of France against Spain. [212] During this period, embracing a large part of the seventeenth century, two remarkable controversies took place in Spain, which, by introducing a more critical caution into historical composition, were not without their effect on Mariana, and may have tended to diminish the number of his successors, by subjecting history, in all its forms, to more rigorous rules. The discussions referred to arose in consequence of two extraordinary forgeries, which, for a time, created a great sensation throughout the country, and deluded not a few intelligent men and honest scholars. The first related to certain metallic plates, sometimes called “The Leaden Books,” which, having been prepared and buried for the purpose several years before, were disinterred near Granada between 1588 and 1595, and, when deciphered, seemed to offer materials for defending the favorite doctrine of the Spanish Church on the Immaculate Conception, and for establishing the great corner-stone of Spanish ecclesiastical history, the coming to Spain of the Apostle James, the patron saint of the country. This gross forgery was received for authentic history by Philip II., Philip III., and Philip IV., each of whom, in a council of state, consisting of the principal personages of the kingdom, solemnly adjudged it to be true; so that, at one period of the discussion, some persons believed the “Leaden Books” would be admitted into the Canon of the Scriptures. The question, however, was in time settled at Rome, and they were decided, by the highest tribunal of the Church, to be false and forged; a decision in which Spain soon acquiesced. The other fraud was connected with this one of the “Leaden Books,” whose authority it was alleged to confirm; but it was much broader and bolder in its claims and character. It consisted of a series of fragments of chronicles, circulated earlier in manuscript, but first printed in 1610, and then represented to have come, in 1594, from the monastery of Fulda, near Worms, to Father Higuera, of Toledo, a Jesuit, and a personal acquaintance of Mariana. They purported, on their face, to have been written by Flavius Lucius Dexter, Marcus Maximus, Heleca, and other primitive Christians, and contained important and wholly new statements touching the early civil and ecclesiastical history of Spain. They were, no doubt, an imitation of the forgeries of John of Viterbo, given to the world about a century before as the works of Berosus and Manetho; but the Spanish forgeries were prepared with more learning and a nicer ingenuity. Flattering fictions were fitted to recognized facts, as if both rested on the same authority; new saints were given to churches that were not well provided in this department of their hagiology; a dignified origin was traced for noble families, that had before been unable to boast of their founders; and a multitude of Christian conquests and achievements were hinted at or recorded, that gratified the pride of the whole nation, the more because they had never till then been heard of. Few doubted what it was so agreeable to all to believe. Sandoval, Tamayo de Vargas, Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, and, for a time, Nicolas Antonio,—all learned men,—were persuaded that these summaries of chronicles, or chronicones, as they were called, were authentic; and if Arias Montano, the editor of the Polyglot, Mariana, the historian, and Antonio Agustin, the cautious and critical friend of Zurita, held an opposite faith, they did not think it worth while openly to avow it. The current of opinion, in fact, ran strongly in favor of the forgeries; and they were generally regarded as true history till about 1650 or a little later, and therefore till long after the death of their real author, Father Higuera, which happened in 1624. The discussion about them, however, which, it is evident, was going quietly on during much of this time, was useful. Doubts were multiplied; the disbelief in their genuineness, which had been expressed to Higuera himself, as early as 1595, by the modest and learned Juan Bautista Perez, Bishop of Segorbe, gradually gained ground; writers of history grew cautious; and at last, in 1652, Nicolas Antonio began his “Historias Fabulosas”; a huge folio, which he left unfinished at his death, and which was not printed till long afterwards, but which, with its cumbrous, though clear-sighted learning, left no doubt as to the nature and extent of the fraud of Father Higuera, and made his case a teaching to all future Spanish historians, that does not seem to have been lost on them. See the Chronicle of Dexter at the end of Antonio’s Bibliotheca Vetus; the Historias Fabulosas of Antonio, with the Life of its author prefixed by Mayans y Siscar, (Madrid, 1742, folio,) to show the grossness of the whole imposture; and the “ChrÓnica Universal” of Alonso Maldonado, (Madrid, 1624, folio,) to show how implicitly it was then believed and followed by learned men. The man of learning who was the most clear-sighted about “The Leaden Books” and the chronicones, and who behaved with the most courage in relation to them from the first, was, I suppose, the Bishop of Segorbe, who is noticed in Villanueva, “Viage Literario Á las Iglesias de EspaÑa,” (Madrid, 1804, 8vo, Tom. III. p. 166,) together with the document (pp. 259-278) in which he exposes the whole fraud, but which was never before published. [213] “Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar OcÉano,” Madrid, 1601-15, 4 vols. fol.—“Historia General del Mundo del Tiempo del SeÑor Rey Don Felipe II., desde 1559, hasta su Muerte,” Madrid, 1601-12, 3 vols. fol.—Five books on the History of Portugal and the Conquest of the Azores were printed, Madrid, 1591, 4to; the History of the League, Madrid, 1598, 4to; and the History of the Troubles in Aragon, in 1612, 4to; the last being only a tract of 140 pages. A work on the History of Italy, from 1281 to 1559, printed at Madrid in 1624, folio, I have never seen. The of Historia General del Mundo is on the Index of 1667, for expurgation. [214] “Conquista de las Islas Molucas,” Madrid, 1609, folio. Pellicer, Bib. de Trad., Tom. I. p. 87. The love-story of Durante, an ensign, in the third book of the “Conquista,” is good and probable; and the account of the Patagonian giants, in the same book, turns out to be almost true, like some of the long-discredited stories of Marco Polo and Mendez Pinto. [215] “La Traduccion del Indio de los Tres DiÁlogos de Amor, de Leon Hebreo, echado de Italiano en Espagnol, por Garcilasso Inga de la Vega,” Madrid, 1590, 4to. A Spanish translation of it, which I have seen, had appeared at Venice in 1568, and I believe there was another at Zaragoza in 1584, of which it seems strange that Garcilasso knew nothing. (Barbosa, Bib. Lus., Tom. II. p. 920; Castro, Bib., Tom. I. p. 371; and Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 232.) The letter of Garcilasso to Philip II., with additional remarks by its author, containing interesting materials for his own life, is prefixed to the first edition of the second part of the Commentaries on Peru. “La Florida” was printed at Lisbon in 1606, 4to; the first part of the Peru at Lisbon, 1609, folio; and the second part at CÓrdova, 1617, folio. Both of the historical works are to be found in several other editions, and both have been translated into most of the languages of modern Europe. Two striking examples may be given of the opposite kinds of that credulity in Garcilasso which so much impairs the value of his Commentaries. He believed that the subjection of Peru by the Spaniards was predicted by the last of the Incas that reigned before their arrival, (Parte I. Lib. IX. c. 15, and Parte II. Lib. VIII. c. 18,) and he believed that all the Spaniards in the army of Peru, who were notorious blasphemers, perished by wounds in the mouth (Parte II., Lib. IV. c. 21). [216] “Expedicion de los Catalanes contra Griegos y Turcos, por Francisco de Moncada, Conde de Osona,” Barcelona, 1623, and Madrid, 1772 and 1805, 12mo. There is an edition, also, of Barcelona, 1842, 8vo, edited by Don Jaime TiÓ, with a poem at the end by Calisto Fernandez Campo-redondo, which is on the same subject with the History, and in 1841 gained a prize at Barcelona for its success at a festival, that reminds us of the days of the Floral Games and of the Marquis of Villena. [217] “Las Guerras de los Estados Baxos, desde Maio, 1588, hasta el AÑo 1599,” Amberes, 1625 and 1635, 4to, and Barcelona, 1627. Ximeno, Tom. I. p. 338. He was ambassador to James I. of England, viceroy of Majorca, etc., and died in 1637, sixty-four years old. [218] “Historia de los Movimientos, Separacion, y Guerra de CataluÑa, por Francisco Manuel de Melo,” Lisboa, 1645, and several other editions; one by Sanchez, 1808, 12mo, and one at Paris, 1830. His poetry in Spanish has been mentioned, ante, II. 529. For his life and multitudinous works, see the “Bibliotheca Lusitana” of Diogo Barbosa Machado, (Lisboa, 1741-59, 4 tom. folio,) which I have often referred to, as to the great authority on all matters of fact in Portuguese literary history, though of little or no value for the literary opinions it expresses. It is one of the amplest and most important works of literary biography and bibliography ever published; but, unhappily, it is also one of the rarest, a large part of the impression of the first three volumes having been destroyed in the fire that followed the great earthquake at Lisbon in 1755. Its author, who gives some account of himself in his own work, was born in 1682, and died, I believe, in 1770. [219] The work of Saavedra was continued, very poorly, by Alonso NuÑez de Castro, through the reign of Henry II., the labors of both making seven volumes in the edition of Madrid, 1789-90, 12mo, of which the first two only, coming down to 716, are by Saavedra. [220] Mad. d’Aulnoy (Voyage, ed. 1693, Tom. II. pp. 17, 18) explains this custom, and shows to what an absurd and ridiculous length it was carried in the time of SolÍs. [221] There are many editions of the “Conquista de MÉxico,” the first being that of Madrid, 1654, folio, and the best in two vols. 4to, Madrid, 1783. The author of the life prefixed to his poems says: “SolÍs left materials for a continuation of the History of Mexico, but they are not now known to exist.” A few of his letters, with a sketch of his life, by Mayans y Siscar, were published, as I have already noticed, in 1733. They appear again, carefully revised, in the “Cartas Morales,” etc., 1773. See, ante, II. 420, 549, III. 136. [222] From the times of Charles V. and Philip II., when, in Aragon and Castile, chroniclers were multiplied as a part of the pageantry of the court, the rest of the kingdoms that entered into the united Spanish monarchy began to desire to have their own separate histories, as we can see in Valencia, where those of Beuter, Escolano, and Diago were written. Besides this, a great number of the individual cities obtained their own separate annals from the hand of at least one author,—sometimes works of authority, like that on Segovia by Colmenares, and that on Seville by Avila y ZuÑiga. But though more of such local histories were written in Spain between the middle of the sixteenth and the end of the seventeenth centuries, than were written during the same period, I believe, in any other country in Europe, none of them, so far as I know, has such peculiar merit as to be noticeable in the literary history of the country. Still, the spirit that produced them in such great numbers, and especially the spirit which, during the reign of Philip II., made, with so much care and cost, the vast collections of documents yet to be found in the Castle of Simancas and the convent of the Escurial, should not be overlooked. When the chapter on the Chronicles of the fifteenth century (First Period, Chap. IX.) was printed, I had not seen the Chronicle by the Prince of Viana, “CrÓnica de los Reyes de Navarra,”—of which there is only one edition, that of Pamplona, 1843, 4to, by Don JosÉ Yanguas y Miranda. It was written in 1454 by the Prince Don Carlos, to whom I have already alluded, (Vol. I. p. 332, note,) who died, forty years old, in 1461, and whose translation of Aristotle’s Ethics was printed at Saragossa in 1509. (Mendez, Typographia, 1796, p. 193.) The Chronicle was carefully prepared for publication from four manuscripts, and it embraces the history of Navarre from the earliest times to the accession of Charles III. in 1390, noticing a few events in the beginning of the next century. Besides the life of the author, it makes about 200 pages, written in a modest, simple style, but not so good as that of some of the contemporary Castilian chronicles. A few of the old traditions concerning the little mountain kingdom, whose early annals it records, are, however, well preserved; some of them being told as they are found in the General Chronicle of Spain, and some with additions or changes. The portions where I have observed most traces of connection between the two are in the Chronicle of the Prince of Viana, Book I. chapters 9-14, as compared with the latter portion of the General Chronicle, Part III. Sometimes the Prince deviates from all received accounts, as when he calls Cava the wife of Count Julian, instead of calling her his daughter; but, on the whole, his Chronicle agrees with the common traditions and histories of the period to which it relates. [223] Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 39. [224] In the great contest between the two liturgies, the Roman and the Gothic, which disturbed the Church of Spain for so long a period, Alfonso VI. determined to throw a copy of each into a fire duly kindled and blessed for the purpose, and give the supremacy to the one that should come out unconsumed. The Gothic MS. was successful; but the king broke his word, and tossed it back into the flames, thus giving rise, it is said, to the proverb, “Alla van leyes adonde quieren reyes”; or, freely translated, “Laws obey kings.” (Sarmiento, § 411.) A similar historical origin is given to the proverb, “Ni quito rey, ni pongo rey”; which is traced to the personal quarrel of Peter the Cruel and his brother and successor, Don Enrique. Clemencin, ed. Don Quixote, Tom. VI., 1839, p. 225. [225] Dissertation of CortÉs in Mayans y Siscar, OrÍgenes, Tom. II. p. 211. [226] ChrÓnica General, 1604, Parte III. f. 61, and Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 7. [227] For example: “Ayudad vos, y Dios ayudarvos ha,”—“Help yourself and God will help you,”—near the end; and “El Bien nunca muere,”—“Good never dies,”—which is in the first tale. [228] “Quien en l’arenal sembra, non trilla pegujares,”—“He that sows on the sea-beach reaps little for himself.” Stanza 160. Pegujares, a singular word, which occurs once in Don Quixote, is said by Clemencin (Tom. IV. p. 34) to come from peculio. See, also, Partida IV. TÍtulo xvii. Ley 7. [229] Reprinted in Mayans, OrÍgenes, Tom. II. pp. 179-210. See also, the Proverbs from Seneca by Pero Diaz, mentioned in note 33 to Period I. chap. 19, and pp. 376, 377, of Vol. I. [230] I have never seen the Proverbs collected by Pedro Valles, the Aragonese, but Mayans y Siscar had in his library a copy of them, which is described in the “Specimen BibliothecÆ Hispano-MajansianÆ, etc., ex MusÆo Davidis Clementis,” HannoverÆ, 1753, 4to, p. 67. The “Cartas de Blasco de Garay” have been often printed; but the oldest and most complete edition I have seen is that of Venice, 1553, 12mo; probably not the first. The second of the letters of Garay is not in proverbs, and, in this edition, is followed by a devout prayer; the whole being intended, as the author says, “to win the attention not so much of the wise as of those who are wont to read nothing but Celestina and such like books.” The “Proverbios” of Francisco de Castilla, in the volume with his “TheÓrica de Virtudes,” (1552, ff. 64-69,) are not proverbs, but an exhortation in verse to a wise and holy life. [231] “Refranes, etc., que coligio y gloso, el Comendador, Hernan NuÑez, Profesor de RetÓrica en la Universidad de Salamanca,” Madrid, 1619, 4to. The preface, by Leo de Castro, implies that the volume was printed during the life of NuÑez, who died in 1553; but I find no edition older than that of 1555. See the note of Pellicer to Don Quixote, Parte II. c. 34. [232] “La FilosofÍa Vulgar de Juan de Mal Lara, Vezino de Sevilla,” (Sevilla, 1558, Madrid, 1618, 4to, etc.,)—a person of note in his time, whom we have mentioned (ante, II. 26) among the dramatic poets, and who died in 1571, forty-four years old. (Seman. Pintoresco, 1845, p. 34.) The collection of Lorenzo Palmireno is reprinted in the fourth volume of NuÑez, ed. Madrid, 1804, 12mo. Oudin’s collection was reprinted at Brussels in 1611, 12mo. Juan Sorapan de Rieros, “Medecina EspaÑola, en Proverbios Vulgares de Nuestra Lengua,” was printed at Granada, 1616-17, 4to, in two parts. “Refranes Castellanos con Latinos, etc., por el Licenciado GerÓnimo Martin Caro y Cejudo,” Madrid, 1675, 4to; reprinted 1792. I do not notice the “Apotegmas” of Juan Rufo, (1596,) nor the “Floresta de Apotegmas of Santa Cruz,” (first printed in 1574, and often afterwards; e. g. Bruselas, 1629,)—the last of which is a pleasant hook, praised by Lope de Vega in his first tale,—because both of them are rather jest-books than collections of proverbs. The “Proverbios Morales” of Christ. Perez de Herrera (Madrid, 1618, 4to) are in rhyme, and too poor to deserve notice, even if they had been in prose. [233] Vargas y Ponce, Declamacion, Madrid, 1793, 4to, App., p. 93. [234] Mayans y Siscar, OrÍgenes, Tom. I. pp. 188-191, and the DiÁlogo de las Lenguas, p. 12, where the author says, “In our proverbs, you see the purity of the Castilian language”; and p. 170, where he says, “The purest Castilian we have is in our proverbs.” The “Don Quixote” will occur to every body as a book that proves how much proverbs enter into Spanish literature; but I should rather cite the “Celestina,” where their number is, I think, equally great in proportion, and their serious application more effective. [235] “Jardin de Flores Curiosas, etc., por Ant. de Torquemada,” 1570, 1573, 1587, 1589. The edition of Anveres, 1575, 18mo, fills 536 pages. “The Spanish Mandeville of Miracles, or the Garden of Curious Flowers,” (London, 1600, 4to,) is a translation into good old English, by Ferdinand Walker. The original is strictly prohibited in the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 68. The “Coloquios SatÍricos,” by the same author, (1553,) I have never seen. [236] “Tractado de las Drogas y Medicinas de las Indias Orientales, por ChristÓval Acosta,” Burgos, (1578, 4to,) where its author was a surgeon; but there are other editions, (1582 and 1592,) and early Italian and French translations. The “Tractado en Loor de las Mugeres, por ChristÓval Acosta, Affricano,” was printed at Venice, 1592, 4to, and I know no other edition. Barbosa, in his life of Acosta, spells his name Da Costa. [237] Preface to Obras de Luis de Granada, Madrid, 1657, folio, and Preface to Guia de Pecadores, Madrid, 1781, 8vo. Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 38. Llorente, Hist., Tom. III. p. 123. His works are numerous, and he enjoys the singular honor of having had an edition of them published by Planta, at the expense of the Duke of Alva, the minister and general of Philip II. [238] Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Sevilla, 1703, folio, twelfth edition. [239] Obras de Santa Teresa, (Madrid, 1793, 2 tom. 4to,) Tom. I. p. 393. Of her letters I have spoken, ante, p. 135, and an excellent discussion of her character, and that of the mystical school to which she belonged, may be found in the Christian Examiner, No. 152, Boston, March, 1849. Her works are accompanied with many offers of indulgence to those who read a chapter or a letter of any of them, or hear it read. For her troubles with the Inquisition, see Llorente, Tom. III. p. 114. Santa Teresa was beatified in 1614, and canonized in 1622; besides which, in 1617 and 1626, the Cortes chose her to be the co-patroness and advocate of Spain with Santiago; an honor that was long resisted, but was urged anew by the testament of Charles II., and confirmed by the Cortes of 1812, June 28, at the urgent petition of the Carmelites, in a spirit worthy of the age in which she lived. See Southey’s Peninsular War, London, 1832, 4to, Tom. III. p. 539. [240] Malon de Chaide was an Augustinian monk, and Professor at Salamanca; and there are editions of his Magdalen of 1592, AlcalÁ, 12mo, of 1596, 1603, 1794, etc. A somewhat similar book had preceded it, “The History of the Queen of Sheba, when she discoursed with King Solomon in Jerusalem.” It was written by another Augustinian monk, Alonso de Horosco, a somewhat voluminous writer, and was printed at Salamanca, in 1568, 12mo. But it is little more than a collection of ordinary sermons, some of which do not mention the Queen of Sheba at all, and is to be regarded only as a courtly offering to Isabella, wife of Philip II., whose chaplain Horosco was. [241] An edition of 1583 is cited by Antonio, (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 178,) but this cannot be. See Viage, Madrid, 1640, 12mo, f. 66. a. The first edition must be that of Madrid, 1603, cited in the Index Expurgatorius, 1667, where it is roughly handled, but since which it has been often reprinted. Clemencin, (Don Quixote, Tom. III. p. 395,) when speaking of Spanish actors, rightly calls the Viage of Roxas “libro magistral en la materia.” Another work, imputed to Roxas, which I have never seen, called “El Buen RepÚblico,” was wholly prohibited. [242] “El Pasagero, Advertencias utilÍssimas Á la Vida Humana, por el Doctor Christ. Suarez de Figueroa,” Madrid, 1617, 12mo, ff. 492. Figueroa also published (Madrid, 1621, 4to) a volume of five hundred pages, entitled, “Varias Noticias importantes Á la Humana Comunicacion,” which he divides into twenty essays, entitled “Variedades.” It is less well written than the Pasagero, falling more into the faults of the time. The seventeenth Essay, however, which is on Domestic Life, with illustrations from Spanish history, is pleasant. His “Plaza Universal de las Ciencias,” first printed at Madrid, in 1615, 4to, and reprinted in folio, with large changes and additions, in 1737, is an attempt at a compendium of human knowledge, curious in the first edition, as showing the state of knowledge and opinion at that time in Spain, but of little value in either. A more serious book of travels might here have been added; that of Pedro OrdoÑez de Cevallos, entitled “Viage del Mundo,” and first printed at Madrid, 1614, 4to. It is an agreeable and often interesting autobiography of its author, beginning with his birth at Jaen and his education at Seville, and giving his travels, for thirty-nine years, all over the world, including China, America, many parts of Africa, and the northern kingdoms of Europe. Its spirit is eminently national, and its style simple and Castilian. [243] “El Governador Christiano, deducido de las Vidas de Moyses y Josua, por Juan Marquez.” There are editions of 1612, 1619, 1634, etc., with translations into Italian and French. The same author wrote, also, “Dos Estados de la Espiritual Jerusalem,” 1603. He was born in 1564, and died in 1621. Capmany (Eloquencia, Tom. IV. pp. 103, etc.) praises him highly. [244] “El Embaxador, por Don Juan Antonio de Vera y ZuÑiga,” Sevilla, 1620, 4to, 280 leaves. I have noticed him as an epic poet, Vol. II. p. 500. [245] “El Perfecto Privado, Carta de Lelio Peregrino Á Estanislao Bordio, Privado del Rey de Polonia.” It was first printed in 1625, (Antonio, Bib. Nov.,) but I know it only in a collection called “Varios Eloquentes Libros recogidos en uno,” (Madrid, 1726, 4to,) a volume which, besides the above work of Navarrete, contains the “Retrato PolÍtico del Rey Alfonso VIII.,” by Gaspar Mercader y Cervellon, (see Ximeno, Tom. II. p. 99,) the “Govierno Moral” of Polo, noticed, II. 544, III. 111, with some discussions which it excited, and the “Lagrimas de Heraclito defendidas,” a tract by Antonio de Vieyra, read before Christina of Sweden, at Rome, to prove that the world is more worthy of being wept over than laughed at; all of them attempts at wisdom and wit in the worst taste of their times. [246] “Empresas PolÍticas, Idea de un PrÍncipe Christiano, por Diego Saavedra Faxardo.” The number of editions is very great, and so is that of the translations. There are, I think, two in English, one of which is by Sir J. Astry, London, 1700, 2 vols. 8vo. A Latin version which appeared at Brussels in 1640, the year in which the original Spanish appeared at Munster, has also been reprinted. [247] “El Perfeto SeÑor, etc., de Antonio Lopez de Vega,” 1626 and 1652, the latter, Madrid, 4to. He published, also, (Madrid, 1641, 4to,) a series of moral Dialogues, on various subjects connected with Rank, Wealth, and Letters, under the title of “Heraclito y DemÓcrito de nuestro Siglo,” and giving the opposite views of each, which the names of the interlocutors imply; a book that affords sketches of manners and opinions at the time it was written, that are often amusing, and generally delivered in an unaffected style. The poetry of Antonio de Vega has been noticed, II. 529. [248] “Obras y Dias, Manual de SeÑores y PrÍncipes, por Juan Eusebio Nieremberg,” Madrid, 1629, 4to, ff. 220. His father and mother were Germans, who came to Spain with the Empress of Austria, DoÑa Maria, but he himself was born at Madrid in 1595, and died there in 1658. Antonio (Bib. Nov., Tom. I. p. 686) and Baena (Tom. III. p. 190) give long lists of his works, chiefly in Latin. The “Contemplations on the State of Man,” published in 1684, seventeen years after the death of Jeremy Taylor, as his work, turns out to have been substantially taken from a treatise of Nieremberg, first published as early as 1654, and entitled “Diferencia de lo Temporal y Eterno”; the “Contemplations,” however, being a rifacimento of an English translation of the work of Nieremberg, by Sir Vivian Mullineaux, published in 1672. (See an interesting pamphlet on this subject, “Letter to Joshua Watson, Esq., etc., by Edw. Churton, M. A., Archdeacon of Cleveland,” London, 1848, 8vo.) Why the fraud was not earlier detected, since Heber and others had noted the difference between the style of this work and that of Bishop Taylor’s works generally, it is difficult to tell. The treatise of Nieremberg has always been valued in Spanish, and, besides being early translated into Latin, Italian, French, and English, was published in Arabic in 1733-34, at the Convent of St. John, on the Mountain of the Druses. See Brunet. [249] “Advertencias para Reyes, PrÍncipes, y Embaxadores, por Don ChristÓval de Benavente y Benavides,” Madrid, 1643, 4to, pp. 700. It a good deal resembles the “Embaxador” of Vera y ZuÑiga; and, like the author of that work, Benavente had been an ambassador of Spain in other countries, and wrote on the subject of what may be considered to have been his profession with experience and curious learning. [250] His “RepÚblica Literaria” is a light work, in the manner of Lucian, written with great purity of language, and was not printed till 1670. A spirited dialogue between Mercury and Lucian, on “The Follies of Europe,” in which Saavedra defends the House of Austria against the attacks of the rest of the world, remained in manuscript till it was produced, in 1787, in the sixth volume of the Seminario Erudito. [251] “Primera Parte de la RhetÓrica, etc., por Juan de Guzman,” AlcalÁ, 1590, 12mo, 291 leaves. It is divided affectedly into fourteen “Combites,” or Invitations to Feasts. Its author was a pupil of the famous Sanctius, “El Brocense.” [252] The “Galateo” was several times reprinted. It is a small book, containing, in the edition of Madrid, 1664, only 126 leaves in 18mo. Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 17. [253] “Libro de la Gineta de EspaÑa, por Pedro Fernandez de Andrada,” Sevilla, 1599, 4to, 182 leaves.—“Modo de pelear Á la Gineta, por Simon de Villalobos,” Valladolid, 1605, 18mo, 70 leaves. [254] “Eloquencia EspaÑola en Arte, por el Maestro BartolomÉ Ximenez Paton,” Toledo, 1604, 12mo. The extracts from old Spanish books and hints about their authors, in this treatise, are often valuable; but how wise its practical suggestions are may be inferred from the fact, that it recommends an orator to strengthen his memory by anointing his head with a compound made chiefly of bear’s grease and white wax. [255] “OrtografÍa Castellana, por Mateo Aleman,” Mexico, 1609, 4to, 83 leaves. [256] “Noches Claras, Primera Parte, por Manoel de Faria y Sousa,” Madrid, 1624, 12mo, a thick volume. Barbosa, Tom. III. p. 257. [257] Francisco de Portugal, Count Vimioso, left a son, who published his father’s poetry with a life prefixed, but I know no edition of the “Arte de GalanterÍa,” etc., earlier than that of Lisbon, 1670, 4to. [258] Before we come into the period when bad taste overwhelmed every thing, we should slightly refer to a few authors who were not infected by it, and who yet are not of importance enough to be introduced into the text. The first of them is Diego de Estella, who was born in 1524, and died in 1578. He was much connected with the great diplomatist, Cardinal Granvelle, and published many works in Latin and Spanish, the best of which, as to style and manner, are “The Vanity of the World,” 1574, and “Meditations on the Love of God,” 1578. Several treatises in the form of biography, but really ascetic and didactic in their character, were published soon afterwards, which are written with some purity and vigor; such as the Life of Pius V., (1595,) by Antonio Fuenmayor, who died at the early age of thirty; the Life of Santa Teresa, (1599,) by Diego de Yepes, one of her correspondents, and the confessor of the last dark years of Philip II.; and the Lives of two devout women, DoÑa Sancha Carillo, and DoÑa Ana Ponce de Leon, (1604,) by Martin de Roa, a Jesuit, who long represented the interests of his Society at the court of Rome. To these may be added three other works of very different characters. The “Examen de Ingenios,” or How to determine, from the Physical and External Condition, who are fit for Training in the Sciences, by Juan de Huarte, (AlcalÁ, 1640, 12mo, first published in 1566,) is one of them. It enjoyed a prodigious reputation in its time, was often published in Spanish, and was translated into all the principal languages of Europe; into English by Richard Carew, 1594; and, as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, into German by a person no less distinguished than Lessing, whose version, entitled “PrÜfung der KÖpfe,” was printed for the second time at Wittenberg, 1785, 12mo. It is a work full of striking, but often wild, conjectures in physiology, written in a forcible, clear style, and Lessing aptly compares its author to a spirited horse, that, in galloping over the stones, never strikes fire so brilliantly as he does when he stumbles. It is praised by Forner, (Obras, Madrid, 1843, 8vo, Tom. I. p. 61,) and is on the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 734. The “Examen de Maridos,” a spirited play of Alarcon, (see, ante, II. 322,) and the “Vexamen de Ingenios,” a lively prose satire of Cancer, (Obras, 1761, p. 105,) were, I suppose, understood by their contemporaries to have reference to the title of the “Examen de Ingenios,” then very popular. A work not unlike the “Examen de Ingenios” appeared at Barcelona, (1637, 4to,) entitled “El Sol Solo, etc., y AnatomÍa de Ingenios,” taking a view of the same subject more in the nature of Physiognomy, and not without an approach to what has since been called Phrenology. It was written by Estevan Pujasol, an Aragonese; and is curious for its manner of treating the subjects it discusses,—half anatomical, half spiritual; but is not otherwise interesting. The second is the “Historia Moral y PhilosÓphica” of Pero Sanchez of Toledo, published at Toledo, 1590, folio, when its author, who was connected with the cathedral there, was already an old man. It consists of the Lives of distinguished men of antiquity, like Plato, Alexander, and Cicero, and ends with a treatise on Death;—each of the Lives being accompanied by moral and Christian reflections, which are sometimes written in a flowing and fervent style, but are rarely appropriate, and never original or powerful. The last is by Vincencio Carducho, a Florentine painter, who, when quite a boy, was brought to Spain in 1585, by his brother BartolomÉ, and died there in 1638, having risen to considerable eminence in his art. In 1634, he published, at Madrid, “DiÁlogos de la Pintura, su Defensa, OrÍgen,” etc. (4to, 229 leaves); but the licencias are dated 1632 and 1633. It is written in good plain prose, without particular merit as to style, and is declared by Cean Bermudez, (Diccionario, Tom. I. p. 251,) in his notice of the author, to be “el mejor libro que tenemos de pintura en Castellano.” At the end is an Appendix, in which are attacks of Lope de Vega, Juan de Jauregui, and others, on a duty laid upon pictures, which, Cean Bermudez says, “the efforts of Carducho and his friends succeeded in removing in 1637.” [259] See Declamacion, etc., of Vargas y Ponce, 1793, App., § 17; Marina, Ensayo, in Memorias de la Acad. de Hist., Tom. IV., 1804; LiÑan y Verdugo, Avisos de Forasteros, 1620, noticed (ante, p. 103) under the head of Romantic Fiction; and “El Filosofo del Aldea, y sus Conversaciones Familiares, su Autor el Alferez Don Baltazar Mateo Velazquez,” Zaragoza, por Diego de Ormer, 12mo, 106 leaves, s. a.; a singular book, didactic in its main purpose, but illustrating with stories its homely philosophy. I find no notice of it, though the author, in his Dedication, intimates that it is not his first published work. It seems to have been written soon after the death of Philip III. in 1621, and its last dialogue is against cultismo, of the introduction of which into Spanish prose I have spoken when noticing the “PÍcara Justina” of Andreas Perez, 1605, ante, p. 67. [260] There are editions of Gracian’s Works, 1664, 1667, 1725, 1748, 1757, 1773, etc. I use that of Barcelona, 1748, 2 tom. 4to. His Life is in Latassa, Bib. Nueva, Tom. III. pp. 267, etc., and a pleasant account both of him and of his friend LastaÑosa is to be found in Aarsens, Voyage d’Espagne, 1667, p. 294, and in the dedication to LastaÑosa of the first edition of Quevedo’s “Fortuna con Seso,” 1650. His poem on “The Four Seasons,” generally printed at the end of his Works, is, I believe, the worst of them; certainly it would be difficult to find much in any language more absurd and extravagant in its false taste. [261] Juan de Zabaleta flourished as an author from 1653 to 1667; and his works, which were soon collected, have been frequently printed, 1667, Madrid, 1728, 4to, 1754, etc. (Baena, Tom. III. p. 227.)—ChristÓval Lozano (noticed, pp. 91, 108) was known as an author from 1656, by his “David Arrepentido,” to which he afterwards added his “David Perseguido,” in three volumes, and yet another work on the subject of David’s Example illustrated by the Light of Christianity; all of little value.—Juan Francisco Fernandez de Heredia wrote “Trabajos y Afanes de Hercules,” Madrid, 1682, 4to. He makes it a kind of book of emblems, but it is one of the worst of its conceited class. Latassa (Bib. Nov., Tom. IV. p. 3) notices him. Of Antonio Perez Ramirez, I know only the “Armas contra la Fortuna,” (Madrid, 1698, 4to,) which is a translation of BoËthius, with dissertations in the worst possible taste interspersed between its several divisions. One other author might, perhaps, have been placed at the side of Lozano,—Joseph de la Vega,—who published (at Amsterdam in 1688, 12mo) three dialogues, entitled, “Confusion de Confusiones,” to ridicule the passion for stockjobbing which came in with the Dutch East India Company, in 1602, and was then at the height of its frenzy. They are somewhat encumbered with learning, but contain anecdotes, ancient and modern, very well told. The author was a rich Jew of Antwerp, who had fled thither from Spain, and published several works between 1683 and 1693, but none, I think, of much value. Amador de los Rios, JudÍos EspaÑoles, p. 633. [262] There is a remarkable paper, in the sixth volume of the “Seminario Erudito,” on the causes of the decline of Spain;—remarkable because, though written in the reign of Philip IV., by Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, an ecclesiastic of rank, whom Charles III. afterwards asked to have canonized, it yet attributes the origin of the prostration under which Spain suffered in his time mainly to the war with the Netherlands. [263] There is a great discrepancy in the accounts of the number of Moriscos expelled from Spain, 1609-11,—several making it a million, and one reducing it so low as a hundred and sixty thousand. But, whatever may have been the number expelled, all accounts agree as to the disastrous effects produced on a population already decaying by the loss of so many persons, who had long been the most skilful manufacturers and agriculturists in the kingdom; effects to which the many despoblados noted on our recent maps of Spain still bear melancholy testimony. (Clemencin, Notes to Don Quixote, Parte II. c. 54.) In stating six hundred thousand to have been the number driven out, I have taken the reckoning of Circourt, (Tom. III. p. 103,) which seems made with care. These unhappy persons had among them a good deal of Castilian culture, whose traces still remain in manuscripts, which, like that of the old poem of Joseph, already described, (Period I. chap. 5,) are composed in Spanish, but are written throughout in the Arabic character. Of parts of two such manuscripts I possess copies, through the kindness of Don Pascual de Gayangos. The first is a poem written in 1603, and entitled, “Discourse on the Light, and Descent, and Lineage of our Chief and Blessed Prophet, Mohammed Çalam, composed and compiled by his Servant, who most needs his Pardon, Mohammed Rabadan, a Native of Rueda, on the River Xalon.” It is divided into eight Histories, of which I possess the fourth, entitled, “History of Hexim,” who was one of the ancestors of the Prophet. It contains above two thousand lines in the short, Castilian ballad measure, and is remarkably Arabic and Mohammedan in its general tone, though with occasional allusions to the Greek mythology. It is, too, not without poetical merit, as in the following lines, which open the second canto, and describe the auspicious morning of Hexim’s marriage. Al tiempo que el alba bella EnseÑa su rostro alegre, Y, rompiendo las tinieblas, Su clara luz resplandece, Dando las nuevas que el dia En su seguimiento viene, Y el roxo Apolo tras ella, Dexando los campos verdes; Quando las aves nocturnas Se recogen en su albergue, Y las que la luz gobiernan El delgado viento hienden; Quando los hombres despiertan Y el pesado sueÑo vencen, Para dar Á su Hacedor El debito que le deben;— En este tiempo la compaÑia Del hijo de Abdulmunef Se levantan y aperciben Al casamiento solemne. In the preface to the whole poem, the author says Allah alone knows how much labor it has cost him to collect the manuscripts necessary for his task, “scattered,” he adds, “as they were, all over Spain, and lost and hidden through fear of the Inquisition.” The other work to which I refer is chiefly in prose, and is anonymous. Its author says he was driven from Spain in 1610, and was landed at Tunis with above three thousand of his unhappy countrymen, who, through the long abode of their race in a Christian land and under the fierce persecutions of the Inquisition, had not only so lost a knowledge of the rites and ceremonies of their religion, that it was necessary to indoctrinate them like children, but had so lost all proper knowledge of the Arabic, that it was necessary to do it through the Castilian. The Bashaw of Tunis, therefore, sent for the author, and commanded him to write a book in Castilian, for the instruction of these singular neophytes. He did so, and produced the present work, which he called “Mumin,” or the Believer in Allah; a word which he uses to signify a city populous and fortified, which is attacked by the Vices and defended by the Virtues of the Mohammedan religion, and in which one of the personages relates a history of his own life, adventures, and sufferings; all so given as to instruct, sometimes by direct precept and sometimes by example, the newly arrived Moriscos in their duties and faith. It is, of course, partly allegorical and romantic. Its air is often Arabic, and so is its style occasionally; but some of its scenes are between lovers at grated windows, as if in a Castilian city, and it is interspersed with Castilian poems by Montemayor, GÓngora, and the Argensolas, with, perhaps, some by the author himself, who seems to have been a man of cultivation and of a gentle spirit. Of this manuscript I have eighty pages,—about a fifth of the whole. Further notices on the Morisco-Spanish literature may be found in an account by the Orientalist, Silvestre de Sacy, of two manuscripts in France, like those just described (Ochoa, Manuscritos EspaÑoles, 1844, pp. 6-21); but a more ample and satisfactory discussion of it occurs in a learned article in the British and Foreign Review, January, 1839. It should be remembered that Morisco was substituted for Moro, after the overthrow of the Moorish power in Spain, as an expression of the contempt with which the Christian Spaniards have never ceased to pursue their old conquerors and hated enemies, from the time of the fall of Granada to the present day. Encouraged by the expulsion of the Jews, in 1492, and by that of the Moors, in 1609-11, Don Sancho de Moncada, a professor in the University of Toledo, addressed Philip III., in a discourse published in 1619, urging that monarch to drive out the Gypsies. But he failed. His discourse is in Hidalgo, “Romances de Germania,” (Madrid, 1779, 8vo,) and is translated by Borrow, in his remarkable work on the Gypsies (London, 1841, 8vo, Vol. I. chap. xi.). Salazar de Mendoza, at the end of his “Dignidades de Castilla,” published in 1618, says he had himself prepared a memorial to the same effect, for driving out the Gypsies; and he adds, in a true Castilian spirit, that “it is being over-nice to tolerate such a pernicious and perverse race.” [264] Comentario de la Guerra de EspaÑa, por el Marques de San Phelipe, Genova, s. a., 4to, Tom. I. Lib. II., aÑo 1701. [265] Tapia, Hist. de la Civilizacion EspaÑola, Madrid, 1840, 12mo, Tom. III. p. 167. [266] The details—disgusting enough—are given by L. F. Moratin, in the notes to his edition of the “Auto da FÉ de LogroÑo, del AÑo 1610,” a work originally published for general edification, by one of the persons concerned in the auto itself, and certified to be true by others; but reprinted (Cadiz, 1812, 12mo) by Moratin, the comic poet, to show the ignorance and brutality of all who had a hand in it. There is a play on the subject by Gil y Zarate, 1837; but it does not respect the truth of history. [267] Tapia, Hist. de la Civilizacion, Tom. III. p. 77 and p. 168. Sandoval, Hist., Tom. II. p. 657. [268] Llorente, Hist., Tom. II., 1817, p. 239. [269] Ibid., Tom. II. p. 385, Tom. IV. p. 3. [270] Tapia, Hist., Tom. III. p. 88. [271] One of the most remarkable books that can be consulted, to illustrate the character and feelings of all classes of society in Spain at the end of the seventeenth century, is the “Relacion,” etc., of this “Auto General” of 1680, published immediately afterwards at Madrid, by Joseph del Olmo, one of the persons who had been most busy in its arrangements. It is a small quarto of 308 pages, and gives, as if describing a magnificent theatrical pageant, the details of the scene, which began at seven o’clock in the morning of June 30th, and was not over till nine o’clock of the following morning, the king and queen sitting in their box or balcony, to witness it, fourteen hours of that time. Eighty-five grandees entered themselves as especial familiares, or servants, of the Holy Office, to do honor to the occasion; and the king sent from his own hand the first faggot to the accursed pile. The whole number of victims exhibited was one hundred and twenty, of whom twenty-one were burnt alive; but it does not appear that the royal party actually witnessed this portion of the atrocities. From the whole account, however, there can be no doubt that devout Spaniards generally regarded the exhibition with favor, and most of them with a much stronger feeling. Madame d’Aulnoy (Voyage, Tom. III. p. 154) had a description of the ceremonies intended for this auto da fÉ given to her, as if it were to be an honor to the monarchy, by one of the Counsellors of the Inquisition; but I think she left Madrid before it occurred. [272] See the first of Doblado’s remarkable Letters, where he says, “You hear from the pulpit the duties that men owe to ‘both their Majesties’; and a foreigner is often surprised at the hopes expressed by Spaniards, that ‘his Majesty’ will be pleased to grant them life and health for some years more.” The Dict. of the Academy, 1736, verb. Magestad, illustrates this still further. [273] Partida Segunda, Tit. XIII. [274] Tapia, Hist., Tom. IV. p. 19. [275] See the end of “El Segundo Scipion,” and that of “El Segundo Blason de Austria,” by Calderon; and the Dedication of his History to Charles II., by SolÍs, in which, with a slight touch of the affectations of cultismo, which SolÍs did not always avoid, he tells this “king of shreds and patches”: “I find, in the shadow of your Majesty, the splendor that is wanting in my own works.” In the same spirit, Lupercio de Argensola made the canonization of San Diego a sort of prophetical canonization of Philip II., in a cancion of no mean merit as a poem, but one that shocks all religious feeling, by recalling the apotheosis of the Roman emperors. [276] Lord Mahon’s excellent “History of the War of the Succession in Spain” (London, 1832, 8vo) leaves the same general impression on the mind of the reader, as to the effect of that war on the Spanish character, that is left by the contemporary accounts of it. It is, no doubt, the true one. [277] The Royal Library, now the National Library, at Madrid, which was strictly the earliest literary project of the reign of Philip V., was founded in 1711; but for several years it was an institution of little importance. El Bibliotecario y el Trovador, Madrid, 1841, folio, p. 3. [278] “Historia de la Academia,” in the Preface to the “Diccionario de la Lengua Castellana, por la Real Academia EspaÑola,” Madrid, Tom. I. 1726, folio. Sempere y Guarinos, Biblioteca, 1785, Discurso Preliminar, and Tom. I. p. 55. [279] GarcÉs, Vigor y Elegancia de la Lengua Castellana, Madrid, 1791, 2 tom. 8vo, PrÓlogo to each volume. Mendoza used reluctantly such words as centinela, and Coloma introduced dique, etc., from his Dutch experience. Navarrete (Vida de Cervantes, pp. 163-169) and GarcÉs (loc. cit.) show the value of what Cervantes did, and Clemencin (ed. D. Quixote, Tom. V. pp. 99, 292, and 357) gives a list of the Latin, Italian, and other words used by Cervantes, but not always naturalized, on which, in various notes elsewhere, he seems to look with less favor than GarcÉs does. Quite as curious as either are the words, which Blasco (Universal Redencion, 1584) and Lopez Pinciano (El Pelayo, 1605) thought it necessary to put into vocabularies at the end of their respective poems, and to define for their readers, among which are fatal, natal, fugaz, gruta, abandonar, adular, anhelo, aplauso, arrojarse, assedio, etc.,—all now familiar Castilian. [280] It is impossible to open the works of Count Villamediana, and the other followers of GÓngora, without finding proofs of their willingness to change the language of Spanish literature; but there is a small and very imperfect list of the words and phrases these innovators favored, to be found in the “Declamacion contra los Abusos de la Lengua Castellana,” by Vargas y Ponce, p. 150, which will at once illustrate their general purpose. [281] There is an edition of the Tesoro of Covarrubias, by Benito Remigio Noydens, (Madrid, 1674, folio,) which is better and ampler than the original work. [282] The “OrtografÍa de la Lengua Castellana,” (Mexico, 1609, 4to, ff. 83) is a pleasant and important treatise, which, as the novelist intimates, he began to write in Castile and finished in Mexico. It proposes to reverse the letter ? in order to express the soft ch as in mucho, to be printed mu?o; uses two forms of the letter r; writes the conjunction y always i, as SalvÁ now insists it should be; and claims j, ll, and Ñ to be separate letters, as they have long been admitted to be. In speaking of Aleman, I am reminded of his “San Antonio de Padua,” printed in 12mo, at Valencia, in 1607, ff. 309. It belongs to the same class of books with the “San Patricio” of Montalvan, (see, ante, Vol. II. p. 298,) but is more elaborate and more devout. The number of the Saint’s miracles that it records is very great. Whether he invented any of them for the occasion, I do not know; but they sometimes read as much like novelas as some of his stories in the “Guzman” do, and are always written in the same idiomatic and unadulterated Castilian. It is introduced by a cancion in honor of it by Lope de Vega; but I cannot find that it was ever reprinted;—why, it is difficult to say, for it is an uncommonly attractive book of its class. [283] The difficulties in Castilian orthography are set forth in the “DiÁlogo de las Lenguas” (Mayans y Siscar, OrÍgenes, Tom. II. pp. 47-65); but the ingenious author of that discussion is more severe than was necessary on Lebrixa. An anonymous writer of an excellent essay on the same subject, in the first volume of the Repertorio Americano, (Tom. I. p. 27,) is a great deal more judicious. But how unsettled much still remains in practice may be seen in the “Manual del Cajista, por JosÉ MarÍa Palacios,” Madrid, 1845, 18mo, where (pp. 134-154) is a “Prontuario de las Voces de dudosa OrtografÍa,” containing above 1800 words. [284] Of Lebrixa’s Grammar I have already spoken, (Vol. I. p. 549,) and the memory of it was now so much revived that a counterfeit edition of it was published, about 1775, in small folio, hardly, I should judge from its appearance, with the intention of deceiving. But such things were not uncommon about that time, as Mendez says, who thinks the edition in question had been printed about twenty years when he published his work in 1796. (See Typog., p. 242.) It is, however, already so rare, that I obtained a copy of it with difficulty. That of Gayoso was first printed at Madrid, in 1745, 12mo, and that of San Pedro in Valencia, 1769, 12mo, which last Gayoso, disguising himself under a sort of anagram, attacked, in his “Conversaciones CrÍticas, por Don Antonio Gobeyos,” (Madrid, 1780, 12mo,) where he shows that San Pedro was not so original as he ought to have been, but treats his Grammar with more harshness than it deserved. SalvÁ’s “GramÁtica de la Lengua Castellana como ahora se halla” was first printed in 1831, and the sixth edition appeared at Madrid in 1844, 12mo; a striking proof of the want of such a book. [285] Gregorio GarcÉs, whose “Fundamento del Vigor y Elegancia de la Lengua Castellana” was printed at Madrid, 1791, 2 tom. 8vo, was a Jesuit, and prepared this excellent work in exile at Ferrara, in which city he lived above thirty years, and from which he returned home in 1798, under the decree of Charles IV. abrogating that of his father for the expulsion of the Order from Spain, in 1767. [286] See, ante, Part II. c. 5, and note, Vol. I. p. 537. [287] For an account of these Academies, see Guarinos, “Biblioteca”; and for a notice of the origin of the Royal Academy of History, see the first volume of its Memoirs. The old Academias, in imitation of the Italian,—such as are ridiculed in the “Diablo Cojuelo,” Tranco IX.,—had much gone out of fashion and been displaced by the modern Tertulias, where both sexes meet, and which in their turn have been ridiculed in the Saynetes of Ramon de la Cruz and Castillo. [288] There is an edition of the “Nuevo Mundo,” printed at Barcelona, 1701, 4to, containing many blanks, which the author announces his intention to fill up. Of the “Alfonso, Ó la Fundacion del Reyno de Portugal,” there are editions of 1712, 1716, 1731, and 1737. There is a notice of the author—Francisco Botelho Moraes e Vasconcellos—in Barbosa, (Tom. II. p. 119,) and at the end of the edition of the Alfonso, Salamanca, 1731, 4to, is a defence of a few peculiarities in its orthography. “Las Cuevas de Salamanca” (s. l. 1734) is a small volume, divided into seven books, written, perhaps, at Salamanca itself, which Moraes loved, and where he retired in his old age. He published one or two works in Spanish, besides those already mentioned, and one or two in Latin, but no others of consequence. [289] “Lima Fundada, Poema HerÓico de Don Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo,” Lima, 1732, 4to, about 700 pages; but so ill paged that it is not easy to determine. [290] “Santa Casilda, Poema en Octavas Reales, por el R. P. Fr. Pedro de Reynosa,” Madrid, 1727, 4to. It is in seven cantos, and each canto has a sort of codicil to it, affectedly called a Contrapunto.—“La Eloquencia del Silencio, Poema HerÓico, por Miguel de la Reyna Zevallos,” Madrid, 1738, 4to. Of the mock-heroic poems mentioned in the text, one is “La ProsÉrpina, Poema HerÓico, por D. Pedro Silvestre,” Madrid, 1721, 4to,—twelve mortal cantos. The other is “La Burromaquia,” which is better, but still not amusing. It is unfinished, and is found in the “Obras PÓstumas de Gabriel Alvarez de Toledo.” The divisions are not called “Cantos,” but “Brayings.” I have seen very ridiculous extracts from a poem by Father Butron on Santa Teresa, printed in 1722, and from one on St. Jerome, by P. M. Lara, 1726, but I have never happened to fall in with the poems themselves, which seem to be as bad as any of their class. [291] “Obras PoÉticas LÝricas, por el Coronel D. Eugenio Gerardo Lobo,” Madrid, 1738, 4to.—“PoesÍas LÝricas, y Joco-Serias, su Autor D. Joseph Joachim Benegasi y Luxan,” Madrid, 1743, 4to.—Gab. Alvarez de Toledo, ut ante.—Antonio MuÑoz, “Aventuras en Verso y en Prossa,” (sic,) no date, but licensed 1739. [292] “Sagradas Flores del Parnaso, Consonancias MÉtricas de la bien Templada Lyra de Apolo, que Á la reverente CatÓlica Accion de haver ido accompaÑando sus Magestades el Ssmo Sacramento que iba Á Darse por viatico Á una Enferma el Dia 28 de Novembre, 1722, cantaron los mejores Cisnes de EspaÑa,” 4to. I give the title of the first collection in full, as an indication of the bad taste of its contents. Both collections, taken together, make about 200 pages, and contain poems by about fifty authors, generally in the worst and most affected style,—the very dregs of Gongorism. [293] The “SÁtira contra los Malos Escritores de su Tiempo” is commonly attributed to JosÉ Gerardo de Herbas; but Tapia (Civilisacion, Tom. IV. p. 266) says it was written by JosÉ Cobo de la Torre, besides which it is inserted in the “Rebusco de las Obras Literarias de J. F. de Isla,” (Madrid, 1790, 12mo,) as if it were unquestionably Isla’s. It first appeared in the second edition of the sixth volume of the “Diario de los Literatos”;—the earliest periodical work in the spirit of modern criticism that was published in Spain, and one so much in advance of the age that it did not survive its second year, having been begun in 1737, and gone on one year and nine months, till it made seven small volumes. It was in vain that it was countenanced by the king, and favored by the leading persons at court. It was too large a work; it was a new thing, which Spaniards rarely like; and it was severe in its criticisms, so that the authors of the time generally took the field against it, and broke it down. To the same period with the Satire of Pitillas belongs the poem on “Deucalion,” by Alonso Verdugo de Castilla, Count of Torrepalma. It is an imitation of Ovid, in about sixty octave stanzas, somewhat remarkable for its versification. But in a better period it would not be noticed. [294] “Los Tobias, su Vida escrita en Octavas, por D. Vicente Bacallar y Sanna, Marques de San Phelipe,” etc., 4to, pp. 178, without date, but licensed 1709.—“Monarchia Hebrea,” Madrid, 1727, 2 tom. 4to.—“Comentarios de la Guerra de EspaÑa hasta el AÑo 1725,” Genoa, no date, 2 tom. 4to. Of the last there is a poor continuation, bringing the history down to 1742, entitled, “Continuacion Á los Comentarios, etc., por D. JosÉph del Campo Raso,” Madrid, 1756-63, 2 tom. 4to. [295] Pitillas, SÁtira. Isla, Á los que degenerando del CarÁcter EspaÑol, afectan ser Estrangeros. Rebusco, p. 178. [296] Latassa, Bib. Nueva, Tom. V. p. 12, and Preface to the edition of Luzan’s PoÉtica, by his son, 1789. His poetry has never been collected and published, but portions of it are found in Sedano, Quintana, etc. The octaves he recited at the opening of the Academy of Fine Arts, in 1752, and published at p. 21 of the “Abertura Solemne,” etc., printed in honor of the occasion (Madrid, folio); and the similar poems recited by him at a distribution of prizes by the same Academy, in 1754, and published in their “Relacion,” etc., (Madrid, folio, pp. 51-61,) prove rather the dignity of his social position than any thing else. Latassa gives a long account of his unpublished works. [297] It is prefixed to the edition of Enzina’s Cancionero, 1496, folio, and, I suppose, to the other editions; and fills nine short chapters. [298] “Arte PoÉtica EspaÑola, su Autor Juan Diaz Rengifo,” Salamanca, 1592, 4to, enlarged, but not improved, in the editions of 1700, 1737, etc., by Joseph Vicens. [299] “PhilosophÍa Antigua PoÉtica del Doctor Alonso Lopez Pinciano, MÉdico Cesareo,” Madrid, 1596, 4to. [300] “Tablas PoÉticas del Licenciado Francisco Cascales,” 1616. An edition of Madrid, 1779, 8vo, contains a Life of the author by Mayans y Siscar. Cascales is presumptuous enough to rearrange Horace’s “Ars Poetica” in what he regards as a better order. [301] “Nueva Idea de la Tragedia Antigua, Ó Illustracion Ultima al libro Singular de PoÉtica de AristÓteles, por Don Jusepe Ant. GonÇalez de Salas,” Madrid, 1633, 4to. [302] Of the treatise of Argote de Molina, prefixed to his edition of the “Conde Lucanor,” 1575, and of the poem of Cueva, I have spoken (I. 507, II. 569). A small tract, called “Libro de Erudicion PoÉtica,” published in the works of Luis Carrillo, 1611, and several of the epistles of ChristÓval de Mesa, 1618, might be added; but the last are of little consequence, and the tract of Carrillo is in very bad taste. [303] Gracian has been noticed in this volume (p. 192). The “EpÍtome de la Eloquencia EspaÑola, por D. Francisco Joseph Artiga, olim Artieda,” was licensed in 1725, and contains above thirteen thousand lines;—a truly ridiculous book, but of some consequence as showing the taste of the age, especially in pulpit oratory. [304] Blanco White (Life by Thom, 1845, 8vo, Vol. I. p. 21) says Luzan borrowed so freely from Muratori, “Della Perfetta Poesia,” that the Spanish treatise helped him (Mr. White) materially in learning to read the Italian one. But Luzan has not in fact copied from Muratori with the unjustifiable freedom this remark implies, though he has adopted Muratori’s general system, with abundant acknowledgment and references. [305] The first edition of the “PoÉtica” of Luzan was printed in folio at Saragossa, in 1737, with long and extraordinary certificates of approbation by Navarro and Gallinero, two of the author’s friends. The second edition, materially improved by additions from the manuscripts of Luzan, after his death, was printed at Madrid, in 2 tom. 8vo, in 1789. When the first edition appeared, it was much praised in the “Diario de los Literatos” (Tom. VII., 1738); but, as one of the reviewers, Juan de Iriarte, who wrote the latter part of the article, made a few exceptions to his general commendations, Luzan, who was more sensitive than he needed to be, replied in a small bitter tract, under the name of IÑigo de Lanuza, Pamplona, [1740,] 12mo, pp. 144, with cumbrous and learned notes by Colmenares, to whom the tract is dedicated. [306] Cean Bermudez, Memorias de Jovellanos, Madrid, 1814, 12mo, cap. x. p. 221. [307] Vida, Ascendencia, etc., del Doctor Diego de Torres Villaroel, Madrid, 1789, 4to;—an autobiography, written in the worst taste of the time, i. e. about 1743. He says of a treatise on the Sphere, by Padre Clavio: “Creo que fue la primera noticia que habia llegado Á mis oidos de que habia ciencias matemÁticas en el mundo.” (p. 34.) [308] Doblado’s Letters, 1822, p. 113. [309] Llorente, Hist. de l’Inq., Tom. II. p. 446. It may be deemed worthy of notice, that Oliver Goldsmith pays an appropriate tribute to the merits of Father FeyjoÓ, and relates an anecdote of his showing the people of a village through which he happened to pass that what they esteemed a miracle was, in truth, only a natural effect of reflected light; thus exposing himself to a summons from the Inquisition. (“The Bee,” No. III., Oct. 20, 1759, Miscellaneous Works, London, 1812, 8vo, Vol. IV. p. 193.) But after FeyjoÓ’s death, the Inquisition ordered only a trifling expurgation of his “Teatro CrÍtico,” in one passage. Index, 1790. [310] The “Teatro CrÍtico” and “Cartas Eruditas y Curiosas,” with the discussions they provoked, fill fifteen and sometimes sixteen volumes. The edition of 1778 has a Life of FeyjoÓ prefixed to it, written by Campomanes, the distinguished minister of state under Charles III.; the same person who, on the nomination of Franklin, was made a member of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. Clemencin says truly of FeyjoÓ, that “to his enlightened and religious mind is due the overthrow of many vulgar errors, and a great part of the progress in civilization made by Spain in the eighteenth century.” Note to Don Quixote, Tom. V., 1836, p. 35. [311] Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. IV., 1818, pp. 29, 43. The “Papel” of Macanaz is on the Index of the Inquisition, 1790. [312] Mahon, War of the Succession, 1832, p. 180. Tapia, Historia, Tom. IV. p. 32. San Phelipe, Comentarios, Lib. XIV. [313] Llorente, Hist., Tom. II. pp. 420, 424, Tom. IV. p. 31. The data of Llorente are not so precise as they ought to be, but any thing approaching his results is of most fearful import. In a pamphlet, however, printed in 1817, (as he declares in his Autobiography, p. 170,) he asserts that, between 1680 and 1808, there perished in the fires of the Inquisition fifteen hundred and seventy-eight persons, and that eleven thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight more were subjected to degrading punishments, making a grand total of fourteen thousand three hundred and sixty-four victims, of which the fifteen hundred and seventy-eight burnt alive must all have perished between 1680 and 1781, when, as we shall see in the next chapter, the last victim was immolated. [314] Noticia del Viage de EspaÑa hecha de Orden del Rey, por L. J. Velazquez, Madrid, 1765, 4to, passim. Llorente, Tom. IV. p. 51. Tapia, Tom. IV. p. 73. [315] “El Pelayo, Poema de D. Alonso de SolÍs Folch de Cardona Rodriguez de las Varillas, Conde de SaldueÑa,” etc., (Madrid, 1754, 4to,) twelve cantos in octave stanzas, written in the most affected style.—Joseph Moraleja, “El Entretenido, Segunda Parte” (Madrid, 1741, 4to); a continuation of the Entretenido of Sanchez Tortoles, containing the amusements of a society of friends for four days; entremeses, stories, odds and ends of poetry, astronomical calculations, etc., a strange and absurd mixture. Baena (Hijos de Madrid, Tom. III. p. 81) has a life of the author. The “Noches Alegres” of Isidro Fr. Ortiz Gallardo de Villaroel, (Salamanca, 1758, 4to,) is a shorter book, and nearly all in verse. Both are worthless. [316] Luzan, Arte PoÉtica, ed. 1789, Tom. I. pp. xix., etc. [317] Luis Joseph Velazquez, “OrÍgenes de la PoesÍa Castellana,” MÁlaga, 1754, 4to, pp. 175. J. A. Dieze, who was a Professor at GÖttingen, and died in 1785, published a German translation of it in 1769, with copious and excellent notes, which more than double, not only the size of the original work, but its value. The Life of Velazquez, who was Marquis of Valdeflores, though he does not generally allude to his title in his printed works, is to be found in Sempere y Guarinos, Bib., Tom. VI. p. 139. [318] Gregorio Mayans y Siscar, who wrote and edited a great many books in Latin and Spanish, was born in 1699, and died in 1782. His life and a list of his works may be made out from the united accounts of Ximeno, Tom. II. p. 324, and Fuster, Tom. II. p. 98. [319] There was a severe answer made at once to Blas Nasarre, by Don Joseph Carrillo, entitled “Sin Razon impugnada,” 4to, 1750, pp. 25; besides which, his Preface was attacked by Don T. Zabaleta, in his “Discurso CrÍtico,” etc., (4to, 1750, pp. 258,) which is a general, loose defence of Lope and his school. But neither was needed. The theory of Nasarre was too absurd to win adherents. [320] Tapia, Historia, Tom. IV. c. 15. Many of the best materials for the state of culture in Spain, during the reign of Charles III., are to be found in the “Biblioteca de los Mejores Escritores del Reynado de Carlos III., por Juan Sempere y Guarinos,” Madrid, 1785-89, 6 tom. 8vo. When the author published it, he was about thirty-five years old, having been born in 1754; but he was afterwards much more distinguished as a political writer, by his “Observaciones sobre las Cortes,” (1810,) his “Historia de las Cortes,” (1815,) and other labors of the same kind. His first acknowledged work was a free translation, from Muratori, of an essay, with additions, which he printed at Madrid, in 1782, in 12mo, with the title, “Sobre el Buen Gusto,” and which he accompanied by an original tract, “Sobre el Buen Gusto actual de los EspaÑoles en la Literatura,”—the last being afterwards prefixed, with alterations, to his “Biblioteca.” He was a diligent and useful writer, and died, I believe, in 1824. A small volume, containing notices of his life to the time when it appeared, probably derived from materials furnished by himself, was printed at Madrid, by Amarita, in 1821, 12mo. [321] Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. IV. Doblado’s Letters, 1822, Appendix to Letters III. and VII. [322] Sempere y Guarinos, Bibliot., Tom. IV., Art. Planes de Estudios. Tapia, Tom. IV. c. 16. Llorente, Tom. IV. p. 270. The Marquis de Langle, in his “Voyage d’Espagne,” (s. l. 1785, 12mo, p. 45,) says the poor woman burnt at Seville was “jeune et belle.” [323] Tapia, Tom. IV. pp. 124, etc. When the Emperor Charles V. came to the throne, Spain counted ten and a half millions of souls; at the time of the treaty of Utrecht, it counted but seven millions and a half; a monstrous falling off, if we consider the advancement of the rest of Europe during the same period. [324] Vida de J. F. de Isla, por J. I. de Salas, Madrid, 1803, 12mo. [325] Juventud Triunfante, Salamanca, 1727, 4to. Dia Grande de Navarra, 2a ed., Madrid, 1746, 4to. Semanario Pintoresco, 1840, p. 130. [326] Vida de Isla, § 3. Sermones, Madrid, 1792-93, 6 tom. 8vo. Vulgar preaching in the streets was common as early as 1680, when Madame d’Aulnoy was in Spain. Voyage, ed. 1693, Tom. II. p. 168. [327] “Historia del Famoso Predicador, Fray Gerundio de Campazas,” Madrid, 1813, 4 tom. 12mo, Tom. I. p. 307. In the first edition, as well as in several other editions, it is said to be written by Francisco Lobon de Salazar, a name which has generally been supposed to be a fictitious one; but which is, in fact, that of a friend, who was a parish priest at Villagarcia, where Father Isla, who mentions him often in his letters, wrote his Friar Gerund. [328] Cartas Familiares, 1790, Tom. VI. p. 313. [329] Fray Gerundio, Tom. I. p. 309. [330] Cartas Familiares, Tom. II. p. 170. [331] Vida de Isla, p. 63. Llorente, Hist., Tom. II. p. 450. Cartas Familiares de Isla, Tom. II. pp. 168, etc., and Tom. III. p. 213. There are several amusing letters about Fray Gerundio in the second volume of the Cartas Familiares. The Inquisition (Index, 1790) not only forbade the work itself, but forbade any body to publish any thing for or against it. [332] Watt, Bibliotheca, art. Isla. Wieland, Teutsche Merkur, 1773, Tom. III. p. 196. Baretti’s Proposals for Printing the Translation of Friar Gerund, prefixed to that work, London, 1772, 2 tom. 8vo. [333] The autograph manuscript of “El Ciceron,” neatly written out in 219 folio pages, double columns, with the corrections of the author and the erasures of the censor, is in the Boston AthenÆum. It is accompanied by three autograph letters of Father Isla; by the opinion of the censor, that the poem ought not to be published; and by an answer to that opinion;—the last two being anonymous. These curious and valuable manuscripts were procured in Madrid by E. Weston, Esq., and presented by him to the Library of the AthenÆum, in 1844. [334] The works alluded to are,—“El Mercurio General,” (Madrid, 1784, 18mo,) being extracts from accounts claimed to have been written by Father Isla for that journal, in 1758, of the European events of the year, but not certainly his;—“Cartas de Juan de la Enzina,” (Madrid, 1784, 18mo,) a satirical work on the follies of Spanish medicine;—“Cartas Familiares,” written between 1744 and 1781; published, 1785-86, also in a second edition, Madrid, 1790, 6 tom. 12mo;—“Coleccion de Papeles CrÍtico-ApologÉticos,” (1788, 2 tom. 18mo,) in defence of FeyjoÓ;—“Sermones,” Madrid, 1792, 6 tom. 8vo;—“Rebusco,” etc., (Madrid, 1790, 18mo,) a collection of miscellanies, some of which are probably not by Father Isla;—“Los Aldeanos CrÍticos”; again in defence of FeyjoÓ;—and various papers in the Seminario Erudito, Tom. XVI., XX., and XXXIV., and in the supplementary volume of the “Fray Gerundio.” A poem, entitled “SueÑo PolÍtico,” (Madrid, 1785, 18mo,) on the accession of Charles III., is also attributed to him; and so are “Cartas atrasadas del Parnaso,” a satire which is not supposed to have been written by him, though it reminds one sometimes of the “Ciceron.” [335] “Aventuras de Gil Blas de Santillana, robadas Á EspaÑa, adoptadas en Francia por Mons. Le Sage, restituidas Á su Patria y Á su Lengua nativa, por un EspaÑol zeloso, que no sufre que se burlen de su Nacion,” Madrid, 1787, 6 tom. 8vo, and often since. Though in great poverty himself, Isla gave any profit that might come from his version of the Gil Blas to assist a poor Spanish knight. [336] Another continuation of Gil Blas, less happy even than that of Father Isla, appeared, in 2 tom. 8vo, at Madrid, in 1792, entitled “Genealogia de Gil Blas, Continuacion de la Vida de este famoso Sujeto, por su Hijo Don Alfonso Blas de Liria.” Its author was Don Bernardo Maria de Calzada, a person who, a little earlier, had translated much from the French. (Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. VI. p. 231.) This work, too, the author declared to be a translation, and, like Isla, set forth on his title-page that it was “restored to the language in which it was originally written.” But the whole is a worthless fiction, title-page and all, though the attempt to make out for Gil Blas a clear and noble genealogy on the side of his mother must be admitted to be a truly Spanish fancy. (See Libros III. y IV.) The story is unfinished. [337] Voltaire, Œuvres, ed. Beaumarchais, Tom. XX. p. 155. Le Sage, Œuvres, Paris, 1810, 8vo, Tom. I. p. xxxix., where Voltaire is said to have been attacked by Le Sage, in one of his dramas; besides which it is supposed Le Sage ridiculed him under the name of Triaquero, in Gil Blas, Lib. X. c. 5. But the most important and curious discussion concerning the authorship of Gil Blas is the one that was carried on, between 1818 and 1822, by FranÇois de NeufchÂteau and Antonio de Llorente, the author of the History of the Inquisition. It began with a memoir, by the first, read to the French Academy, (1818,) and an edition of Gil Blas, (Paris, 1820, 3 tom. 8vo,) in both of which he maintains Le Sage to be the true author of that romance. To both Llorente replied by a counter memoir, addressed to the French Academy, and by his “Observations sur Gil Blas,” (Paris, 1822, 12mo,) and his “Observaciones sobre Gil Blas” (Madrid, 1822, 12mo); two works not exactly alike, but substantially so, and equally maintaining that Gil Blas is Spanish in its origin, and probably the work of SolÍs, the historian, who, as Llorente conjectures, wrote a romance in Spanish, entitled, “El Bachiller de Salamanca,” the manuscript of which coming into the possession of Le Sage, he first plundered from it the materials for his Gil Blas, which he published in 1715-35, and then gave the world the remainder as the “Bachelier de Salamanque,” in 1738. This theory of Llorente is explained, with more skill than is shown in its original framing, by the late accomplished scholar, Mr. A. H. Everett, in an article which first appeared in the North American Review, for October, 1827, when its author was Minister of the United States in Spain, and afterwards in his pleasant “Critical and Miscellaneous Essays,” published in Boston, 1845, 12mo. [338] “Le Point d’Honneur” is from “No hay Amigo para Amigo,” which is the first play in the Comedias de Roxas, 1680;—and “Don Cesar Ursino” is from “Peor esta que estaba,” in Calderon, Comedias, 1763, Tom. III. The errors of Gil Blas in Spanish geography and history are constantly pointed out by Llorente as blunders of Le Sage in the careless use of his original; while, on the other hand, Fr. de NeufchÂteau points out its allusions to Parisian society in the time of Le Sage. But of his free use of Spanish fictions, which he took no pains to conceal, the proof is abundant. I have already noticed, when speaking of Espinel, (ante, pp. 67-70,) how much Le Sage took from “Marcos de Obregon”; but, besides this, the adventures of Don Rafael with the Seigneur de Moyadas in Gil Blas (Lib. V. c. 1) are taken from “Los EmpeÑos del Mentir” of Mendoza (Fenix Castellano, 1690, p. 254);—the story of the Marriage de Vengeance in Gil Blas (Lib. IV. c. 4) is from the play of Roxas, “Casarse por Vengarse”;—the story of Aurora de Guzman in Gil Blas (Lib. IV. c. 5 and 6) is from “Todo es enredos Amor,” by Diego de CÓrdoba y Figueroa;—and so on. See Tieck’s Vorrede to his translation of Marcos de Obregon (1827); Adolfo de Castro’s PoesÍas de Calderon y Plagios de Le Sage, (Cadiz, 1845, 18mo, a curious little pamphlet); and the fourth book of the same author’s “Conde Duque de Olivares” (Cadiz, 1846, 8vo). In his “Bachelier de Salamanque,” Le Sage goes one step further. On the title-page of this romance, first printed three years after the last volume of Gil Blas appeared, he says expressly, that “it is translated from a Spanish manuscript,” and yet the story of DoÑa Cintia de la Carrera, in the fifty-fourth and fifty-fifth chapters, is taken from Moreto’s “Desden con el Desden”; a play as well known as any in Spanish literature. [339] “PoesÍas de Don Vicente Garcia de la Huerta,” Madrid, 1778, 12mo, and a second edition, 1786. “La Perromachia,” a mock-heroic on the loves and quarrels of sundry dogs, by Francisco Nieto Molina, (Madrid, 1765, 12mo,) is too poor to deserve notice, though it is an attempt to give greater currency to the earlier national verse,—the redondillas. [340] J. J. Lopez de Sedano, “Parnaso EspaÑol,” (Madrid, Sancha, 1768-78, 9 tom. 12mo,) was the subject, of a good deal of criticism soon after it appeared. The club of the elder Moratin—to be noticed immediately—was much dissatisfied with it (Obras PÓstumas de N. F. Moratin, Londres, 1825, 12mo, p. xxv.);—Yriarte in 1778 printed a dialogue on it, “Donde las dan las toman,” full of severity (Obras, 1805, Tom. VI.);—and in 1785 Sedano replied, under the name of Juan Maria Chavero y Eslava de Ronda, in four volumes, 12mo, published at MÁlaga and called the “ColÓquios de Espina.” [341] T. A. Sanchez (born 1732, died 1798) published his “PoesÍas Anteriores al Siglo XV.” at Madrid, in 4 tom. 8vo, 1779-90, but printed very little else. [342] Martin Sarmiento, “Memorias para la Historia de la PoesÍa y Poetas EspaÑoles,” Madrid, 1775, 4to. He was born in 1692, and wrote a great deal, but published little. His defence of his master, FeyjoÓ, (1732,) generally goes with the “Teatro CrÍtico”; and some of his tracts are to be found in the Seminario Erudito, Tom. V., VI., XIX., and XX. His “Historia de la PoesÍa,” printed as the first volume of his Works, which were not further continued, is the more valuable, because, making his inquiries quite independently of Sanchez, he often comes to the same results. [343] Besides the poems noted in the text, I have, by Moratin the elder, an Ode on account of an act of mercy and pardon by Charles III., in 1762, and the “Egloga Á Velasco y Gonzalez,” printed on occasion of their portraits being placed in the Academy, in 1770; both of little consequence, but not, I believe, noticed elsewhere. His “Obras PÓstumas” were printed at Barcelona, in 1821, 4to, and reprinted at London, in 1825, 12mo. Moratin’s “Carta Sobre las Fiestas de Toros,” (Madrid, 1777, 12mo,) which is a slight prose tract, is intended to prove historically that the amusement of bull-fighting is Spanish in its origin and character;—a point concerning which those who have read the Chronicles of Muntaner and the Cid can have little doubt. Moratin had the power of improvisating with great effect. Obras, 1825, pp. xxxiv.-xxxix. [344] N. F. Moratin, Obras PÓstumas, 1821, pp. xxiv.-xxxi. [345] Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. 21. Puybusque, Tom. II. p. 493. His name, I believe, was originally spelt Cadalso; but as that is a recognized word, meaning “scaffold,” it is softened in the recent Madrid editions of his Works into Cadahalso, which means “cottage” or “shanty.” Both these words, however, are regarded as one and the same, in the first edition of the Dictionary of the Academy, so that perhaps not much is gained by the change. [346] His “Eruditos Á la Violeta,” and his poetry, “Ocios de mi Juventud,” were printed at Madrid, 1772 and 1773, 4to, under the assumed name of Joseph Vasquez. An edition of his Works, with an excellent Life by Navarrete, appeared at Madrid, in 1818, in 3 tom. 12mo, and has been reprinted more than once since. For the contemporary opinion of Cadahalso, see Sempere, loc. cit. [347] As a sort of counterpart to the poem on Music, by Yriarte, may be mentioned one of less merit, published soon afterwards by Don Diego Antonio Rejon de Silva, “La Pintura, Poema DidÁctico en Tres Cantos,” (Segovia, 1786, 8vo,) the first canto being on Design, the second on Composition, and the third on Coloring, with notes and a defence of Spanish artists. He was a gentleman of Murcia, who indulged himself in poetry and painting as an amateur, but whose serious occupations were in the Office of Foreign Affairs at Madrid. He died about 1796. Sempere y Guarinos (Biblioteca, Tom. V. pp. 1-6) gives an account of his few and unimportant works, and Cean Bermudez (Diccionario, Tom. IV. p. 164) has a short notice of his life. [348] Obras de Thomas de Yriarte, Madrid, 1805, 8 tom. 12mo. Villanueva, Memorias, Londres, 1825, 8vo, Tom. I. p. 27. Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. VI. p. 190. Llorente, Histoire, Tom. II. p. 449. [349] Felix MarÍa de Samaniego, “FÁbulas en Verso Castellano para el Uso del Real Seminario Vascongado,” Nueva York, 1826, 18mo. There is a Life of the author, by Navarrete, in the fourth volume of Quintana’s “Coleccion,” and a reply to his attack on Yriarte in the sixth volume of Yriarte’s Works. For an account of the “patriotic societies,” see Sempere, Biblioteca, Tom. V. p. 135, and Tom. VI. p. 1. [350] Parte II. Lib. II. Fab. 9. He gives, also, an expanded version of the same fable, but the shortest is much the best, ????? ??s? pa?t??. [351] A few words should be added, on each of these last five authors. 1. “Las Odas de Leon de Arroyal,” Madrid, 1784, 12mo. At the end are a few worthless Anacreontics by a lady, whose name is not given; and at the beginning is a truly Spanish definition of lyrical poetry, namely, that “whose verses can be properly played, sung, or danced.” 2. Pedro de Montengon, “Eusebio,” Madrid, 1786-87, 4 tom. 8vo. The first two volumes gave great offence by the absence of all injunctions to make religious instruction a part of education; and, though the remaining two made up for this deficiency, there is reason to believe that Montengon intended originally to follow the theory of the “Emile.” “El Antenor” (Madrid, 1788, 2 tom. 8vo) is a prose poem on the tradition of the founding of Padua by the Trojans. “El Rodrigo” (Madrid, 1793, 8vo) is another prose epic, in one volume and twelve books, on the “Last of the Goths.” “Eudoxia,” Madrid, 1793, 8vo; again, a work on education; but on the education of women. “Odas,” Madrid, 1794, 8vo; very poor. Montengon, of whom these are not all the works, was born at Alicante, in 1745, and was alive in 1815. He was very young when he entered the Church, and lived chiefly at Naples, where he threw off his ecclesiastical robes and devoted himself to secular occupations. 3. Francisco Gregorio de Salas, “Coleccion de Epigramas,” etc., 1792, 4th edition, Madrid, 1797, 2 tom. 12mo. His “Observatorio RÚstico” (1770, tenth edition 1830) is a long dull eclogue, divided into six parts, which has enjoyed an unreasonable popularity. L. F. Moratin (Obras, 1830, Tom. IV. pp. 287 and 351) gives an epitaph for Salas, with a pleasing prose account of his personal character, which he well says was much more interesting than his poetry; and Sempere (Biblioteca, Tom. V. pp. 69, etc.) gives a list of his works, all of which, I believe, are in the collection printed at Madrid in 1797, ut sup. A small volume entitled “Parabolas Morales,” etc., (Madrid, 1803, 12mo,) consisting of prose apologues, somewhat better than any thing of Salas that preceded it, is, I suppose, later, and probably the last of his works. 4. Ignacio de Meras, “Obras PoÉticas,” (Madrid, 1797, 2 tom. 12mo,) contain a stiff tragedy, called “Teonea,” in blank verse, and within the rules; a comedy called “The Ward of Madrid,” in the old figuron style, but burlesque and dull; an epic canto on “The Conquest of Minorca,” in 1782, to imitate Moratin’s “Ships of CortÉs”; a poem “On the Death of Barbarossa, in 1518”; and a number of sonnets and odes, some of the last of which should rather be called ballads, and some of them satires;—the whole very meagre. 5. Gaspar de NoroÑa, whose family was of Portuguese origin, was bred a soldier and served at the siege of Gibraltar, where he wrote an elegy on the death of Cadahalso (PoesÍas de NoroÑa, Madrid, 1799-1800, 2 tom. 12mo, Tom. II. p. 190). He rose in the army to be a lieutenant-general, and, while holding that rank, published his Ode on the Peace of 1795, (Tom. I. p. 172,) by which he was first publicly known as a poet, and which, except, perhaps, a few of his shorter and lighter poems, is the best of his works. Afterwards he was sent as ambassador to Russia, but returned to defend his country when it was invaded by the French, and was made governor of Cadiz. He died in 1815, (Fuster, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. 381,) and in 1816 his epic, entitled “Ommiada,” was published at Madrid, in two volumes, 12mo, containing above fifteen thousand verses; as dull, perhaps, as any of the similar poems that abound in Spanish literature, but less offensive to good taste than most of them. In 1833, there appeared at Paris his “PoesÍas AsiÁticas puestas en Verso Castellano,” translations from the Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, made, as he says in the Preface, to give him poetical materials for his epic. His “Quicaida,” a heroi-comic poem, in eight cantos, filled with parodies, is very tedious. It is in his PoesÍas, printed in 1800. [352] Considerable improvement took place at Salamanca in some departments of study while Melendez was there. But still things remained in a very torpid state. [353] Whether the “Caida de Luzbel” was written because a prize was offered by the Spanish Academy, in 1785, for a poem on that subject, which was to consist of not more than one hundred octave stanzas, I do not know; but I have a poor attempt with the same title, professing to be the work of Manuel Perez Valderrabano, (Palencia, 1786, 12mo,) and to have been written for such a prize, to all the conditions of which the poem of Melendez seems conformed. No adjudication of the prize, however, took place. [354] The death of Melendez was supposed by his physician to have been occasioned by the vegetable diet to which he was driven, for want of means to purchase food more substantial; and, from the same poverty, his burial was so obscure that the Duke of Frias and the poet Juan Nicasio Gallego with difficulty discovered his remains, in 1828, and caused them to be respectfully interred, in one of the principal cemeteries of Montpellier, with an appropriate monument to mark the spot. Semanario Pintoresco, 1839, pp. 331-333; a striking and sad history. [355] Juan Melendez Valdes, “PoesÍas,” Madrid, 1785, 12mo; 1797, 3 tom. 18mo; 1820, 4 tom. 8vo; the last with a Life, by Quintana. (Puybusque, Tom. II. p. 496.) I have seen it stated, that three counterfeit editions of the first small volume, printed in 1785, appeared almost at the same time with the true one; so great was the first outbreak of his popularity. The first volume of Hermosilla (Juicio CrÍtico de los Principales Poetas EspaÑoles de la Ultima Era, Paris, 1840, 2 tom. 12mo) contains a criticism of the poems of Melendez, so severe that I find it difficult to explain its motive. The judgment of Martinez de la Rosa, in the notes to his didactic poem on Poetry, is much more faithful and true. Melendez corrected his verse with great care; sometimes with too much, as may be seen by comparing some of the poems as he first published them, in 1785, with their last revision, in the edition of his Works, 1820. [356] “PoesÍas de M. T. Diego de Gonzalez,” Madrid, 1812, 12mo. He was a native of Ciudad Rodrigo, and was born in 1733. If he had been a little less modest, and a little less connected with Jovellanos and Melendez, we might have had a modern school of Seville as well as of Salamanca. [357] Juan Pablo Forner, “Oracion ApologÉtica por la EspaÑa y su MÉrito Literario,” Madrid, 1786, 12mo. His critical controversies and discussions were chiefly under assumed names,—TomÉ Cecial, Varas, Bartolo, etc. His poetry is best found in the “Biblioteca” of Mendibil y Silvela, (Burdeos, 1819, 4 tom. 8vo,) and in the fourth volume of Quintana’s “PoesÍas Selectas”;—an attempt to publish a collection of all his works, edited by Luis Villanueva, having stopped after issuing the first volume, Madrid, 1843, 8vo. [358] “PoesÍas de Don Josef Iglesias de la Casa,” Salamanca, 1798, 2 tom. 18mo, Segunda Edicion; forbidden by the Inquisition, Index Expurg., 1805, p. 27. The best editions are those of Barcelona, 1820, and Paris, 1821; but there are several others, and among them one in four small volumes, 1840, the last of which contains a considerable number of poems not before published, some of which, and perhaps all, are not by Iglesias. [359] “Obras PoÉticas de Nicasio Alvarez de Cienfuegos,” Madrid, 1816, 2 tom. 12mo. His style is complained of, both for neologisms and archaisms, the last of which have been made, though without sufficient reason, a ground of complaint against Melendez. [360] “Coleccion de las Obras de Don Gaspar Melchior de Jovellanos,” Madrid, 1830-32, 7 tom. 8vo. A declamatory prose satire on the state of Spain in the time of Charles IV., supposed to have been delivered in the Amphitheatre of Madrid, in 1796, has been attributed to Jovellanos. It is entitled “Pan y Toros,” or Bread and Bull-fights, from the old Roman cry of “Panem et Circenses,” and was suppressed as soon as it was published, but has often been printed since. Among other distinctions, it enjoyed the singular one of being translated and privately printed, in 1813, on board a British man-of-war, stationed in the Mediterranean. But it is not the work of Jovellanos, though it has almost always borne his name on the successive editions. Jovellanos was familiar with English literature, and translated the first book of the “Paradise Lost,” but not very successfully. For notices of him, see Memorias de Jovellanos, por Don Agustin Cean Bermudez, Madrid, 1814, 12mo; the Life at the end of his collected Works; Lord Holland’s Life of Lope de Vega, 1817, Tom. II., where is a beautiful tribute to him, worthy of Mr. Fox’s nephew; and Llorente, Tom. II. p. 540, and Tom. IV. p. 122, where are recorded some of his shameful persecutions. The name of Jovellanos is sometimes written Jove Llanos; and, I believe, was always so written by his ancestors. [361] “Historia del Nuevo Mundo, por Don Juan Bautista MuÑoz,” Madrid, 1793, small folio. Fuster, Bib., Tom. II. p. 191. Memorias de la Acad. de la Historia, Tom. I. p. lxv. The eulogy of Lebrixa, by MuÑoz, in the third volume of the Memoirs of the Academy, a defence of his History, and two or three Latin treatises, are all that I know of his works, except the History. [362] “Mexico Conquistada, Poema HerÓico, por Don Juan de Escoiquiz,” Madrid, 1798, 3 tom. 8vo. A still more unhappy epic attempt on the subject of the Conquest of Mexico preceded that of Escoiquiz by about forty years. It was by Francisco Ruiz de Leon, and is entitled “La Hernandia, Triunfos de la FÉ” (Madrid, 1755, 4to); a poem making nearly four hundred pages, and sixteen hundred octave stanzas. [363] “Obras de L. F. Moratin,” Madrid, 1830-31, four vols. 8vo, divided into six, prepared by himself, and published by the Academy of History after his death. His Life is in Vol. I., and his miscellaneous poems are in the last volume, where the remarks on the Prince of the Peace occur, at p. 335, and a notice of his relations with Conti at p. 342. An unreasonably laudatory criticism of his works is to be found in the first volume of Hermosilla’s “Juicio.” [364] “PoesÍas de M. J. Quintana,” Madrid, 1821, 2 tom. 8vo. The lyrical portion has been often reprinted since 1802, when the first collection of his Poems appeared at Madrid, in a thin beautiful volume of only 170 pages, 12mo. His life is in Wolf’s excellent Floresta, in Ochoa, Ferrer del Rio, etc. [365] Montiano y Luyando, Discurso de la Tragedia, Madrid, 1750, 12mo, p. 66. [366] He says, near the end, that his purpose was “to show how plays are written in the French style.” Plays arising from the circumstances of the times, and more in the forms and character of the preceding century, were sometimes represented, but soon forgotten. Of these, two may be mentioned as curious. The first is called, like one of Lope’s, “SueÑos hay que son Verdades,” an anonymous drama, beginning with a dream of the king of Portugal and ending with its partial fulfilment in the capture of Monsanto, by the forces of Philip V., in 1704. The other is by Rodrigo Pero de Urrutia, entitled “Rey decretado en Cielo,” and covers a space of above six years, from the annunciation by Louis XIV. to the Duke of Anjou, in the first scene, that the will of Charles II. had made him king of Spain, down to the victory of Almansa, in 1707, which is its catastrophe. Both are of no value, and represent fairly, I believe, the merit of the few historical plays produced in the beginning of the eighteenth century, in Spain. [367] Accounts of the theatre during this sort of interregnum, from about 1700 to about 1790, are found in Signorelli (Storia Critica dei Teatri, Napoli, 1813, 8vo, Tom IX. pp. 56-236); L. F. Moratin (Obras, 1830, Tom. II. Parte I., PrÓlogo); and four papers by Blanco White (in Vols. X. and XI. of the New Monthly Magazine, London, 1824). The facts and opinions in Signorelli are important, because from 1765 to 1783 he lived in Madrid, (Storia, Tom. IX. p. 189,) and belonged to the club of the Fonda de San Sebastian, noticed, ante, p. 274, several of whose members were dramatic writers, and one of the standing subjects for whose discussions was the theatre. Obras PÓstumas de N. F. Moratin, Londres, 1825, p. xxiv. [368] L. F. Moratin, PrÓlogo, ut sup.; and Pellicer, OrÍgen del Teatro, 1802, Tom. I. p. 264. [369] “AlegrÍa CÓmica,” (Zaragoza, Tom. I., 1700, Tom. II., 1702,) and “CÓmico Festejo,” (Madrid, 1742,) are three small volumes of entremeses, by Francisco de Castro; the last being published after the author’s death. They are not entirely without wit, regarded as caricatures; but they are coarse, and, in general, worthless. [370] Thomas de AÑorbe y Corregel published his “Virtud vence al Destino” in Madrid, 1735, and his “Paolino” in 1740. He calls himself “Capellan del Real Monasterio de la Incarnacion” on the title of the first of these plays, and inserts two absurd entremeses of his own composition between its acts. [371] “Discurso sobre las Comedias EspaÑolas de Don Agustin de Montiano y Luyando,” Madrid, 1750, 12mo; Discurso Segundo, Madrid, 1753, 12mo. They were translated into French by Hermilly, and an account of them and their author is given in Lessing’s Werke, (Berlin, 1794, 18mo, Band XXIII. p. 95,) where we learn, that Montiano was born in 1697, and that he published, in 1729, “El Robo de Dina,” which seems to have been so much in the tone of a play with the same title, in the seventeenth volume of Lope de Vega’s “Comedias,” that I cannot help thinking Montiano, following the fashion of CaÑizares and the other plunderers of the time, was indebted largely to his great predecessor, the enemy of whose reputation he afterwards became. The story of Athaulpho is from the CorÓnica General, Parte II. c. 22. The “Virginia,” both in its attempt to exhibit Roman manners and in its poetical power, suffers severely when compared with Alfieri’s tragedy on the same subject. But the truth is, Montiano was a slavish imitator of the French school, which he admired so much as to be unable to comprehend and feel what was best in his own Castilian. In the “Aprobacion,” which he prefixed to the edition of Avellaneda, published in 1732, he says, comparing the second part of Don Quixote, by this pretender, with the true one by Cervantes,—“I think no man of judgment will give an opinion in favor of Cervantes, if he compares the two parts together.” [372] “La Razon contra la Moda” (Madrid, 12mo, 1751) appeared without the name of the translator, and contains a modest defence of the French rules, in the form of a Dedication to the Marchioness of Sarria. Utility is much insisted upon; and the immorality of the elder drama is vigorously, but covertly, attacked. [373] I know the plays of Moratin, the elder, only in the pamphlets in which they were originally published, and I believe they have never been collected. The “Don Sancho Garcia” was first printed in 1771, with the name of Juan del Valle, and in 1804 with the name of its author, accompanied the last time by some unfortunate prose imitations of Young’s “Night Thoughts,” and other miscellanies, which follow it into the third volume of their author’s works, 1818. Latre’s rifacimenti are printed in a somewhat showy style, probably at the expense of the minister of state, Aranda, under the title of “Ensayo sobre el Teatro EspaÑol,” Madrid, 1773, small folio. Latassa (Bib. Nueva, Tom. V. p. 513) gives some account of their author, who died in 1792. The “Anzuelo de Fenisa” and the “Estrella de Sevilla,” as set to the three unities by Trigueros, were printed both in Madrid and London. Of the last person, Candido M. Trigueros, it may be added, that he enjoyed a transient reputation in the latter part of the eighteenth century, and that his principal work, “La Riada,” in four cantos of irregular verse, (Sevilla, 1784, 8vo,) on a disastrous inundation of Seville that had just occurred, was demolished by a letter of Vargas, and a satirical tract which Forner published under the name of Antonio Varas. I do not know when he died, but an account of most of his life and many of his works may be found in the Biblioteca of Sempere y Guarinos, Tom. VI. [374] The “Obras de Yriarte” (Madrid, 1805, 8 tom. 12mo) contain all his plays, except the first one, written when he was only eighteen years old, and called “Hacer que Hacemos,” or Much Cry and Little Wool. The play of Melendez Valdes is in the second volume of his Works, 1797. [375] Ayala’s tragedy has been often printed. The “Raquel” is in Huerta’s Works, (Tom. I., 1786,) with his translations of the “Electra” of Sophocles, and the “ZaÏre” of Voltaire. The original edition of the Raquel is anonymous, and without date or place of publication. [376] I have the eighth edition of the “Delinquente Honrado,” 1803; still printed without its author’s name. It was so popular that it was several times published surreptitiously, from notes taken in the theatre, and was once turned into bad verse, before Jovellanos permitted it to appear from his own manuscript. (See Vol. VII. of his Works, edited by CaÑedo.) It is somewhat singular, that, just about the time the “Delinquente Honrado” appeared in Spain, Fenouillet published in France a play, yet found in the “ThÉatre du Second Ordre,” with the exactly corresponding title of “L’HonnÊte Criminel.” But there is no resemblance in the plots of the two pieces. [377] “DesengaÑo al Teatro EspaÑol,” three tracts, s. l. 12mo., pp. 80. Huerta, Escena EspaÑola Defendida, Madrid, 1786, 12mo, p. xliii. How long autos maintained their place in Spain may be seen from the fact, that very few are forbidden in the amplest Index Expurgatorius,—that of 1667, (p. 84,)—and that those few are, I believe, all Portuguese. [378] Ramon de la Cruz y Cano, Teatro, Madrid, 1786-91, 10 tom. 12mo, Tom. IX. p. 3. [379] L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. II. Parte I., PrÓlogo. [380] Teatro de Don Ramon de la Cruz. In the Preface, he replies to Signorelli, who, in the seventh chapter of the ninth book of his “Storia dei Teatri,” makes a rude attack upon him, chiefly for sundry translations, which La Cruz does not seem to have printed. The “Coleccion de Sainetes tanto impresos como inÉditos de Don Ramon de la Cruz, con un Discurso Preliminar de Don Agustin Duran,” etc., was printed at Madrid in 1843, 2 tom. 8vo. A notice of the life of the author is in Baena, Hijos, etc., Tom. IV., p. 280. At about the same time that Ramon de la Cruz was amusing the society of Madrid with his popular dramas and farces, Juan Ignacio Gonzalez del Castillo was equally successful in the same way at Cadiz. He was, however, little known beyond the limits of Andalusia till 1845, when Don Adolfo de Castro published, in his native city, a collection of his “Saynetes,” filling two volumes, 12mo. In the variety of their tone, in their faithfulness to the national manners, and in the gayety of their satire, they resemble those of La Cruz; but they are a little more carefully finished than his, and somewhat less rich and genial. [381] Obras de Cienfuegos, Madrid, 1798, 2 tom. 12mo;—the only edition published by himself. [382] Vicente Garcia de la Huerta was born in 1734, and died in 1787. A notice of his life, which was not without literary and social success,—though much disturbed by a period of exile and disgrace,—is to be found in the Semanario Pintoresco, (1842, p. 305,) and some intimation of the various literary quarrels in which he was engaged with his contemporaries may be seen in the next note. His general character is not ill summed up in the following epitaph on him, said to have been written by Yriarte, one of his opponents, which should be read, recollecting that Saragossa was famous for a hospital for the insane,—the mad-house that figures so largely in Avellaneda’s “Don Quixote.” De juicio sÍ; mas no de ingenio escaso, Aqui Huerta el audaz descanso goza; Deja un puesto vacante en el Parnaso, Y una jaula vacia en Zaragoza. In judgment,—yes,—but not in genius weak, Here fierce Huerta tranquil sleeps and well; A vacant post upon Parnassus leaves, In Saragossa, too, an empty cell. [383] Don Jaime Doms attacked Montiano in a Letter, without date or name of place or printer, and was answered by Domingo Luis de Guevara in three Letters, (Madrid, 1753, 18mo,) to which a rejoinder by Faustino de Quevedo appeared at Salamanca in 1754, 18mo;—all the names being pseudonymes, and all the discussions more angry than wise. The publication of the “Teatro” of La Huerta excited still more discussion. He himself speaks (Escena HespaÑola Defendida, Madrid, 1786, 12mo, p. cliii.) of the “enorme nÚmero de folletos” that appeared in reply to his “PrÓlogo,” many of which were probably only circulated in manuscript, according to the fashion of the times, while others, like those of Cosme Damian, TomÉ Cecial (i. e. J. P. Forner), etc., were printed in 1786, and La Huerta replied to them in his angry “Leccion CrÍtica” of the same year. (Sempere, Bib., Tom. III. p. 88.) The whole of this period of Spanish literature is filled with the quarrels of Sedano, Forner, Huerta, Yriarte, and their friends and rivals. [384] The popularity of Antonio Valladares de Sotomayor, of Gaspar Zavala y Zamora, and of Luciano Francisco Comella, did not last long enough to cause their works to be collected. But I have many separate plays of each of them, and of other forgotten authors of this period, such as Luis Moncin, Vicente Rodriguez de Arellano, JosÉ Concha, etc. Of Comella alone I have thirty, and I am ashamed to say how many of them I have read for the pleasure their mere stories gave me. [385] Obras PÓstumas de N. F. Moratin, 1825, p. xvi. [386] From a letter of Moratin, published in the Semanario Pintoresco, (1844, p. 43,) it seems that Comella and his friends prevented for some time the representation of the “Comedia Nueva,” and that the permission to act it was not granted till it had undergone five different examinations, and not till the very day for which it had been announced was come. The applause of the public, however, made amends to Moratin for the trouble which the intrigues of his rivals and enemies had given him. [387] Every thing relating to Moratin the younger is to be found in the excellent edition of his Works, published by the Academy of History. Larra (Obras, Madrid, 1843, 12mo, Tom. II. pp. 183-187) intimates that the “Mogigata” had been proscribed anew, and that the “SÍ de las NiÑas” had been mutilated, but that both were brought out again, in their original form, about 1838. [388] C. Pellicer, OrÍgen, Tom. II. p. 41. Signorelli, Storia, Lib. IX. cap. 8. R. Cumberland (Memoirs of Himself, London, 1807, 8vo, Tom. II. p. 107) speaks of the Tirana as “at the very summit of her art,” and adds that on one occasion, when he was present, her tragic powers proved too much for the audience, at whose cries the curtain was lowered before the piece was ended. Maiquez was the friend of Blanco White, of Moratin the younger, etc. (New Monthly Mag., Tom. XI. p. 187, and L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. IV. p. 345). His best character was that of Garcia de CastaÑar, in Roxas, which I have seen him play with admirable power and effect. [389] The war between the Church and the theatre was kept up during the whole of the eighteenth century, and till the end of the reign of Ferdinand VII., in the nineteenth. Not that plays were at any time forbidden effectually throughout the kingdom, or silenced in the capital, except during some short period of national anxiety or mourning; but that, at different intervals,—and especially about the year 1748, when, in consequence of earthquakes at Valencia, and under the influence of the Archbishop of that city, its theatre was closed, and remained so for twelve years, (Luis Lamarca, Teatro de Valencia, Valencia, 1840, 12mo, pp. 32-36,) and about the year 1754, when Father Calatayud preached as a missionary and published a book against plays,—there was great excitement on the subject in the provinces. Ferdinand VI. issued severe decrees for their regulation, which were little respected, and in different cities and dioceses, like LÉrida, Palencia, Calahorra, Saragossa, Alicant, CÓrdova, etc., they were from time to time, and as late as 1807, under ecclesiastical influence, and, with the assent of the people, suppressed, and the theatres shut up. In Murcia, where they seem to have been prohibited from 1734 to 1789, and then permitted again, the religious authorities openly resisted their restoration, and not only denied the sacraments to actors, but endeavoured to deprive them of the enjoyment of some of the common rights of subjects, such as that of receiving testamentary legacies. This, however, was an anomalous and absurd state of things, making what was tolerated as harmless in the capital of the kingdom a sin or a crime in the provinces. It was a sort of war of the outposts, carried on after the citadel had been surrendered. Still it had its effect, and its influence continued to be felt till a new order of things was introduced into the state generally. Many singular facts in relation to it may be found scattered through a very ill-arranged book, written apparently by an ecclesiastic of Murcia, in two volumes quarto, at different times between 1789 and 1814, in which last year it was published there, with the title of “Pantoja, Ó Resolucion HistÓrica, TeolÓgica de un Caso PrÁtico de Moral sobre ComÉdias”;—Pantoja being the name of a lady, real or pretended, who had asked questions of conscience concerning the lawfulness of plays, and who received her answers in this clumsy way. The state of the theatre, at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, can be well seen in the “Teatro Nuevo EspaÑol,” (Madrid, 1800-1, 5 tom. 12mo,) filled with the plays, original and translated, that were then in fashion. It contains a list of such as were forbidden; imperfect, but still embracing between five and six hundred, among which are Calderon’s “Life is a Dream,” Alarcon’s “Weaver of Segovia,” and many more of the best dramas of the old school. Duran, in a note to his Preface to Ramon de la Cruz, (Tom. I. p. v.,) intimates that this ostracism was in some degree the result of the influence of those who sustained the French doctrines. The number of plays acted or published between 1700 and 1825, if not to be compared with that of the corresponding period preceding 1700, is still large. I think that, in the list given by Moratin, there are about fourteen hundred; nearly all after 1750. [390] The last Index Expurgatorius is that of Madrid, 1790, (4to, pp. 305,) to which should be added a Supplement of 55 pages, dated 1805; both very meagre, compared with the vast folios of the two preceding centuries, of which that of 1667 fills, with its Supplement, above 1200 pages. But the last of the race is as bitter as its predecessors, and, by the great number of French books it includes, shows the quarter from which danger was chiefly apprehended. To prevent any of this class from escaping, it is ordered that “all papers, tracts, and books, on the disturbances in France, which can inspire a spirit of seduction, shall be delivered to some servant of the Holy Office.” Supplement of 1805, p. 3. Burke’s “Reflections” are forbidden in the same Index. [391] One of the most odious of the acts that marked the restoration of Ferdinand VII. related to the war of the Comuneros, nearly three centuries before. After the execution of Juan de Padilla and the exile of his noble wife, in 1521, their house was razed to the ground, and an inscription reproachful to their memory placed on the spot where it had stood. This the Cortes removed, and erected in its stead a simple monument in honor of the martyrs. In 1823, Ferdinand ordered the simple monument of the Cortes to be destroyed, and replaced the old inscription! But, since that time, Martinez de la Rosa has erected a nobler monument to their memory in his “Viuda de Padilla.” See Henri Ternaux, Les Comuneros, Paris, 1834, 8vo, p. 208; an interesting work and a work of authority, relying, in part, on unpublished materials. [392] Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. IV. pp. 145-154. Southey’s History of the Peninsular War, London, 1823, 4to, Tom. I. The Inquisition was again abolished by the revolution or change of 1820, and when the counterchange came, in 1823, failed to find its place in the restored order of things. It may be hoped, therefore, that this most odious of the institutions, that have sheltered themselves under the abused name of Christianity, will never again darken the history of Spain. [393] This movement, so honorable to the Spanish character, can be seen in the “Ocios de EspaÑoles Emigrados,” a Spanish periodical work, full of talent and national feeling, published at London, in 7 vols. 8vo, between April, 1824, and October, 1827, by the exiles, who were then chiefly gathered in the capitals of France and England. [394] Spain, Espagne, EspaÑa, Hispania, are evidently all one word. Its etymology cannot, in the opinion of W. von Humboldt, (PrÜfung der Untersuchungen Über die Urbewohner Hispaniens, 4to, 1821, p. 60,) be determined. The Spanish writers are full of the most absurd conjectures on the subject. See Aldrete, OrÍgen de la Lengua Castellana, ed. 1674, Lib. III. c. 2, f. 68; Mariana, Hist., Lib. I. c. 12; and Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, ed. 1776, Lib. IV., p. 295. [395] On the subject of the Biscayans and the descent of their language from the ancient Iberian, two references are sufficient for the present purpose. First, “Über die Cantabrische oder Baskische Sprache,” by Wilhelm von Humboldt, published as an Appendix to Adelung and Vater’s “Mithridates,” Theil IV., 1817, 8vo, pp. 275-360. And, second, “PrÜfung der Untersuchungen Über die Urbewohner Hispaniens vermittelst der Vaskischen Sprache,” etc., von W. von Humboldt, 4to, Berlin, 1821. The admirable learning, philosophy, and acuteness which this remarkable man brought to all his philological discussions are apparent in these treatises, both of which are rendered singularly satisfactory by the circumstance, that, being for some time Prussian Minister at Madrid, he visited Biscay and studied its language on the spot. The oldest fragment of Basque poetry which he found, and which is given in the “Mithridates,” (Theil IV. pp. 354-356,) is held by the learned of Biscay to be nearly or quite as old as the time of Augustus, to whose Cantabrian war it refers; but this can hardly be admitted, though it is no doubt earlier than any thing else we have of the Peninsular literature. It is an important document, and is examined with his accustomed learning and acuteness by Fauriel, “Hist. de la Gaule MÉridionale,” 1836, 8vo, Tom. II. App. iii. I do not speak of a pleasant treatise, “De la Antiguedad y Universalidad del Bascuense en EspaÑa,” which Larramendi published in 1728, nor of the Preface and Appendix to his “Arte de la Lengua Bascongada,” 1729; nor of Astarloa’s “Apologia,” 1803; nor of Erro’s “Lengua Primitiva,” 1806, and his “Mundo Primitivo,” an unfinished work, 1815; for they all lack judgment and precision. If, however, any person is anxious to ascertain their contents, a good abstract of the last two books, with sufficient reference to the first, was published in Boston, by Mr. G. Waldo Erving, formerly American Minister at Madrid, with a preface and notes, under the title of “The Alphabet of the Primitive Language of Spain,” 1829. But Humboldt is to be considered the safe and sufficient authority on the whole subject, for though Astarloa’s work is not without learning and acuteness, yet, as both he and his follower, Erro, labor chiefly to prove, as Larramendi had done long before, that the Basque is the original language of the whole human race, they are led into a great many whimsical absurdities, and must be considered, on the whole, any thing but safe guides. [396] The remarkable passage in Diodorus Siculus, Bib. Hist., Lib. V. c. 33, is well known; but the phraseology should be noted for our purpose when he speaks of the union of the people as d???? ????? ?????? ?????t??. The fortieth section of Humboldt’s “PrÜfung” should also be read; and the beginning of the Third Book of Strabo, in which he gives, as usual, a good deal that is curious about history and manners, as well as geography, and a good deal that is incredible, such as that the Turdetani had poetry and poetical laws six thousand years old. Ed. Casaub., 1720, p. 139. C. [397] In speaking of the two earliest languages of the Spanish Peninsula, I have confined myself to the known facts of the case, without entering into the curious speculations to which these facts have led inquisitive and philosophical minds. But those who are interested in such inquiries will find abundant materials for their study in the remarkable “Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, by Dr. J. C. Prichard,” 5 vols. 8vo, London, 1836-47; and in the acute “Report” of the Chevalier Bunsen to the Seventeenth Meeting of the British Association, London, 1848, pp. 254-299. If we follow their theories, the Basque may be regarded as the language of a race that came originally from the northern parts of Asia and Europe, and to which Prichard gives the name of Ugro-Tartarian, while the Celtic language is that of the oldest of the great emigrations from the more southern portions of Asia, which Bunsen calls the Japhetic. [398] The general statement may, perhaps, be taken from Mariana, (Lib. I. c. 15,) who gives the story as it has come down through tradition, fable, and history, with no more critical acumen than is common with the Spanish historians. But such separate facts as are mentioned by Livy (Lib. XXXIV. c. 10, 46, Lib. XL. c. 43, with the notes in Drakenborch) bring with them a more distinct impression of the immense wealth obtained anciently from Spain than any general statements whatever; even more than those of Strabo, Diodorus, etc. It has been supposed by Heeren, and by others before and since, (Ideen, 1824, Band I. Theil ii. p. 68,) that the Tarshish of the Prophets Ezekiel (xxvii. 12) and Isaiah (lx. 8, 9) was in Spain, and was, in fact, the ancient Tartessus; but this is denied, (Memorias de la Academia de la Historia, Tom. III. p. 320,) and, no doubt, if the Tarshish of the Prophets were in Spain, there must have been another Tarshish in Cilicia, that is mentioned in other parts of Scripture. [399] See Heeren’s Ideen, Band I. Theil ii. pp. 24-71, 4th edit., 1824, where the whole subject is discussed. [400] A sufficient account of the Carthaginians in Spain may be found in Heeren’s Ideen, Band II. Theil i. pp. 85-99, and 172-199. But Mariana contains the more national ideas and traditions, (Lib. I. c. 19, etc.,) and Depping is more ample (Hist. GÉnÉrale de l’Espagne, 1811, Tom. I. pp. 64-96). [401] Of the Greeks in Spain, it has not been thought necessary here to speak. Their few establishments were on the southern coast, and rather on the eastern part of it; but they were of little consequence, and do not seem to have produced any lasting effect on the character or language of the country. They were, in fact, rather a result of the influence of the rich and cultivated Greek colony in the South of France, whose capital seat was Marseilles, or of the spirit which in Rhodes and elsewhere sent out adventurers to the far west. (See Benedictins, Hist. Litt. de la France, 1733, 4to, Tom. I. pp. 71, etc.) For those who are curious about the Greeks in Spain, more than they will probably desire will be found in the elaborate and clumsy work of Masdeu, Hist. Crit. de EspaÑa, Tom. I. p. 211, Tom. III. pp. 76, etc. Aldrete (OrÍgen de la Lengua EspaÑola, 1674, f. 65) has collected about ninety Spanish words to which he attributes a Greek origin; but nearly all of them may be easily traced through the Latin, or else they belong to the Northern invaders or to Italy. Marina, a good authority on this particular point, says: “I do not deny, nor can it be doubted, that, in the Spanish language, are found many words purely Greek, and occasional phrases and turns of expression that are in Attic taste; but this is because they had first been adopted by the Latin language, which is the mother of ours.” Mem. de la Real Acad., Tom. IV., Ensayo, etc., p. 47. There is a curious inscription in Nunes de LiÃo, (Origem da Lingoa Portugesa, Lisboa, 1784, p. 32,) from a temple erected by Greeks at Ampurias to Diana of Ephesus, which states, that “nec relicta GrÆcorum lingua, nec idiomate patriÆ IberÆ recepto, in mores, in linguam, in jura, in ditionem cessere Romanam, M. Cathego et L. Apronio Coss.” No doubt, these Greeks came from Marseilles, or were connected with it; and no doubt they spoke Latin. But the ancient Iberian language seems to be recognized as existing, also, among them. Ampurias, however, was generally in Spain held to be of Greek origin, as we may see in different ways, and among the rest in the following lines of Espinosa, who, when Alambron comes there with the Infanta Fenisa, says:— Juntan Á la ciudad, que fuÉ fundada De cautos Griegos, rica y bastecida. Segunda Parte de Orlando, ed. 1556, Canto xxxi. [402] Livius, Hist. Rom., Lib. XXVIII. c. 12. The words are remarkable. “Itaque ergo prima Romanis inita provinciarum, quÆ quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium, nostr demum Ætate, ductu auspicioque Augusti CÆsaris, perdomita est.” [403] Livius, Hist. Rom., Lib. XLIII. c. 3. [404] Strabo, Lib. III., especially pp. 168, 169, ed. Casaubon, fol., 1620; and Plin., Hist. Nat., Lib. III. §§ 2-4, but particularly Vol. I., ed. Franzii, 1778, p. 547. A striking proof of the importance of Spain, in antiquity generally, may be found in the fact incidentally stated by W. von Humboldt, (PrÜfung, etc., § 2, p. 3,) that “ancient writers have left us a great number of Spanish names of places;—in proportion, a greater number than of any other country except Greece and Italy.” [405] Plin., Hist. Nat., Lib. VII. c. 44, where the distinction is spoken of as something surprising, since Pliny adds, that it was “an honor which our ancestors refused even to those of Latium.” [406] Plin., Hist. Nat., Lib. V. c. 5, with the note of Hardouin, and with Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus, fol., 1787, Lib. I. c. ii. [407] Plutarchus in Sertorium, c. 14. [408] Pro ArchiÂ, § 10. It should be noted especially, that Cicero makes them natives of CÓrdova,—“CordubÆ natis poetis.” [409] Some excellent and closely condensed remarks on this subject may be found in the Introduction to AmÉdÉe Thierry’s “Histoire de la Gaule sous l’Administration Romaine,” 8vo, 1840, Tom. I. pp. 211-218; a work which leaves little to be desired, as far as it goes. [410] Of Roman writers in Spain, the accounts are abundant. The first book, however, of Antonio’s “Bibliotheca Vetus” is sufficient. But, after all that has been written, it has always seemed singular to me that Horace should have used exactly the word peritus, when intending specifically to characterize the Spaniards of his time, (II. Od. xx. 19,) unless peritus is used with reference to its relations with experior, rather than in its usual sense of learned. Sir James Mackintosh, speaking of the Latin writers produced by Spain, says they were “the most famous of their age.” Hist. Eng., Vol. I. p. 21, London, 1830. [411] The story told by Aulus Gellius, (NN. AA., Lib. XIX. c. 9,) about Antoninus Julianus, a Spaniard, who exercised the profession of a rhetorician at Rome, shows pleasantly that there was no Spanish language at that time (circa A. D. 200) except the Latin; for when the “Greci plusculi” at table reproached Antoninus with the poverty of Latin literature, they reproached him as one who was a party concerned, and he defended himself just as a Roman would have done, by quotations from the Latin poets. His patriotism was evidently Roman, and the patria lingua which he vindicated was the Latin. [412] In the beautiful fragment of a History of England by Sir J. Mackintosh, he says, ut supra, with that spirit of acute and philosophical generalization for which he was so remarkable: “The ordinary policy of Rome was to confine the barbarians within their mountains.” The striking poem in Basque, given by W. von Humboldt, (Mithridates, Band IV. p. 354,) shows the same fact in relation to Biscay. [413] Depping, Tom. II. pp. 118, etc. But those who wish to see how absurdly even grave historians can write on the gravest subjects may find all sorts of inconsistencies, on the early history of Christianity in Spain, in the fourth book of Mariana, as well as in most of the other national writers who have occasion to touch upon it. [414] On the subject of early Christianity in Spain, the third chapter of the fourth book of Depping contains enough for all but those who wish to make the subject a separate and especial study. Such persons will naturally look to Florez and Risco, “EspaÑa Sagrada,” and their authorities, which, however, must be consulted with great caution, as they are full of the inconsistencies alluded to in the last note. [415] One reason why the clergy did little to preserve the purity of the Latin, and much to corrupt it, in the South of Europe, was, that they were obliged to hold their intercourse with the common people in the degraded Latin. And this intercourse, which consisted chiefly of instructions given to the common people, was a large part of all the clergy did in the early ages of the Church. For the Christian clergy in Spain, as elsewhere, addressed themselves, for a long period, to the lower and more ignorant classes of society, because the refined and the powerful refused to listen to them. But the Latin spoken by those classes in Spain, whether it were what was called the “lingua rustica” or not, was undoubtedly different from the purer Latin spoken by the more cultivated and favored classes, just as it was in Italy, and even much more than it was there. In addressing the common people, their Christian teachers in Spain, therefore, very early found it expedient, and probably necessary, to use the degraded Latin, which the common people spoke. At last, as we learn, no other was intelligible to them; for the grammatical Latin, even of the office of the Mass, ceased to be so. In this way, Christianity must have contributed directly and materially to the degradation of the Latin, and to the formation of the new dialects, just as it contributed to form the modern character, as distinguished from the ancient. Indeed, without entering into the much vexed questions concerning the lingua rustica or quotidiana, its origin, character and prevalence, I cannot help saying, that I am persuaded the modern languages and their dialects in the South of Europe were, so far as the Latin was concerned, formed out of the popular and vulgar Latin found in the mouths of the common people; and that Christianity, more than any other single cause, was the medium and means by which this change from one to the other was brought about. For the lingua rustica, see Morhof, De Patavinitate LivianÂ, capp. vi., vii., and ix.; and Du Cange, De Causis CorruptÆ Latinitatis, §§ 13-25, prefixed to his Glossarium. [416] The passage from Licinian is given in a note to Eichhorn’s “Allgemeine Geschichte der Cultur,” 1799, 8vo, Band II. p. 467. See, also, Castro, Biblioteca EspaÑola, 1786, folio, Tom. II. p. 275. [417] Isidore, as cited at length in Eichhorn’s “Cultur,” Band II. p. 470, note (I). [418] For Isidorus Hispalensis, see Antonio, Bib. Vet., Lib. V. capp. iii., iv.; and Castro, Bib. Esp., Tom. II. pp. 293-344. I judge Isidore’s Latinity chiefly from his “Etymologiarum Libri XX.,” and his “De Summo Bono, Libri III.,” fol., 1483, lit. Goth. No doubt, there are many words in Isidore of Seville, that are not of classical authority, some of which he marks as such, and others not; but, on the whole, his Latinity is respectable. Among the corrupt words he uses are a few that are curious, because they have descended into the modern Castilian; such as, “astrosus, ab astro dictus, quasi malo sidere natus,” (Etymol., 1483, fol. 50. a,) which appears in the present astroso, the familiar term for unhappy, disastrous, and permitted by the Spanish Academy;—cortina, of which Isidore says, “CortinÆ sunt aulÆa, id est, vela de pellibus, qualia in Exodo leguntur,” (Etym., f. 97. b,) which appears in the modern Spanish cortina, for curtain;—”camisias vocamus, quod in his dormimus in camis,” (Etym., f. 96. b,) which last word, cama, is explained afterwards to be “lectus brevis et circa terram,” (Etym., f. 101. a,) and both of which are now Spanish, camisa being the proper word for shirt, and cama for bed;—”mantum Hispani vocant quod manus tegat tantum, est enim brevis amictus,” (Etym., f. 97. a,) which is the Spanish manto;—and so on with a few others. They are, however, only curious as corrupted Latin words, which happened to continue in use, till the modern Spanish arose several centuries later. [419] See Eichhorn’s Cultur, Band II. pp. 472, etc.;—or, for more ample accounts, Antonio, Bib. Vet., Lib. V. and VI.; and Castro, Bib. Esp., Tom. II. [420] Gibbon, Chap. XXX. [421] Lib. V. c. 1. [422] Mariana, Lib. V. c. 2. [423] Gibbon, Chap. XXXVII.; an article in the Edinburgh Review, Vol. XXXI., on the Gothic Laws of Spain; and Depping, Tom. II. pp. 217, etc. [424] In the earliest Gothic that remains to us, (the Gospels of Ulfilas, circa A. D. 370,) there is no indefinite article; and the definite does not always occur where it is used in the original Greek, from which, it is worthy of notice, the venerable Bishop made his version, and not from the Latin. But there is no reason, I think, to suppose that the articles of both sorts were not used by the Goths, as well as by the other Northern tribes, in the fifth century, as they have been ever since. See Ulfilas, Gothische BibelÜbersetzung, ed. Zahn, 1805, 4to, and, especially, Einleitung, pp. 28-37. [425] Raynouard, Troubadours, Tom. I. pp. 39, 43, 48, etc., and Diez, Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen, 1838, 8vo, Band II. pp. 13, 14, 98-100, 144, 145. [426] Raynouard, Troubadours, Tom. I. pp. 76-85. [427] See, on the whole of this subject,—the formation of the modern dialects of the South of Europe,—the excellent “Grammatik der Romanischen Sprachen von Fried. Diez,” Bonn, 1836-38, 2 vols. 8vo. For examples of corruptions of the Spanish language, such as are above referred to, take the following:—Frates, orate pro nos, instead of Fratres, orate pro nobis;—Sedeat segregatus a corpus et sanguis Domini, instead of corpore et sanguine. (Marina, Ensayo, p. 22, note, in Memorias de la Academia de la Hist., Tom. IV.) The changes in spelling are innumerable, but are less to be trusted as proofs of change in the language, because they may have arisen from the carelessness or ignorance of individual copyists. Specimens of every sort of them may be found in the “Coleccion de CÉdulas,” etc., referred to in Vol. I. p. 47, note, and in the “Coleccion de Fueros Municipales,” by Don Tomas MuÑoz y Romero, Madrid, 1847, fol., Tom. I. [428] See some striking remarks on the adventures of Mohammed, in Prof. Smyth’s genial Lectures on Modern History, Vol. I. pp. 66, 67, 8vo, London, 1840. [429] They were so called from their African abode, Mauritania, where they naturally inherited the name of the ancient Mauri. [430] See Huet, “Origine des Romans,” (ed. 1693, p. 24,) but especially Warton, in his first Dissertation, for the Oriental and Arabic origin of romantic fiction. The notes to the octavo edition, by Price, add much to the value of the discussions on these questions. Warton’s Eng. Poetry, 1824, 8vo, Vol. I.; Massieu (Hist. de la PoÉsie FranÇoise, 1739, p. 82) and Quadrio (Storia d’ Ogni Poesia, 1749, Tom. IV. pp. 299, 300) follow Huet, but do it with little skill. [431] The opinion of Father Andres is boldly stated by him in the following words: “Quest’ uso degli Spagnuoli di verseggiare nella lingua, nella misura, e nella rima degli Arabi, puÒ dirsi con fondamento la prima origine della moderna poesia.” (Storia d’ Ogni Lett., Lib. I. c. 11, § 161; also pp. 163-272, ed. 1808, 4to.) The same theory will be found yet more strongly expressed by GinguenÉ (Hist. Litt. d’Italie, 1811, Tom. I. pp. 187-285); by Sismondi (Litt. du Midi, 1813, Tom. I. pp. 38-116; and Hist. des FranÇais, 8vo, Tom. IV., 1824, pp. 482-494); and in the Hist. Litt. de la France (4to, 1814, Tom. XIII. pp. 42, 43). But these last authors have added little to the authority of Andres’s opinion, the very last being, I think, GinguenÉ. [432] Andres, Storia, Tom. I. p. 273. GinguenÉ, Tom. I. pp. 248-250, who says: “C’est À cette Époque (1085) que remontent peut-Être les premiers essais poÉtiques de l’Espagne, et que remontent sÛrement les premiers chants de nos Troubadours.” [433] Fragment d’un PoÈme en Vers Romans sur BoÈce, publiÉ par M. Raynouard, etc., Paris, 8vo, 1817. Also in his PoÉsies des Troubadours, Tom. II. Consult, further, Grammaire de la Langue Romane, in the same work, Tom. I. [434] I refer to “Observations sur la Langue et la LittÉrature ProvenÇales, par A. W. Schlegel,” Paris, 1818, 8vo, not published. See, especially, pp. 73, etc., in which he shows how completely anti-Arabic are the whole tone and spirit of the early ProvenÇal, and still more those of the early Spanish poetry. And see, also, Diez, Poesie der Troubadours, 8vo, 1826, pp. 19, etc.; an excellent book. [435] Conde, Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en EspaÑa, Madrid, 1820-21, 4to, Tom. I. and II., but especially Tom. I. pp. 158-226, 425-489, 524-547. [436] Sylvester II. (Gerbert) was Pope from 999 to 1003, and was the first head France gave to the Church. I am aware that the Benedictines (Hist. Litt. de la France, Tom. VI. p. 560) intimate that he did not pass, in Spain, beyond CÓrdova, and I am aware, too, that Andres (Tom. I. pp. 175-178) is unwilling to allow him to have studied at any schools in Seville and CÓrdova except Christian schools. But there is no pretence that the Christians had important schools in Andalusia at that time, though the Arabs certainly had; and the authorities on which Andres relies assume that Gerbert studied with the Moors, and prove more, therefore, than he wishes to be proved. Like many other men skilled in the sciences during the Middle Ages, Gerbert was considered a necromancer. A good account of his works is in the Hist. Litt. de la France, Tom. VI. pp. 559-614. [437] The condition of the Christians under the Moorish governments of Spain may be learned, sufficiently for our purpose, from many passages in Conde, e. g. Tom. I. pp. 39, 82, etc. But after all, perhaps, the reluctant admissions of Florez, Risco, etc., in the course of the forty-five volumes of the “EspaÑa Sagrada,” are quite as good a proof of the tolerance exercised by the Moors, as the more direct statements taken from the Arabian writers. See, for Toledo, Florez, Tom. V. pp. 323-329; for Complutum or AlcalÁ de Henares, Tom. VII. p. 187; for Seville, Tom. IX. p. 234; for CÓrdova and its martyrs, Tom. X. pp. 245-471; for Saragossa, Risco, Tom. XXX. p. 203, and Tom. XXXI. pp. 112-117; for Leon, Tom. XXXIV. p. 132; and so on. Indeed, there is something in the accounts of a great majority of the churches, whose history these learned men have given in so cumbrous a manner, that shows the Moors to have practised a toleration which, mutatis mutandis, they would have been grateful to have found among the Christians in the time of Philip III. [438] The meaning of the word MozÁrabe was long doubtful; the best opinion being that it was derived from Mixti-arabes, and meant what this Latin phrase would imply. (Covarrubias, Tesoro, 1674, ad verb.) That this was the common meaning given to it in early times is plain from the “ChrÓnica de EspaÑa,” (Parte II., at the end,) and that it continued to be so received is plain, among other proofs, from the following passage in “Los MuÇÁrabes de Toledo,” (a play in the Comedias Escogidas, Tom. XXXVIII., 1672, p. 157,) where one of the MuzÁrabes, explaining to Alfonso VII. who and what they are, says, just before the capture of the city,— MuÇÁrabes, Rey, nos llamamos, Porque, entre Arabes mezclados, Los mandamientos sagrados De nuestra ley verdadera, Con valor y fÉ sincera Han sido siempre guardados. Jornada III. But, amidst the other rare learning of his notes on “The Mohammedan Dynasties of Spain,” (4to, London, 1840, Vol. I. pp. 419, 420,) Don Pascual de Gayangos has perhaps settled this vexed, though not very important, question. MozÁrabe, or MuzÁrabe, as he explains it, “is the Arabic Musta’rab, meaning a man who tries to imitate or to become an Arab in his manners and language, and who, though he may know Arabic, speaks it like a foreigner.” The word is still used in relation to the ritual of some of the churches in Toledo. (Castro, Biblioteca, Tom. II. p. 458, and PaleographÍa Esp., p. 16.) On the other hand, the Moors who, as the Christian conquests were advanced towards the South, remained, in their turn, inclosed in the Christian population and spoke or assumed its language, were originally called Moros Latinados. See “Poema del Cid,” v. 266, and “CrÓnica General,” (ed. 1604, fol. 304. a,) where, respecting Alfaraxi, a Moor, afterwards converted, and a counsellor of the Cid, it is said he was “de tan buen entendimento, e era tan ladino que semejava Christiano.” [439] Conde, Tom. I. p. 229. [440] Florez, EspaÑa Sagrada, Tom. XI. p. 42. [441] The “Indiculus Luminosus” is a defence of the fanatical martyrs of CÓrdova, who suffered under Abderrahman II. and his son. The passage referred to, with all its sins against pure Latinity and good taste, is as follows:—“Heu, proh dolor! linguam suam nesciunt Christiani, et linguam propriam non advertunt Latini, ita ut omni Christi collegio vix inveniatur unus in milleno hominum numero, qui salutatorias fatri possit rationabiliter dirigere literas. Et reperitur absque numero multiplex turba, qui eruditÈ Caldaicas verborum explicet pompas. Ita ut metricÈ eruditiori ab ipsis gentibus carmine et sublimiori pulchritudine,” etc. It is found at the end of the treatise, which is printed entire in Florez (Tom. XI. pp. 221-275). The phrase omni Christi collegio is, I suppose, understood by Mabillon, “De Re DiplomaticÂ,” (fol., 1681, Lib. II. c. 1, p. 55,) to refer to the clergy, in which case the statement would be much stronger, and signify that “not one priest in a thousand could address a common letter of salutation to another” (Hallam, Middle Ages, London, 8vo, 1819, Vol. III. p. 332);—but I incline to think that it refers to the whole body of Christians in and about CÓrdova. [442] The time when John of Seville lived is not settled (Florez, Tom. IX. pp. 242, etc.); but that is not important to our purpose. The fact of the translation is in the CrÓnica General (Parte III. c. 2, f. 9, ed. 1604): “TrasladÓ las sanctas Escripturas en ArÁvigo e fizÓ las exposiciones dellas segun conviene a la sancta Escriptura.” And Mariana gives the true reason for it: “A causa que la lengua ArÁbiga se usaba mucho entre todos; la Latina ordinariamente ni se usaba, ni se sabia.” (Lib. VII. c. iii., prope finem.) See, also, Antonio, Bib. Vet., Lib. VI. c. 9; Castro, Bib. Esp., Tom. II. pp. 454, etc. [443] PaleographÍa EspaÑola, p. 22. [444] Memorias de la Real Acad. de la Hist., Tom. IV., Ensayo de Marina, pp. 40-43. [445] Mondejar, Memorias de Alonso el Sabio, fol., 1777, p. 43. Ortiz y ZuÑiga, Anales de Sevilla, fol., 1677, p. 79. [446] Mem. de la Real Acad. de la Hist., Tom. IV., Ensayo de Marina, p. 40. [447] For the great Arabic infusion into the language of Spain, see Aldrete, OrÍgen, Lib. III. c. 15; Covarrubias, Tesoro, passim; and the catalogue, of 85 pages, in the fourth volume of the Memorias de la Academia de Historia. To these may be well added the very curious “Vestigios da Lingua ArÁbica em Portugal per JoÃo de Sousa,” Lisboa, 1789, 4to. A general notice of the whole subject, but one that gives too much influence to the Arabic, may be found in the “Ocios de EspaÑoles Emigrados,” Tom. II. p. 16, and Tom. III. p. 291. [448] The common and characteristic phrase, from a very early period, for the Moorish conquest of Spain, was “la pÉrdida de EspaÑa,” and that for its reconquest, “la restauracion de EspaÑa.” [449] The Arabic accounts, which are much to be relied on, because they are contemporary, give a shocking picture of the Christians at the North in the eighth century. “Viven como fieras, que nunca lavan sus cuerpos ni vestidos, que no se las mudan, y los llevan puestas hasta que se les caen despedezados en andrajos,” etc. (Conde, Dominacion, etc., Parte II. c. 18.) The romantic and uncertain accounts, in the beginning of the third part of the CrÓnica General, and the more formal narrative of Mariana, (book seventh,) leave little doubt that such descriptions must be near the truth. [450] Consult Marina, Ensayo, p. 19. [451] Ibid., pp. 23, 24. [452] The AvilÉs document is regarded by all who have noticed it as of great importance for the earliest history of the Castilian. It is first mentioned, I believe, by Father Risco, in his “Historia de la Ciudad y Corte de Leon” (Madrid, 1793, 4to, Tom. I. pp. 252, 253); and next by Marina, in his “Ensayo” (Memorias de la Acad. de Historia, Tom. IV., 1805, p. 33);—both competent witnesses, and both entirely satisfied that it is genuine. Risco, however, printed no part of it, and Marina published only a few extracts. But in the “Revista de Madrid,” (Segunda Epoca, Tom. VII. pp. 267-322,) it is published entire, as part of an interesting discussion concerning the old codes of the country, by Don Rafael Gonzalez Llanos, a man of learning and a native of AvilÉs, who seems to have a strong love for the place of his birth and to be familiar with its antiquities. The document in question belongs to the class of instruments sometimes called “Privilegios,” and sometimes “Foros,” or “Fueros” (see, ante, Vol. I. p. 47, note 28); but where, as in this case, the authority of the instrument is restricted to a single town or city, it is more properly called “Carta Puebla,” or municipal charter. This Carta Puebla of AvilÉs contains a royal grant of rights and immunities to the several citizens, as well as to the whole municipality, and involves whatever regarded the property, business, and franchises of all whom it was intended to protect. Charters, which were so important to the welfare of many persons, but which still rested on the arbitrary authority of the crown, were, as we have previously said, (Vol. I. p. 47, note 27,) confirmed by succeeding sovereigns, as often as their confirmation could conveniently be procured by the communities so deeply interested in their preservation. The Carta Puebla of AvilÉs was originally granted by Alfonso VI., who reigned from 1073 to 1109. It was, no doubt, written in such Latin as was then used; and in 1274 it was formally made known to Alfonso the Wise, that it had been burnt during the attack on that city by his son Sancho. The original, therefore, is lost, and we know how it was lost. What we possess is the translation of this Carta Puebla, made when it was confirmed by Alfonso VII., A. D. 1155. It is still preserved in the archives of the city of AvilÉs, on the original parchment, consisting of two skins sewed together,—the two united being about four feet and eleven inches long, and about nineteen inches wide. It bears the known seal of Alfonso VII., and the original signatures of several persons who were bound to sign it with him, and several subsequent confirmations, scattered over five centuries. (See Revista, ut sup., pp. 329, 330.) So that in all respects, including the coarseness of the parchment, the handwriting, and the language, it announces its own genuineness with as much certainty as any document of its age. As printed, it fills about twelve pages in octavo, and enables us to judge somewhat of the state of the Castilian at the time it was written. After a caption or enrolment in bad Latin, it opens with these words:— “Estos sunt los foros que deu el rey D. Alfonso ad Abilies cuando la poblou par foro Sancti Facundi et otorgo lo emperador. Em primo, per solar pinder, I solido a lo reu et II denarios a lo saion, É cada ano un sÓlido en censo per lo solar: É qui lo vender, de I solido Á lo rai, É quil comparar darÁ II denarios a lo saion,” etc. p. 267. A part of one of its important regulations is as follows:—“Toth homine qui populador for ela villa del rey, de quant aver qui ser aver, si aver como heredat, dÈ fer en toth suo placer de vender o de dar, et Á quen lo donar que sedeat stabile si filio non aver, et si filio aver del, delo Á mano illo quis quiser É fur placer, que non deserede de toto, et si toto lo deseredar, toto lo perdan aquellos Á quen lo der.” Revista, p. 315. Its concluding provisions are in these words:—“Duos homines cum armas derumpent casa, et de rotura de orta serrada, LX. sÓlidos al don de la orta, el medio al rei, É medio al don dela.—Homines populatores de Abilies, non dent portage ni rivage, desde la mar ata Leon.” Ibid., p. 322. It ends with bad Latin, denouncing excommunication on any person who shall attempt to infringe its provisions, and declaring him “cum Datam et Abiron in infernum damnatus.” Ibid., p. 329. By the general consent of those who have examined it, this Carta Puebla of AvilÉs is determined to be the oldest document now known to exist in the Castilian or vulgar dialect of the period, which dialect, in the opinion of Don Rafael Gonzalez Llanos, received its essential character as early as 1206, or six years before the decisive battle of the Navas de Tolosa, (see, ante, Vol. I. p. 9, note,) though not a few documents, after that date, abound in Latin words and phrases. Revista, ut supra, Tom. VIII. p. 197. I am aware that two documents in the Spanish language, claiming to be yet older, have been cited by Mr. Hallam, in a note to Part II. c. 9 of his Middle Ages, London, 1819, 8vo, Vol. III. p. 554, where he says: “The earliest Spanish that I remember to have seen is an instrument in Martene, Thesaurus Anecdotorum, Tom. I. p. 263; the date of which is 1095. Persons more conversant with the antiquities of that country may possibly go farther back. Another of 1101 is published in Marina’s Teoria de las Cortes, Tom. III. p. 1. It is in a Vidimus by Peter the Cruel, and cannot, I presume, have been a translation from the Latin.” There can be no higher general authority than Mr. Hallam for any historical fact, and this statement seems to carry back the oldest authentic date for the Spanish language sixty years earlier than I have ventured to carry it. But I have examined carefully both of the documents to which Mr. Hallam refers, and am satisfied they are of later date than the charter of AvilÉs. That in Martene is merely an anecdote connected with the taking of “the city of Exea,” when it was conquered, as this story states, by Sancho of Aragon. Its language strongly resembles that of the “Partidas,” which would bring it down to the middle of the thirteenth century; but it bears, in truth, no date, and only declares at the end that the city of Exea was taken on the nones of April, 1095, from the Moors. Of course, there is some mistake about the whole matter, for Sancho of Aragon, here named as its conqueror, died June 4th, 1094, and was succeeded by Peter I., and the person who wrote this account, which seems to be, after all, only an extract from some monkish chronicle, did not live near enough to that date to know so notorious a fact. Moreover, Exea is in Aragon, where it is not probable the earliest Castilian was spoken or written. Thus much for the document from Martene. That from Marina’s Teoria is of a still later and quite certain date. It is a charter of privileges granted by Alfonso VI. to the MozÁrabes of Toledo, but translated in 1340, when it was confirmed by Alfonso XI. Indeed, it is so announced by Marina himself, who in the table of contents says especially, that it is “translated into Castilian.” [453] Marina, Ensayo, p. 19. [454] The most striking proof, perhaps, that can be given of the number of Latin words and constructions retained in the modern Spanish, is to be found in the many pages of verse and prose that have, from time to time, been so written that they can be read throughout either as Latin or as Spanish. The first instance of this sort that I know of is by Juan Martinez Siliceo, Archbishop of Toledo and preceptor to Philip II., who, when he was in Italy, wrote a short prose dissertation that could be read in both languages, in order to prove to some of his learned friends in that country that the Castilian of Spain was nearer to the Latin than their Italian;—a jeu-d’esprit, which he printed in his treatise on Arithmetic, in 1514. (Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. II. p. 737.) Other examples occur afterwards. One may be found in a Spanish Grammar, published at Louvain in 1555, and entitled “Util y Breve Institution para aprender Lengua HespaÑola”; a curious book, which treats the Castilian as only one of several languages then spoken in the Spanish Peninsula, and says of it, “no es otra cosa que Latin corrupto,”—adding that many letters had been written in Spanish words that were yet Latin letters, one of which he proceeds to give in proof. Other examples occur in a Dialogue by Fern. Perez de Oliva, and an Epistle of Ambrosio Morales, the historian, printed in 1585, with the works of the first; in a Sonnet published by Rengifo, in his “Arte PoÉtica,” in 1592; and, finally, in an excessively rare volume of terza rima, by Diego de Aguiar, printed in 1621, and entitled “Tercetos en Latin congruo y puro Castellano,” of which the following is a favorable specimen:— Scribo historias, graves, generosos Spiritus, divinos Heroes puros, Magnanimos, insignes, bellicosos; Canto de Marte, defensores duros Animosos Leones, excellentes, De rar industriÂ, invictos, grandes muros, Vos animas illustres, prÆeminentes Invoco, etc. Much cannot be said for the purity of either the Castilian or the Latin in verses like these; but they leave no doubt of the near relationship of the two. For the proportions of all the languages that enter into the Spanish, see Sarmiento, Memorias, 1775, p. 107;—Larramendi, Antiguedad y Universalidad del Bascuence, 1728, c. xvi., apud Vargas y Ponce, Disertacion, 1793, pp. 10-26;—Rosseeuw de St. Hilaire, Etudes sur l’Origine de la Langue et Romances Espagnoles, ThÈse, 1838, p. 11;—W. von Humboldt, PrÜfung, already cited;—Marina, Ensayo, in Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., Tom. IV., 1805;—and an article in the British and Foreign Review, No. XV., 1839. [455] All the documents containing the privileges granted by St. Ferdinand to Seville, on the capture of the city, are in the vernacular of the time, the Romance. Ortiz y ZuÑiga, Anales de Sevilla, fol., 1677, p. 89. Quiero fer una prosa en Roman paladino, En qual suele el pueblo fablar a su vecino, Car non so tan letrado por fer otro latino, etc. Vida de S. Domingo de Silos, St. 2. Roman paladino means the “plain Romance language,” paladino being derived, as I think, with Sanchez, from palam, though Sarmiento (in his manuscript on “Amadis de Gaula,” referred to, Vol. I. p. 322, note) says, when noticing this line: “Paladino es de palatino y este es de palacio.” The otro latino is, of course, the elder Latin, however corrupted. Cervantes uses the word ladino to mean Spanish, (Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 41, and the note of Clemencin,) and Dante (Par., III. 63) uses it once to mean plain, easy; both curious instances of an indirect meaning, forced, as it were, upon a word. Prosa means, I suppose, story. Biagioli (Ad Purgatorio, XXVI. 118) says: “Prosa nell’ Italiano e nel Provenzale del secolo xiii. significa precisamente istoria o narrazione in versi.” It may be doubted whether he is right in applying this remark to the passage in Dante, but it is no doubt applicable to the passage before us in Berceo, the meaning of which both Bouterwek and his Spanish translators have mistaken. (Bouterwek, Trad. Cortina, etc., 8vo, Madrid, 1829, Tom. I. pp. 60 and 119.) Ferdinand Wolf (in his very learned work, “Über die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche,” Heidelberg, 1841, 8vo, pp. 92 and 304) thinks the use of the word prosa, here and elsewhere in early Spanish poetry, had some reference to the well-known use of the same word in the offices of the Church. (Du Cange, Glossarium, ad verb.) But I think the early Spanish rhymers took it from the ProvenÇal, and not from the ecclesiastical Latin. [457] Mondejar, Memorias del Rey D. Alonso el Sabio, fol., Madrid, 1777, pp. 450-452. Mariana, Hist., Lib. XIV. c. 7, and Castro, Bib., Tom. I. pp. 411, etc. [458] Felipe Mey printed a volume of his own poems at Tarragona, in 1586, from which Faber, in his Floresta, Tom. II., has taken three sonnets of some merit. A Life of him may be found in Ximeno, (Tom. I. p. 249,) completed by Fuster (Tom. I. p. 213). As a translator of Ovid he is favorably noticed by Pellicer, Biblioteca de Traductores, Tom. II. p. 76. [459] “CopiÓse de otra copia el aÑo de 1606, en Madrid, 27 de Ebrero aÑo dicho. Para el SeÑor Agustin de Argote, hijo del muy noble SeÑor (que sancta gloria haya) Gonzalo Zatieco de Molina, un caballero de Sevilla.” Zatieco occurs elsewhere, as part of the name of Argote de Molina, or of his family. [460] “En otra escritura de 5 de Julio de 1597 deja por patronas de una capellanÍa fundada por Él en la dicha iglÉsia de Santiago Á DoÑa Francisca Argote de Molina y Mexia, su hija, y despues de ella Á DoÑa Isabel de Argote y Á DoÑa GerÓnima de Argote sus hermanas, y Á sus hijos y descendientes, y Á Juan Argote de Mexia su hermano y Á sus hijos,” etc. [461] “En dicha Capilla hay una inscripcion del tenor siguiente: Esta capilla mayor y entierro es de Don Gonzalo Argote de Molina, Provincial de la Hermandad del Andalucia y Veintequatro que fuÉ de Sevilla, y de sus herederos. AcabÓse aÑo de 1600.” He purchased this privilege, January 28, 1586, for 800 ducats. [462] “Tuvo hijos que le precedieron en muerte, cuyo sentimiento hizo infausto el Último tÉrmino de su vida, turbando su juizio que, lleno de altivez, levantaba sus pensamientos Á mayor fortuna.” Anales de Sevilla, fol., 1677, p. 706. Vanflora, Hijos de Sevilla, No. II. p. 76, says: “MuriÓ sin dexar hijos ni caudales y con algunas seÑas de demente.” [463] “Da Livreria do Senhor Duque de LafÕes.” [464] I suspect Don Adolfo may have made another little mistake here; for I have had occasion, since I read his note, to read the “Conde Lucanor,” and, though I kept his criticism in mind, I did not notice the proverb in any form in any one of the tales. Sometimes it occurs in later authors in another form, thus: “Al buen callar llaman santo”; or, “He who knows when to hold his tongue is a saint.” But this is rare. [465] They are, I believe, all omitted in the translation of Miss Thomasina Ross, which appeared in Bentley’s Magazine, (London, August and September, 1848,) and in the translation by “A Member of the University of Cambridge,” published at Cambridge, 1849, with judicious notes, partly original and partly abridged from those of Don Adolfo de Castro. [466] It is curious, that the Index Expurgatorius of 1667, p. 794, and that of 1790, p. 51, direct two lines to be struck out from c. 36, but touch no other part of the work. The two lines signify that “works of charity performed in a lukewarm spirit have no merit and avail nothing.” These lines are carefully cancelled in my copy of the first edition. Cervantes, therefore, did not, after all, stand on so safe ground as he thought he did, when, in c. 20 of the same Part, he says his Don Quixote “does not contain even a thought that is not strictly Catholic.” Transcriber’s note
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