Edgar Thurston

Labbai.—The Labbais are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being “a Musalman caste of partly Tamil origin, the members of which are traders and betel vine (Piper Betle) growers. They seem to be distinct from the Marakkayars, as they do not intermarry with them, and their Tamil contains a much smaller admixture of Arabic than that used by the Marakkayars. In the Tanjore district, the Labbais are largely betel vine cultivators, and are called Kodikkalkaran (betel vine people).” In the Census Report, 1881, the Labbais are said to be “found chiefly in Tanjore and Madura. They are the Mappilas of the Coromandel coast, that is to say, converted Dravidians, or Hindus, with a slight admixture of Arab blood. They are thrifty, industrious, and enterprising; plucky mariners, and expert traders. They emigrate to the Straits Settlements and Burma without restriction.” In the Census Report, 1891, they are described as “a mixed class of Muhammadans, consisting partly of compulsory converts to Islam made by the early Muhammadan invaders and Tippu Sultan.” As regards their origin, Colonel Wilks, the historian of Mysore, writes as follows.1 “About the end of the first century of the Hejirah, or the early part of the eighth century A.D., Hijaj Ben Gusaff, Governor of Irak, a monster abhorred for his cruelties even among Musalmans, drove some persons of the house of Hashem to the desperate resolution of abandoning for ever their native country. Some of them landed on that part of the western coast of India called the Concan, the others to the eastward of Cape Comorin. The descendants of the former are Navaiyats, of the latter the Labbai, a name probably given to them by the natives from that Arabic particle (a modification of labbick) corresponding with the English ‘Here I am,’ indicating attention on being spoken to [i.e., the response of the servant to the call of his master. A further explanation of the name is that the Labbais were originally few in number, and were often oppressed by other Muhammadans and Hindus, to whom they cried labbek, or we are your servants]. Another account says they are the descendants of the Arabs, who, in the eleventh and and twelfth centuries, came to India for trade. These Arabs were persecuted by the Moghals, and they then returned to their country, leaving behind their children born of Indian women. The word Labbai seems to be of recent origin, for, in the Tamil lexicons, this caste is usually known as Sonagan, i.e., a native of Sonagam (Arabia), and this name is common at the present day. Most of the Labbais are traders; some are engaged in weaving corah (sedge) mats; and others in diving at the pearl and chank fisheries of the Gulf of Manaar. Tamil is their home-speech, and they have furnished some fair Tamil poets. In religion they are orthodox Musalmans. Their marriage ceremony, however, closely resembles that of the lower Hindu castes, the only difference being that the former cite passages from the Koran, and their females do not appear in public even during marriages. Girls are not married before puberty. Their titles are Marakkayan (Marakalar, boatmen), and Ravuttan (a horse soldier). Their first colony appears to have been Kayalpatnam in the Tinnevelly district.” In the Manual of the Madura district, the Labbais are described as “a fine, strong, active race, who generally contrive to keep themselves in easy circumstances. Many of them live by traffic. Many are smiths, and do excellent work as such. Others are fishermen, boatmen, and the like. They are to be found in great numbers in the Zamindaris, particularly near the sea-coast.”

Concerning the use of a Malay blow-gun (glorified pea-shooter) by the Labbais of the Madura district, Dr. N. Annandale writes as follows.2 “While visiting the sub-division of Ramnad in the coast of the Madura district in 1905, I heard that there were, among the Muhammadan people known locally as Lubbais or Labbis, certain men who made a livelihood by shooting pigeons with blow-guns. At Kilakarai, a port on the Gulf of Manaar, I was able to obtain a specimen, as well as particulars. According to my Labbi informants, the ‘guns’ are purchased by them in Singapore from Bugis traders, and brought to India. There is still a considerable trade, although diminished, between Kilakarai and the ports of Burma and the Straits Settlements. It is carried on entirely by Muhammadans in native sailing vessels, and a large proportion of the Musalmans of Kilakarai have visited Penang and Singapore. It is not difficult to find among them men who can speak Straits Malay. The local name for the blow-gun is senguttan, and is derived in popular etymology from the Tamil sen (above) and kutu (to stab). I have little doubt that it is really a corruption of the Malay name of the weapon—sumpitan. The blow-gun which I obtained measures 189.6 cm. in length: its external diameter at the breech is 30mm., and at the other extremity 24 mm. The diameter of the bore, however, is practically the same throughout, viz., 12 mm. Both ends are overlaid with tin, and the breech consists of a solid piece of tin turned on a lathe and pierced, the diameter of the aperture being the same as that of the bore. The solid tin measures 35 mm. in length, and is continuous with the foil which covers the base of the wooden tube. The tube itself is of very hard, heavy, dark wood, apparently that of a palm. It is smooth, polished and regular on its outer surface, and the bore is extremely true and even. At a distance of 126 mm. from the distal extremity, at the end of the foil which protects the tip of the weapon, a lump of mud is fixed on the tube as a ‘sight.’ The ornamentation of the weapon is characteristic, and shows that it must have been made in North Borneo. It consists of rings, leaf-shaped designs with an open centre, and longitudinal bars, all inlaid with tin. The missiles used at Kilakarai were not darts, but little pellets of soft clay worked with the fingers immediately before use. The use of pellets instead of darts is probably an Indian makeshift. Although a ‘sight’ is used in some Bornean blow-guns, I was told, probably correctly, that the lump of mud on the Kilakarai specimen had been added in India. I was told that it was the custom at Kilakarai to lengthen the tin breech of the ‘gun’ in accordance with the capacity of the owner’s lungs. He first tried the tube by blowing a pellet through it, and, if he felt he could blow through a longer tube, he added another piece of tin at the proximal end. The pellet is placed in the mouth, into which the butt of the tube is also introduced. The pellet is then worked into the tube with the tongue, and is propelled by a violent effort of the lungs. No wadding is used. Aim is rendered inaccurate, in the first place by the heaviness of the tube, and secondly by the unsuitable nature of the missile.” A toy blow-gun is also figured by Dr. Annandale, such as is used as a plaything by Labbai boys, and consisting of a hollow cane with a piece of tinned iron twisted round the butt, and fastened by soldering the two ends together. I have received from the Madura district a blowpipe consisting of a long black-japanned tin tube, like a billiard-cue case, with brass fittings and terminals.

In connection with the dugong (Halicore dugong), which is caught in the Gulf of Manaar, Dr. Annandale writes as follows.3 “The presence of large glands in connection with the eye afforded some justification for the Malay’s belief that the Dugong weeps when captured. They regard the tears of the ikandugong (‘Dugong fish’) as a powerful love-charm. Muhammadan fishermen on the Gulf of Manaar appeared to be ignorant of this usage, but told me that a ‘doctor’ once went out with them to collect the tears of a Dugong, should they capture one. Though they do not call the animal a fish, they are less particular about eating its flesh than are the Patani Malays and the Trang Samsams, who will not do so unless the ‘fish’s’ throat has been cut in the manner orthodox for warm-blooded animals. The common Tamil name for the Dugong is kadalpudru (‘sea-pig’); but the fishermen at Kilakarai (Lubbais) call it avilliah.”

Concerning the Labbais of the South Arcot district, Mr. W. Francis writes as follows.4 “The Labbais are often growers of betel, especially round about Nellikuppam, and they also conduct the skin trade of the district, are petty shop-keepers, and engage in commerce at the ports. Their women are clever at weaving mats from the screw-pine (Pandanus fascicularis), which grows so abundantly along the sandy shore of the Bay of Bengal. The Labbais very generally wear a high hat of plaited coloured grass, and a tartan (kambayam) waist-cloth, and so are not always readily distinguishable in appearance from the Marakkayars, but some of them use the Hindu turban and waist-cloth, and let their womankind dress almost exactly like Hindu women. In the same way, some Labbais insist on the use of Hindustani in their houses, while others speak Tamil. There seems to be a growing dislike to the introduction of Hindu rites into domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music, which were once common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a simpler ritual more in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the Musalman faith.”

In a note on the Labbais of the North Arcot district,5 Mr. H. A. Stuart describes them as being “very particular Muhammadans, and many belong to the Wahabi section. Adhering to the rule of the Koran, most of them refuse to lend money at interest, but get over the difficulty by taking a share in the profits derived by others in their loans. They are, as a rule, well-to-do, and excellently housed. The first thing a Labbai does is to build himself a commodious tiled building, and the next to provide himself with gay attire. They seem to have a prejudice against repairing houses, and prefer letting them go to ruin, and building new ones. The ordinary Musalmans appear to entertain similar ideas on this point.”

Some Kodikkalkaran Labbais have adopted Hindu customs in their marriage ceremonies. Thus a bamboo is set up as a milk-post, and a tali is tied round the neck of the bride while the Nikkadiva is being read. In other respects, they practice Muhammadan rites.

Concerning the Labbais who have settled in the Mysore province, I gather6 that they are “an enterprising class of traders, settled in nearly all the large towns. They are vendors of hardware and general merchants, collectors of hides, and large traders in coffee produce, and generally take up any kind of lucrative business. It is noteworthy, as denoting the perseverance and pushing character of the race that, in the large village of Gargesvari in Tirumakudlu, Narsipur taluk, the Labbes have acquired by purchase or otherwise large extents of river-irrigated lands, and have secured to themselves the leadership among the villagers within a comparatively recent period.”

For the purpose of the education of Labbai and Marakkayar children, the Koran and other books have been published in the Tamil language, but with Arabic characters. Concerning these Arab-Tamil books I gather that “when a book thus written is read, it is hardly possible to say that it is Tamil—it sounds like Arabic, and the guttural sounds of certain words have softened down into Arabic sounds. Certain words, mostly of religious connection, have been introduced, and even words of familiar daily use. For instance, a Labbai would not use the familiar word Annai for brother, Tagappan for father, or Chithammai for aunt, but would call such relatives Bhai, Bava, and Khula. Since the books are written in Arabic characters, they bear a religious aspect. The Labbai considers it a sacred and meritorious duty to publish them, and distribute them gratis among the school-going children. A book so written or printed is called a kitab, rather than its Tamil equivalent pustagam, and is considered sacred. It commands almost the same respect as the Koran itself, in regard to which it has been commanded ‘Touch not with unclean hands.’ A book of a religious nature, written or printed in Tamil characters, may be left on the ground, but a kitab of even secular character will always be placed on a rihal or seat, and, when it falls to the ground, it is kissed and raised to the forehead. The origin of this literature may be traced to Kayalpatnam, Melapalayam, and other important Labbai towns in the Tinnevelly district.” The following rendering of the second Kalima will serve as an example of Arab-Tamil.

Text in Arabic script with many vowel marks.

Ladaf.—Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a synonym of Dudekula. A corruption of nad-daf (a cotton-dresser).

Ladar.—It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that “the Ladars are a class of general merchants, found chiefly in the cities, where they supply all kinds of stores, glass-ware, etc.” I gather7 that the “Lad or Suryavaunshi Vanis say that they are the children of Surya, the sun. They are said to have come from Benares to Maisur under pressure of famine about 700 years ago. But their caste name seems to show that their former settlement was not in Benares, but in South Gujarat or Lat Desh. They are a branch of the Lad community of Maisur, with whom they have social intercourse. They teach their boys to read and write Kanarese, and succeed as traders in grain, cloth, and groceries.”

Lala.—The names of some Bondilis, or immigrants from Bandelkand, who have settled in the North Arcot district and other localities, terminate with Lala. Lala also occurs as a synonym for Kayasth, the writer caste of Bengal, immigrants from Northern India, who have settled in Madras, where there are a number of families. “In Madras,” Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri informs us,8 “the Mahrattas and Lalas—mostly non-Brahman—observe the Holi feast with all sorts of hideousness. The youngsters of the Lala sect make, in each house or in common for a whole street, an image of Holika, sing obscene songs before it, offer sweetmeats, fruits and other things in mock worship of the image, exchange horseplay compliments by syringing coloured water on each other’s clothes, and spend the whole period of the feast singing, chatting, and abusing. Indecent language is allowed to be indulged in during the continuance of this jolly occasion. At about 1 A.M. on the full moon day, the image of Holika is burnt, and children sit round the embers, and beat their mouths, making a mock mourning sound. Tender children are swung over the fire for a second by the fond mothers, and this is believed to remove all kinds of danger from the babies.”

Laligonda.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Lingayats, consisting of Canarese-speaking Kapus or Vakkaligas.

Lambadi.—The Lambadis are also called Lambani, Brinjari or Banjari, Boipari, Sugali or Sukali. By some Sugali is said to be a corruption of supari (betel nut), because they formerly traded largely therein.9 “The Banjaras,” Mr. G. A. Grierson writes,10 “are the well-known tribe of carriers who are found all over Western and Southern India.11 One of their principal sub-castes is known under the name of Labhani, and this name (or some related one) is often applied to the whole tribe. The two names appear each under many variations, such as Banjari, Vanjari, Brinjari, Labhani, Labani, Labana, Lambadi, and Lambani. The name Banjara and its congeners is probably derived from the Sanskrit Vanijyakarakas, a merchant, through the Prakrit Vanijjaarao, a trader. The derivation of Labhani or Labani, etc., is obscure. It has been suggested that it means salt carrier from the Sanskrit lavanah, salt, because the tribe carried salt, but this explanation goes against several phonetic rules, and does not account for the forms of the word like Labhani or Lambani. Banjari falls into two main dialects—that of the Panjab and Gujarat, and that of elsewhere (of which we may take the Labhani of Berar as the standard). All these different dialects are ultimately to be referred to the language of Western Rajputana. The Labhani of Berar possesses the characteristics of an old form of speech, which has been preserved unchanged for some centuries. It may be said to be based partly on Marwari and partly on Northern Gujarati.” It is noted by Mr. Grierson that the Banjari dialect of Southern India is mixed with the surrounding Dravidian languages. In the Census Report, 1901, Tanda (the name of the Lambadi settlements or camps), and Vali Sugriva are given as synonyms for the tribal name. Vali and Sugriva were two monkey chiefs mentioned in the Ramayana, from whom the Lambadis claim to be descended. The legend, as given by Mr. F. S. Mullaly,12 is that “there were two brothers, Mota and Mola, descendants of Sugriva. Mola had no issue, so, being an adept in gymnastic feats, he went with his wife Radha, and exhibited his skill at ‘Rathanatch’ before three rajahs. They were so taken with Mola’s skill, and the grace and beauty of Radha, and of her playing of the nagara or drum, that they asked what they could do for them. Mola asked each of the rajahs for a boy, that he might adopt him as his son. This request was accorded, and Mola adopted three boys. Their names were Chavia, Lohia Panchar, and Ratade. These three boys, in course of time, grew up and married. From Bheekya, the eldest son of Ratade, started the clan known as the Bhutyas, and from this clan three minor sub-divisions known as the Maigavuth, Kurumtoths, and Kholas. The Bhutyas form the principal class among the Lambadis.” According to another legend,13 “one Chada left five sons, Mula, Mota, Nathad, Jogda, and Bhimda. Chavan (Chauhan), one of the three sons of Mula, had six sons, each of whom originated a clan. In the remote past, a Brahman from Ajmir, and a Marata from Jotpur in the north of India, formed alliances with, and settled among these people, the Marata living with Rathol, a brother of Chavan. The Brahman married a girl of the latter’s family, and his offspring added a branch to the six distinct clans of Chavan. These clans still retain the names of their respective ancestors, and, by reason of cousinship, intermarriage between some of them is still prohibited. They do, however, intermarry with the Brahman offshoot, which was distinguished by the name of Vadtya, from Chavan’s family. Those belonging to the Vadtya clan still wear the sacred thread. The Marata, who joined the Rathol family, likewise founded an additional branch under the name of Khamdat to the six clans of the latter, who intermarry with none but the former. It is said that from the Khamdat clan are recruited most of the Lambadi dacoits. The clan descended from Mota, the second son of Chada, is not found in the Mysore country. The descendants of Nathad, the third son, live by catching wild birds, and are known as Mirasikat, Paradi, or Vagri (see Kuruvikkaran). The Jogdas are people of the Jogi caste. Those belonging to the Bhimda family are the peripatetic blacksmiths, called Bailu Kammara. The Lambani outcastes compose a sub-division called Thalya, who, like the Holayas, are drum-beaters, and live in detached habitations.”

As pointing to a distinction between Sukalis and Banjaris, it is noted by the Rev. J. Cain14 that “the Sukalilu do not travel in such large companies as the Banjarilu, nor are their women dressed as gaudily as the Banjari women. There is but little friendship between these two classes, and the Sukali would regard it as anything but an honour to be called a Banjari, and the Banjari is not flattered when called a Sukali.” It is, however, noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that enquiries show that Lambadis and Sugalis are practically the same. And Mr. H. A. Stuart, writing concerning the inhabitants of the North Arcot district, states that the names Sugali, Lambadi and Brinjari “seem to be applied to one and the same class of people, though a distinction is made. The Sugalis are those who have permanently settled in the district; the Lambadis are those who commonly pass through from the coast to Mysore; and the Brinjaris appear to be those who come down from Hyderabad or the Central Provinces.” It is noted by Mr. W. Francis15 that, in the Bellary district, the Lambadis do not recognise the name Sugali.

Orme mentions the Lambadis as having supplied the Comte de Bussy with store, cattle and grain, when besieged by the Nizam’s army at Hyderabad. In an account of the Brinjaris towards the close of the eighteenth century, Moor16 writes that they “associate chiefly together, seldom or never mixing with other tribes. They seem to have no home, nor character, but that of merchants, in which capacity they travel great distances to whatever parts are most in want of merchandise, which is the greatest part corn. In times of war they attend, and are of great assistance to armies, and, being neutral, it is a matter of indifference to them who purchase their goods. They marched and formed their own encampments apart, relying on their own courage for protection; for which purpose the men are all armed with swords or matchlocks. The women drive the cattle, and are the most robust we ever saw in India, undergoing a great deal of labour with apparent ease. Their dress is peculiar, and their ornaments are so singularly chosen that we have, we are confident, seen women who (not to mention a child at their backs) have had eight or ten pounds weight in metal or ivory round their arms and legs. The favourite ornaments appear to be rings of ivory from the wrist to the shoulder, regularly increasing in size, so that the ring near the shoulder will be immoderately large, sixteen or eighteen inches, or more perhaps in circumference. These rings are sometimes dyed red. Silver, lead, copper, or brass, in ponderous bars, encircle their shins, sometimes round, others in the form of festoons, and truly we have seen some so circumstanced that a criminal in irons would not have much more to incommode him than these damsels deem ornamental and agreeable trappings on a long march, for they are never dispensed with in the hottest weather. A kind of stomacher, with holes for the arms, and tied behind at the bottom, covers their breast, and has some strings of cowries,17 depending behind, dangling at their backs. The stomacher is curiously studded with cowries, and their hair is also bedecked with them. They wear likewise ear-rings, necklaces, rings on the fingers and toes, and, we think, the nut or nose jewel. They pay little attention to cleanliness; their hair, once plaited, is not combed or opened perhaps for a month; their bodies or cloths are seldom washed; their arms are indeed so encased with ivory that it would be no easy matter to clean them. They are chaste and affable; any indecorum offered to a woman would be resented by the men, who have a high sense of honour on that head. Some are men of great property; it is said that droves of loaded bullocks, to the number of fifty or sixty thousand, have at different times followed the Bhow’s army.”

Lambadis.

Lambadis.

The Lambadis of Bellary “have a tradition among them of having first come to the Deccan from the north with Moghul camps as commissariat carriers. Captain J. Briggs, in writing about them in 1813, states that, as the Deccan is devoid of a single navigable river, and has no roads that admit of wheeled traffic, the whole of the extensive intercourse is carried on by laden bullocks, the property of the Banjaris.”18 Concerning the Lambadis of the same district, Mr. Francis writes that “they used to live by pack-bullock trade, and they still remember the names of some of the generals who employed their forebears. When peace and the railways came and did away with these callings, they fell back for a time upon crime as a livelihood, but they have now mostly taken to agriculture and grazing.” Some Lambadis are, at the present time (1908), working in the Mysore manganese mines.

Writing in 1825, Bishop Heber noted19 that “we passed a number of Brinjarees, who were carrying salt. They all had bows, arrows, sword and shield. Even the children had, many of them, bows and arrows suited to their strength, and I saw one young woman equipped in the same manner.”

Of the Lambadis in time of war, the AbbÉ Dubois inform us20 that “they attach themselves to the army where discipline is least strict. They come swarming in from all parts, hoping, in the general disorder and confusion, to be able to thieve with impunity. They make themselves very useful by keeping the market well supplied with the provisions that they have stolen on the march. They hire themselves and their large herds of cattle to whichever contending party will pay them best, acting as carriers of the supplies and baggage of the army. They were thus employed, to the number of several thousands, by the English in their last war with the Sultan of Mysore. The English, however, had occasion to regret having taken these untrustworthy and ill-disciplined people into their service, when they saw them ravaging the country through which they passed, and causing more annoyance than the whole of the enemy’s army.”

It is noted by Wilks21 that the travelling grain merchants, who furnished the English army under Cornwallis with grain during the Mysore war, were Brinjaris, and, he adds, “they strenuously objected, first, that no capital execution should take place without the sanction of the regular judicial authority; second, that they should be punishable for murder. The executions to which they demanded assent, or the murders for which they were called to account, had their invariable origin in witchcraft, or the power of communication with evil spirits. If a child sickened, or a wife was inconstant, the sorcerer was to be discovered and punished.” It is recorded by the Rev. J. Cain that many of the Lambadis “confessed that, in former days, it was the custom among them before starting out on a journey to procure a little child, and bury it in the ground up to the shoulders, and then drive their loaded bullocks over the unfortunate victim, and, in proportion to their thoroughly trampling the child to death, so their belief in a successful journey increased. A Lambadi was seen repeating a number of mantrams (magical formulÆ) over his patients, and touching their heads at the same time with a book, which was a small edition of the Telugu translation of St. John’s gospel. Neither the physician nor patient could read, and had no idea of the contents of the book.” At the time when human (meriah) sacrifices prevailed in the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, it was the regular duty of Lambadis to kidnap or purchase human beings in the plains, and sell them to the hill tribes for extravagant prices. A person, in order to be a fitting meriah, had to be purchased for a price.

It is recorded22 that not long after the accession of Vinayaka Deo to the throne of Jeypore, in the fifteenth century, some of his subjects rose against him, but he recovered his position with the help of a leader of Brinjaris. Ever since then, in grateful recognition, his descendants have appended to their signatures a wavy line (called valatradu), which represents the rope with which Brinjaris tether their cattle.

The common occupation of the Lambadis of Mysore is said23 to be “the transport, especially in the hill and forest tracts difficult of access, of grain and other produce on pack bullocks, of which they keep large herds. They live in detached clusters of rude huts, called thandas, at some distance from established villages. Though some of them have taken of late to agriculture, they have as yet been only partially reclaimed from criminal habits.” The thandas are said to be mostly pitched on high ground affording coigns of vantage for reconnoissance in predatory excursions. It is common for the Lambadis of the Vizagapatam Agency, during their trade peregrinations, to clear a level piece of land, and camp for night, with fires lighted all round them. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me that “they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers, if they take certain precautions. Most of them have to pass through places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp at a place, they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm belief that the tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind, and eventually be shot. I was once travelling towards Malkangiri from Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of these people encamped in the manner described. At that time, several villages about Malkangiri were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger). In the Madras Census Reports the Lambadis are described as a class of traders, herdsmen, cattle-breeders, and cattle-lifters, found largely in the Deccan districts, in parts of which they have settled down as agriculturists. In the Cuddapah district they are said24 to be found in most of the jungly tracts, living chiefly by collecting firewood and jungle produce. In the Vizagapatam district, Mr. G. F. Paddison informs me, the bullocks of the Lambadis are ornamented with peacock’s feathers and cowry shells, and generally a small mirror on the forehead. The bullocks of the Brinjaris (Boiparis) are described by the Rev. G. Gloyer25 as having their horns, foreheads, and necks decorated with richly embroidered cloth, and carrying on their horns, plumes of peacock’s feathers and tinkling bells. When on the march, the men always have their mouths covered, to avoid the awful dust which the hundreds of cattle kick up. Their huts are very temporary structures made of wattle. The whole village is moved about a furlong or so every two or three years—as early a stage of the change from nomadic to a settled life as can be found.” The Lambadi tents, or pals, are said by Mr. Mullaly to be “made of stout coarse cloth fastened with ropes. In moving camp, these habitations are carried with their goods and chattels on pack bullocks.” Concerning the Lambadis of the Bellary district Mr. S. P. Rice writes to me as follows. “They are wood-cutters, carriers, and coolies, but some of them settle down and become cultivators. A Lambadi hut generally consists of only one small room, with no aperture except the doorway. Here are huddled together the men, women, and children, the same room doing duty as kitchen, dining and bedroom. The cattle are generally tied up outside in any available spot of the village site, so that the whole village is a sort of cattle pen interspersed with huts, in whatsoever places may have seemed convenient to the particular individual. Dotted here and there are a few shrines of a modest description, where I was told that fires are lighted every night in honour of the deity. The roofs are generally sloping and made of thatch, unlike the majority of houses in the Deccan, which are almost always terraced or flat roofed. I have been into one or two houses rather larger than those described, where I found a buffalo or two, after the usual Canarese fashion. There is an air of encampment about the village, which suggests a gipsy life.”

The present day costume and personal adornments of the Lambadi females have been variously described by different writers. By one, the women are said to remind one of the Zingari of Wallachia and the Gitani of Spain. “Married women,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,26 “are distinguished from the unmarried in that they wear their bangles between the elbow and shoulder, while the unmarried have them between the elbow and wrist. Unmarried girls may wear black bead necklets, which are taken off at marriage, at which time they first assume the ravikkai or jacket. Matrons also use an earring called guriki to distinguish them from widows or unmarried girls.” In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, it is noted that “the women wear a peculiar dress, consisting of a lunga or gown of stout coarse print, a tartan petticoat, and a mantle often elaborately embroidered, which also covers the head and upper part of the body. The hair is worn in ringlets or plaits hanging down each side of the face, and decorated with shells, and terminating in tassels. The arms are profusely covered with trinkets and rings made of bones, brass and other rude materials. The men’s dress consists of a white or red turband, and a pair of white breeches or knicker-bockers, reaching a little below the knee, with a string of red silk tassels hanging by the right side from the waistband.” “The men,” Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, “are fine muscular fellows, capable of enduring long and fatiguing marches. Their ordinary dress is the dhoty with short trousers, and frequently gaudy turbans and caps, in which they indulge on festive occasions. They also affect a considerable amount of jewellery. The women are, as a rule, comely, and above the average height of women of the country. Their costume is the laigna (langa) or gown of Karwar cloth, red or green, with a quantity of embroidery. The chola (choli) or bodice, with embroidery in the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and is tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being ornamented with cowries and beads. A covering cloth of Karwar cloth, with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side with a quantity of tassels and strings of cowries. Their jewels are very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows with a cowry as a pendant, called the cheed, threaded on horse-hair, and a silver hasali (necklace), a sign of marriage equivalent to the tali. Brass or horn bracelets, ten to twelve in number, extending to the elbow on either arm, with a guzera or piece of embroidered silk, one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. Anklets of ivory (or bone) or horn are only worn by married women. They are removed on the death of the husband. Pachala or silk embroidery adorned with tassels and cowries is also worn as an anklet by women. Their other jewels are mukaram or nose ornament, a silver kania or pendant from the upper part of the ear attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, and a profusion of silver, brass, and lead rings. Their hair is, in the case of unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in a knot at the top of the head. With married women it is fastened, in like manner, with a cowry or a brass button, and heavy pendants or gujuris are fastened at the temples. This latter is an essential sign of marriage, and its absence is a sign of widowhood. Lambadi women, when carrying water, are fastidious in the adornment of the pad, called gala, which is placed on their heads. They cover it with cowries, and attach to it an embroidered cloth, called phulia, ornamented with tassels and cowries.” I gather that Lambadi women of the Lavidia and Kimavath septs do not wear bracelets (chudo), because the man who went to bring them for the marriage of a remote ancestor died. In describing the dress of the Lambadi women, the Rev. G. N. Thomssen writes that “the sari is thrown over the head as a hood, with a frontlet of coins dangling over the forehead. This frontlet is removed in the case of widows. At the ends of the tufts of hair at the ears, heavy ornaments are tied or braided. Married women have a gold and silver coin at the ends of these tufts, while widows remove them. But the dearest possession of the women are large broad bracelets, made, some of wood, and the large number of bone or ivory. Almost the whole arm is covered with these ornaments. In case of the husband’s death, the bracelets on the upper arm are removed. They are kept in place by a cotton bracelet, gorgeously made, the strings of which are ornamented with the inevitable cowries. On the wrist broad heavy brass bracelets with bells are worn, these being presents from the mother to her daughter.”

Each thanda, Mr. Natesa Sastri writes, has “a headman called the Nayaka, whose word is law, and whose office is hereditary. Each settlement has also a priest, whose office is likewise hereditary.” According to Mr. H. A. Stuart, the thanda is named after the headman, and he adds, “the head of the gang appears to be regarded with great reverence, and credited with supernatural powers. He is believed to rule the gang most rigorously, and to have the power of life and death over its members.”

Concerning the marriage ceremonies of the Sugalis of North Arcot, Mr. Stuart informs us that these “last for three days. On the first an intoxicating beverage compounded of bhang (Cannabis indica) leaves, jaggery (crude sugar), and other things, is mixed and drunk. When all are merry, the bridegroom’s parents bring Rs. 35 and four bullocks to those of the bride, and, after presenting them, the bridegroom is allowed to tie a square silver bottu or tali (marriage badge) to the bride’s neck, and the marriage is complete; but the next two days must be spent in drinking and feasting. At the conclusion of the third day, the bride is arrayed in gay new clothes, and goes to the bridegroom’s house, driving a bullock before her. Upon the birth of the first male child, a second silver bottu is tied to the mother’s neck, and a third when a second son is born. When a third is added to the family, the three bottus are welded together, after which no additions are made.” Of the Lambadi marriage ceremony in the Bellary district, the following detailed account is given by Mr. Francis. “As acted before me by a number of both sexes of the caste, it runs as follows. The bridegroom arrives at night at the bride’s house with a cloth covering his head, and an elaborately embroidered bag containing betel and nut slung from his shoulder. Outside the house, at the four corners of a square, are arranged four piles of earthen pots—five pots in each. Within this square two grain-pounding pestles are stuck upright in the ground. The bride is decked with the cloth peculiar to married women, and taken outside the house to meet the bridegroom. Both stand within the square of pots, and round their shoulders is tied a cloth, in which the officiating Brahman knots a rupee. This Brahman, it may be at once noted, has little more to do with the ceremony beyond ejaculating at intervals ‘Shobhana! Shobhana!’ or ‘May it prosper!’ Then the right hands of the couple are joined, and they walk seven times round each of the upright pestles, while the women chant the following song, one line being sung for each journey round the pestle:

To yourself and myself marriage has taken place.

Together we will walk round the marriage pole.

Walk the third time; marriage has taken place.

You are mine by marriage.

Walk the fifth time; marriage has taken place.

Walk the sixth time; marriage has taken place.

Walk the seventh time; marriage has taken place.

We have walked seven times; I am yours.

Walk the seventh time; you are mine.

“The couple then sit on a blanket on the ground near one of the pestles, and are completely covered with a cloth. The bride gives the groom seven little balls compounded of rice, ghee (clarified butter) and sugar, which he eats. He then gives her seven others, which she in turn eats. The process is repeated near the other pestle. The women keep on chanting all the while. Then the pair go into the house, and the cloth into which the rupee was knotted is untied, and the ceremonies for that night are over. Next day the couple are bathed separately, and feasting takes place. That evening the girl’s mother or near female relations tie to the locks on each side of her temples the curious badges, called gugri, which distinguish a married from an unmarried woman, fasten a bunch of tassels to her back hair, and girdle her with a tasselled waistband, from which is suspended a little bag, into which the bridegroom puts five rupees. These last two are donned thereafter on great occasions, but are not worn every day. The next day the girl is taken home by her new husband.” It is noted in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that “one unique custom, distinguishing the Lambani marriage ceremonial, is that the officiating Brahman priest is the only individual of the masculine persuasion who is permitted to be present. Immediately after the betrothal, the females surround and pinch the priest on all sides, repeating all the time songs in their mixed Kutni dialect. The vicarious punishment to which the solitary male Brahman is thus subjected is said to be apt retribution for the cruel conduct, according to a mythological legend, of a Brahman parent who heartlessly abandoned his two daughters in the jungle, as they had attained puberty before marriage. The pinching episode is notoriously a painful reality. It is said, however, that the Brahman, willingly undergoes the operation in consideration of the fees paid for the rite.” The treatment of the Brahman as acted before me by Lambadi women at Nandyal, included an attempt to strip him stark naked. In the Census Report, it is stated that, at Lambadi weddings, the women “weep and cry aloud, and the bride and bridegroom pour milk into an ant-hill, and offer the snake which lives therein cocoanuts, flowers, and so on. Brahmans are sometimes engaged to celebrate weddings, and, failing a Brahman, a youth of the tribe will put on the thread, and perform the ceremony.”

The following variant of the marriage ceremonies was acted before me at Kadur in Mysore. A pandal (booth) is erected, and beneath it two pestles or rice-pounders are set up. At the four corners, a row of five pots is placed, and the pots are covered with leafy twigs of Calotropis procera, which are tied with Calotropis fibre or cotton thread. Sometimes a pestle is set up near each row of pots. The bridal couple seat themselves near the pestles, and the ends of their cloths, with a silver coin in them, are tied together. They are then smeared with turmeric, and, after a wave-offering to ward off the evil eye, they go seven times round the pestles, while the women sing:—

Oh! girl, walk along, walk.

You boasted that you would not marry.

Now you are married.

Walk, girl, walk on.

There is no good in your boasting.

You have eaten the pudding.

Walk, girl, walk.

Leave off boasting.

You sat on the plank with the bridegroom’s thigh on yours.

The bride and bridegroom take their seats on a plank, and the former throws a string round the neck of the latter, and ties seven knots in it. The bridegroom then does the same to the bride. The knots are untied. Cloths are then placed over the backs of the couple, and a swastika mark ([swastika]) is drawn on them with turmeric paste. A Brahman purohit is then brought to the pandal, and seats himself on a plank. A clean white cloth is placed on his head, and fastened tightly with string. Into this improvised turban, leafy twigs of mango and Cassia auriculata are stuck. Some of the Lambadi women present, while chanting a tune, throw sticks of Ficus glomerata, Artocarpus integrifolia, and mango in front of the Brahman, pour gingelly (Sesamum) oil over them, and set them on fire. The Brahman is made a bridegroom, and he must give out the name of his bride. He is then slapped on the cheeks by the women, thrown down, and his clothing stripped off. The Brahman ceremonial concluded, a woman puts the badges of marriage on the bride. On the following day, she is dressed up, and made to stand on a bullock, and keep on crooning a mournful song, which makes her cry eventually. As she repeats the song, she waves her arms, and folds them over her head. The words of the song, the reproduction of which in my phonograph invariably made the women weep, are somewhat as follows:—

Among the Lambadis of Mysore, widow remarriage and polygamy are said27 to freely prevail, “and it is customary for divorced women to marry again during the lifetime of the husband under the sire udike (tying of a new cloth) form of remarriage, which also obtains among the Vakkaligas and others. In such cases, the second husband, under the award of the caste arbitration, is made to pay a certain sum (tera) as amends to the first husband, accompanied by a caste dinner. The woman is then readmitted into society. But certain disabilities are attached to widow remarriage. Widows remarried are forbidden entry into a regular marriage party, whilst their offspring are disabled from legal marriage for three generations, although allowed to take wives from families similarly circumstanced.” According to Mr. Stuart, the Sugalis of the North Arcot district “do not allow the marriage of widows, but on payment of Rs. 15 and three buffaloes to her family, who take charge of her children, a widow may be taken by any man as a concubine, and her children are considered legitimate. Even during her husband’s life, a woman may desert him for any one else, the latter paying the husband the cost of the original marriage ceremony. The Sugalis burn the married, but bury all others, and have no ceremonies after death for the rest of the soul of the deceased.” If the head of a burning corpse falls off the pyre, the Lambadis pluck some grass or leaves, which they put in their mouths “like goats,” and run home.

A custom called Valli Sukkeri is recorded by the Rev. G. N. Thomssen, according to which “if an elder brother marries and dies without offspring, the younger brother must marry the widow, and raise up children, such children being regarded as those of the deceased elder brother. If, however, the elder brother dies leaving offspring, and the younger brother wishes to marry the widow, he must give fifteen rupees and three oxen to his brother’s children. Then he may marry the widow.” The custom here referred to is said to be practiced because the Lambadi’s ancestor Sugriva married his elder brother Vali’s widow.

I am informed by Mr. F. A. Hamilton that, among the Lambadis of Kollegal in the Coimbatore district, “if a widower remarries, he may go through the ordinary marriage ceremony, or the kuttuvali rite, in which all that is necessary is to declare his selection of a bride to four or five castemen, whom he feeds. A widow may remarry according to the same rite, her new husband paying the expenses of the feast. Married people are burnt. Unmarried, and those who have been married by the kuttuvali rite, are buried. When cremation is resorted to, the eldest son sets fire to the funeral pyre. On the third day he makes a heap of the ashes, on which he sprinkles milk. He and his relations then return home, and hold a feast. When a corpse is buried, no such ceremonies are performed. Both males and females are addicted to heavy drinking. Arrack is their favourite beverage, and a Lambadi’s boast is that he spent so much on drink on such and such an occasion. The women dance and sing songs in eulogy of their goddess. At bed-time they strip off all their clothes, and use them as a pillow.”

The Lambadis are said to purchase children from other castes, and bring them up as their own. Such children are not allowed to marry into the superior Lambadi section called Thanda. The adopted children are classified as Koris, and a Kori may only marry a Lambadi after several generations.

Concerning the religion of the Lambadis, it is noted in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that they are “Vishnuvaits, and their principal object of worship is Krishna. Bana Sankari, the goddess of forests, is also worshipped, and they pay homage to Basava on grounds dissimilar to those professed by the Lingayets. Basava is revered by the Lambadis because Krishna had tended cattle in his incarnation. The writer interviewed the chief Lambani priests domiciled in the Holalkere taluk. The priests belong to the same race, but are much less disreputable than the generality of their compatriots. It is said that they periodically offer sacrificial oblations in the agni or fire, at which a mantram is repeated, which may be paraphrased thus:—

“The likening of the Creator’s omnipotence to a tree among a people so far impervious to the traditions of Sanskrit lore may not appear very strange to those who will call to mind the Scandinavian tree of Igdrasil so graphically described by Carlyle, and the all-pervading Asvat’tha (pipal) tree of the Bhagavatgita.” It is added in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that “the Lambanis own the Gosayis (Goswami) as their priests or gurus. These are the genealogists of the Lambanis, as the Helavas are of the Sivachars.” Of the Sugalis of Punganur and Palmaner in the North Arcot district Mr. Stuart writes that “all worship the Tirupati Swami, and also two Saktis called Kosa Sakti and Mani Sakti. Some three hundred years ago, they say that there was a feud between the Bukia and Mudu Sugalis, and in a combat many were killed on both sides; but the widows of only two of the men who died were willing to perform sati, in consequence of which they have been deified, and are now worshipped as saktis by all the divisions.” It is said28 that, near Rolla in the Anantapur district, there is a small community of priests to the Lambadis who call themselves Muhammadans, but cannot intermarry with others of the faith, and that in the south-west of Madakasira taluk there is another sub-division, called the Mondu Tulukar (who are usually stone-cutters and live in hamlets by themselves), who similarly cannot marry with other Musalmans. It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain29 that in some places the Lambadis “fasten small rags torn from some old garment to a bush in honour of Kampalamma (kampa, a thicket). On the side of one of the roads from Bastar are several large heaps of stones, which they have piled up in honour of the goddess Guttalamma. Every Lambadi who passes the heaps is bound to place one stone on the heap, and to make a salaam to it.” The goddess of the Lambadis of Kollegal is, according to Mr. Hamilton, Satthi. A silver image of a female, seated tailor-fashion, is kept by the head of the family, and is an heirloom. At times of festival it is set up and worshipped. Cooked food is placed before it, and a feast, with much arrack drinking, singing, beating of tom-tom, and dancing through the small hours of the night, is held. Examples of the Lambadi songs relating to incidents in the Ramayana, in honour of the goddesses Durga and Bhavani, etc., have been published by Mr. F. Fawcett.30

The Brinjaris are described by the Rev. G. Gloyer as carrying their principal goddess “Bonjairini Mata,” on the horns of their cattle (leitochsen).

It is noted by the Rev. G. N. Thomssen that the Lambadis “worship the Supreme Being in a very pathetic manner. A stake, either a carved stick, or a peg, or a knife, is planted on the ground, and men and women form a circle round this, and a wild, weird chant is sung, while all bend very low to the earth. They all keep on circling about the stake, swinging their arms in despair, clasping them in prayer, and at last raising them in the air. Their whole cry is symbolic of the child crying in the night, the child crying for the light. If there are very many gathered together for worship, the men form one circle, and the women another. Another peculiar custom is their sacrifice of a goat or a chicken in case of removal from one part of the jungle to another, when sickness has come. They hope to escape death by leaving one camping ground for another. Half-way between the old and new grounds, a chicken or goat is buried alive, the head being allowed to be above ground. Then all the cattle are driven over the buried creature, and the whole camp walk over the buried victim.” In former days, the Lambadis are reputed to have offered up human sacrifices. “When,” the AbbÉ Dubois writes, “they wish to perform this horrible act, it is said, they secretly carry off the first person they meet. Having conducted the victim to some lonely spot, they dig a hole, in which they bury him up to the neck. While he is still alive, they make a sort of lump of dough made of flour, which they place on his head. This they fill with oil, and light four wicks in it. Having done this, the men and women join hands, and, forming a circle, dance round their victim, singing and making a great noise, till he expires.” The interesting fact is recorded by Mr. Mullaly “that, before the Lambadis proceed on a predatory excursion, a token, usually a leaf, is secreted in some hidden place before proceeding to invoke Durga. The Durgamma pujari (priest), one of their own class, who wears the sacred thread, and is invested with his sacred office by reason of his powers of divination, lights a fire, and, calling on the goddess for aid, treads the fire out, and names the token hidden by the party. His word is considered an oracle, and the pujari points out the direction the party is to take.”

From a further note on the religion of the Lambadis, I gather that they worship the following:—

• (1) Balaji, whose temple is at Tirupati. Offerings of money are made to this deity for the bestowal of children, etc. When their prayers are answered, the Lambadis walk all the way to Tirupati, and will not travel thither by railway.
• (2) Hanuman, the monkey god.
• (3) Poleramma. To ward off devils and evil spirits.
• (4) Mallalamma. To confer freedom to their cattle from attacks of tigers and other wild beasts.
• (5) Ankalamma. To protect them from epidemic disease.
• (6) Peddamma.
• (7) Maremma.

The Lambadis observe the Holi festival, for the celebration of which money is collected in towns and villages. On the Holi day, the headman and his wife fast, and worship two images of mud, representing Kama (the Indian cupid) and his wife Rati. On the following morning, cooked food is offered to the images, which are then burnt. Men and women sing and dance, in separate groups, round the burning fire. On the third day, they again sing and dance, and dress themselves in gala attire. The men snatch the food which has been prepared by the women, and run away amid protests from the women, who sometimes chastise them.

It is narrated by Moor31 that “he passed a tree, on which were hanging several hundred bells. This was a superstitious sacrifice by the Bandjanahs, who, passing this tree, are in the habit of hanging a bell or bells upon it, which they take from the necks of their sick cattle, expecting to leave behind them the complaint also. Our servants particularly cautioned us against touching these diabolical bells; but, as a few were taken for our own cattle, several accidents that happened were imputed to the anger of the deity, to whom these offerings were made, who, they say, inflicts the same disorder on the unhappy bullock who carries a bell from this tree as he relieved the donor from.”

There is a legend in connection with the matsya gundam (fish pool) close under the Yendrika hill in the Vizagapatam district. The fish therein are very tame, and are protected by the Madgole Zamindars. “Once, goes the story, a Brinjari caught one and turned it into curry, whereon the king of the fish solemnly cursed him, and he and all his pack-bullocks were turned into rocks, which may be seen there to this day.”32

Lambadi women often have elaborate tattooed patterns on the backs of the hands, and a tattooed dot on the left side of the nose may be accepted as a distinguishing character of the tribe in some parts. My assistant once pointed out that, in a group of Lambadis, some of the girls did not look like members of the tribe. This roused the anger of an old woman, who said “You can see the tattoo marks on the nose, so they must be Lambadis.”

Lambadi women will not drink water from running streams or big tanks.

In the Mysore Province, there is a class of people called Thamburi, who dress like Lambadis, but do not intermarry with them. They are Muhammadans, and their children are circumcised. Their marriages are carried out according to the Muhammadan nikka rite, but they also go through the Lambadi form of marriage, except that marriage pots are not placed in the pandal (wedding booth). The Lambadis apparently pay some respect to them, and give them money at marriages or on other occasions. They seem to be bards and panegyrists of the Lambadis, in the same way that other classes have their Nokkans, Viramushtis, Bhatrazus, etc. It is noted by Mr. Stuart33 that the Lambadis have priests called Bhats, to whom it is probable that the Thamburis correspond in Mysore.

The methods of the criminal Lambadis are dealt with at length by Mr. Mullaly. And it must suffice for the present purpose to note that they commit dacoities and have their receivers of stolen property, and that the Naik or headman of the gang takes an active share in the commission of crime.

Lampata.—A name, signifying a gallant, returned by some Sanis at times of census.

Landa.—A synonym of Mondi.

Lanka (island).—An exogamous sept of Boya and Kamma.

Lattikar.—Recorded, at the census, 1901, as a sub-division of Vakkaliga (Okkiliyan) in the Salem district. Latti means a reckless woman, and latvi, an unchaste woman, and the name possibly refers to Vakkaligas who are not true-bred.

Lekavali.—A division of Marathas in the Sandur State. Many of them are servants in the Raja’s palace. They are stated, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, to be the offspring of irregular unions among other Marathas.

Lekkala (accounts).—An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Linga Balija.—The Linga Balijas (traders) are summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Lingayat sub-caste of Balija. In a note on Lingayats, Mr. R. C. C. Carr records that the Linga Banjigs or Banajigas are essentially traders, though many are now cultivators, and that Telugu Lingayats often call themselves Linga Balijas.

The following legendary account of the origin of the “Linga Bhojunnalawaru” is given in the Baramahal Records.34 “Para Brahma or the great god Brahma created the god Pralayakala Rudra or the terrific at the day of destruction, a character of the god Siva, and he created the Chatur Acharyulu or four sages named Panditaraju, Yekcoramalu, Murralaradulu, and Somaluradulu, and taught them mantras or prayers, and made them his deputies. On a time, the Asuras and Devatas, or the giants and the gods, made war on each other, and the god Pralayakala Rudra produced from his nose a being whom he named Muchari Rudra, and he had five sons, with whom he went to the assistance of the devatas or gods, and enabled them to defeat the giants, and for his service the gods conferred upon him and his sons the following honorary distinctions:—

• A flag with the figure of an alligator (crocodile) portrayed on it.
• A flag with the figure of a fish portrayed on it.
• A flag with the figure of a bullock.
• A flag with the figure of an eagle.
• A flag with the figure of a bell.
• A bell.
• A modee ganta, or iron for marking cattle.
• The use of burning lamps and flambeaus in their public processions during the day.
• The use of tents.

“On a time, when the god Pralayakala Rudra and Mochari Rudra and his five sons, with other celestial attendants, were assembled on the Kailasa parvata or mountain of Paradise, the god directed the latter to descend into the Bhuloka or earthly world, and increase and multiply these species. They humbly prayed to know how they were again to reach the divine presence. He answered ‘I shall manifest myself in the Bhuloka under the form of the Lingam or Priapus; do you worship me under that form, and you will again be permitted to approach me.’ They accordingly descended into the earthly regions, and from them the present castes of Baljawaras deduce their origin.”

In a note on the Linga Balijas of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes35 that “Linga Balija appears rather to be the name of the followers of a religious faith than of a distinct caste, for the Linga Balijas state that their caste contains eleven sub-divisions, each with a separate occupation, viz., Jangam (priests), Reddi (cultivators), Gandla (oil-mongers), and the like. Almost all the Linga Balijas of North Arcot are traders, who speak Canarese and are immigrants from Mysore, in which their gurus (religious preceptors) live, and whither they still refer their caste disputes. At one time they enjoyed much importance in this district, particularly in its large trading towns. Headmen among them, styled Chettis, were by the Arcot Nawabs assigned districts, in which they possessed both magisterial and civil authority, and levied taxes from other merchants for their own personal use. They carried on very extensive trade with Mysore and the Ceded districts, and are said to have had enormous warehouses, which they enclosed and fortified. Breaches of the peace are also described as not infrequent, resulting from the interference of one Linga Balija Chetti with matters relating to the district of another. Their authority has long since disappeared, and is only a matter of tradition. Every Linga Balija wears a Siva lingam, usually encased in a silver casket (or gold casket set with precious stones), and suspended from the neck, but the very poor place theirs in a cloth, and sometimes tie it to their arm. It is a strict rule that one should be tied to a child’s neck on the tenth day of its birth, otherwise it is not entitled to be classed as a Linga Balija. The Siva lingam worn by these people differs from the Buta or Preta lingams used by Pandarams, Kaikolans, or others who profess the Lingayat faith. They acknowledge two puranams, called respectively the Siva and Basava puranams, and differ in very many respects from other Hindus. They bury and do not burn their dead, and do not recognise the five kinds of pollution resulting from a birth, death, spittle, etc., and they do not therefore bathe in order to remove such pollution. Widow remarriage is allowed even where the widow has children, but these are handed over to the relatives of her first husband. To widow remarriages no women who are not widows are admitted, and, similarly, when a maiden is married, all widows are excluded. Unlike most Hindus, Linga Balijas shave off the whole of the hair of their heads, without leaving the usual lock at the back. They deny metempsychosis, and believe that after death the soul is united with the divine spirit. They are particular in some of their customs, disallowing liquor and flesh-eating, and invariably eating privately, where none can see them. They decline even to eat in the house of a Brahman.”

A Linga Banajiga (Canarese trader), whom I interviewed at Sandur, was smeared with white marks on the forehead, upper extremities, chest, and abdomen in imitation of a Hubli priest. Some orthodox Lingayat traders remove their lingam during the transaction of the day’s work, on the ground, as given to me, that it is necessary to tell little falsehoods in the course of business.

Lingadari.—A general term, meaning one who wears a lingam, for Lingayat.

Lingakatti.—A name applied to Lingayat Badagas of the Nilgiri hills.

Lingam.—A title of Jangams and Silavants.

Lingayat.—For the following note I am mainly indebted to Mr. R. C. C. Carr, who took great interest in its preparation when he was Collector of Bellary. Some additional information was supplied by Mr. R. E. Enthoven, Superintendent of the Ethnographic Survey, Bombay. The word Lingayat is the anglicised form of Lingavant, which is the vernacular term commonly used for any member of the community. The Lingayats have been aptly described as a peaceable race of Hindu Puritans. Their religion is a simple one. They acknowledge only one God, Siva, and reject the other two persons of the Hindu Triad, They reverence the Vedas, but disregard the later commentaries on which the Brahmans rely. Their faith purports to be the primitive Hindu faith, cleared of all priestly mysticism. They deny the supremacy of Brahmans, and pretend to be free from caste distinctions, though at the present day caste is in fact observed amongst them. They declare that there is no need for sacrifices, penances, pilgrimages or fasts. The cardinal principle of the faith is an unquestioning belief in the efficacy of the lingam, the image which has always been regarded as symbolical of the God Siva. This image, which is called the jangama lingam or moveable lingam, to distinguish it from the sthavara or fixed lingam of Hindu temples, is always carried on some part of the body, usually the neck or the left arm, and is placed in the left hand of the deceased when the body is committed to the grave Men and women, old and young, rich and poor, all alike wear this symbol of their faith, and its loss is regarded as spiritual death, though in practice the loser can after a few ceremonies, be invested with a new one. They are strict disciplinarians in the matter of food and drink, and no true Lingayat is permitted to touch meat in any form, or to partake of any kind of liquor. This Puritan simplicity raises them in the social scale, and has resulted in producing a steady law-abiding race, who are conservative of the customs of their forefathers and have hitherto opposed a fairly unbroken front to the advancing tide of foreign ideas. To this tendency is due the very slow spread of modern education amongst them, while, on the other hand, their isolation from outside influence has without doubt assisted largely in preserving intact their beautiful, highly polished, and powerful language, Canarese.

It is matter of debate whether the Lingayat religion is an innovation or a revival of the most ancient Saivaite faith, but the story of the so-called founder of the sect, Basava, may with some limitations be accepted as history. The events therein narrated occurred in the latter half of the twelfth century at Kalyan, a city which was then the capital of the Western Chalukyas, and is now included in the province of Bidar in the Nizam’s Dominions. It lies about a hundred miles to the west of Hyderabad. The Chalukyas came originally from the north of India, but appeared to the south of the Nerbudda as early as the fourth century. They separated into two branches during the seventh century, and the western line was still represented at Kalyan 500 years later. The southern portion of Hindustan had for centuries been split up between rival kingdoms, and had been the theatre of the long struggle between the Buddhists, the Jains, and the Hindus. At the time of Basava’s appearance, a Jain king, Bijjala by name, was in power at Kalyan. He was a representative of the Kalachuryas, a race which had been conquered by the Chalukyas, and occupied the position of feudatories. Bijjala appears to have been the Commander-in-chief of the Chalukyan forces, and to have usurped the throne, ousting his royal master, Taila III. The date of the usurpation was 1156 A.D., though, according to some accounts, Bijjala did not assume the full titles till some years later. He was succeeded by his sons, but the Chalukyan claimant recovered his throne in 1182, only to lose it again some seven years afterwards, when the kingdom itself was divided between the neighbouring powers. The final downfall of the Chalukyan Deccani kingdom was probably due to the rise of the Lingayat religion. The Hindus ousted the Jains, but the tenets inculcated by Basava had caused a serious split in the ranks of the former. The house divided against itself could not stand, and the Chalukyas were absorbed into the kingdoms of their younger neighbours, the Hoysala Ballalas from Mysore in the south, and the Yadavas from Devagiri (now identified with Daulatabad) in the north.

At about this time there appears to have been a great revival of the worship of Siva in the Deccan and in Southern India. A large number of important Saivaite temples are known to have been built during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and inscriptions speak of many learned and holy men who were devoted to this worship. The movement was probably accentuated by the opposition of the Jains, who seem to have been very powerful in the Western Deccan, and in Mysore. An inscription which will be more fully noticed later on tells of the God Siva specially creating a man in order to “put a stop to the hostile observances of the Jains and Buddhists.” This was written about the year 1200 A.D., and it may be gathered that Buddhism was still recognised in the Deccan as a religious power. Mr. Rice tells us that the labours of the Saivaite Brahman, Sankaracharya, had in the eighth century dealt a deathblow to Buddhism, and raised the Saiva faith to the first place.36 Its position was, however, challenged by the Jains, and, even as late as the twelfth century, it was still battling with them. The Vaishnavaite reformer, Ramanujacharya, appeared at about this time, and, according to Mr. Rice, was mainly instrumental in ousting Jainism; but the followers of Vishnu built many of their big temples in the thirteenth century, two hundred years later than their Saivaite brethren, so it may be presumed that the latter faith was in the ascendancy prior to that time. Chaitanya, the Vaishnavaite counterpart of Basava, appeared at a much later date (1485 A.D.). It is interesting to note that the thirteenth century is regarded as the culminating period of the middle ages in Italy, when religious fervour also displayed itself in the building of great cathedrals.37

The actual date of Basava’s birth is uncertain, but is given by some authorities as 1106 A.D. The story of his career is told in the sacred writings of the Lingayats, of which the principal books are known as the Basava Purana and the Channabasava Purana. The former was apparently finished during the fourteenth century, and the latter was not written till 1585. The accounts are, therefore, entirely traditionary, and, as might have been expected, are full of miraculous occurrences, which mar their historical value. The Jain version of the story is given in the Bijjalarayacharitra, and differs in many particulars. The main facts accepted by Lingayat tradition are given by Dr. Fleet in the Epigraphia Indica [Vol. V, p. 239] from which the following account is extracted. To a certain Madiraja and his wife Madalambika, pious Saivas of the Brahman caste, and residents of a place called Bagevadi, which is usually supposed to be the sub-divisional town of that name in the Bijapur district, there was born a son who, being an incarnation of Siva’s bull, Nandi, sent to earth to revive the declining Saiva rites, was named Basava. This word is the Canarese equivalent for a bull, an animal sacred to Siva. When the usual time of investiture arrived, Basava, then eight years of age, having meanwhile acquired much knowledge of the Siva scriptures, refused to be invested with the sacred Brahmanical thread, declaring himself a special worshipper of Siva, and stating that he had come to destroy the distinctions of caste. This refusal, coupled with his singular wisdom and piety, attracted the notice of his uncle Baladeva, prime minister of the Kalachurya king Bijjala, who had come to be present at the ceremony; and Baladeva gave him his daughter, Gangadevi or Gangamba, in marriage. The Brahmans, however, began to persecute Basava on account of the novel practices propounded by him, and he consequently left his native town and went to a village named Kappadi, where he spent his early years, receiving instruction from the God Siva. Meanwhile his uncle Baladeva died, and Bijjala resolved to secure the services of Basava, whose ability and virtues had now become publicly known. After some demur Basava accepted the post, in the hope that the influence attached to it would help him in propagating his peculiar tenets. And, accompanied by his elder sister, Nagalambika, he proceeded to Kalyana, where he was welcomed with deference by the king and installed as prime minister, commander-in-chief and treasurer, second in power to the king himself; and the king, in order to bind him as closely as possible to himself, gave him his younger sister Nilalochana to wife. Somewhere about this time, from Basava’s unmarried sister Nagalambika there was born, by the working of the spirit of Siva, a son who was an incarnation of Siva’s son Shanmukha, the god of war. The story says that Basava was worshipping in the holy mountain and was praying for some gift, when he saw an ant emerge from the ground with a small seed in its mouth. Basava took this seed home, and his sister without Basava’s knowledge swallowed it, and became pregnant. The child was called Channabasava, or the beautiful Basava, and assisted his uncle in spreading the new doctrines. Indeed, he is depicted as playing a more important part than even Basava himself.

The two Puranas are occupied for the most part with doctrinal expositions, recitals of mythology, praises of previous Siva saints, and accounts of miracles worked by Basava. They assert, however, that uncle and nephew were very energetic promoters of the faith, and that they preached the persecution and extermination of all persons (especially the Jains), whose creed differed from that of the Lingayats. Coupled with the lavish expenditure incurred by Basava from the public coffers in support of Jangams or Lingayat priests, these proceedings aroused in Bijjala, himself a Jain, feelings of distrust, which were fanned by a rival minister, Manchanna, although the latter was himself a Vira Saiva, and at length an event occurred which ended in the assassination of Bijjala and the death of Basava.

At Kalyana there were two specially pious Lingayats, whom Bijjala in mere wantonness caused to be blinded. Thereupon Basava left Kalyana, and deputed one of his followers Jagaddeva to slay the king. Jagaddeva, with two others, succeeded in forcing his way into the palace, where he stabbed the king in the midst of his court. Basava meanwhile reached Kudali-Sangameshvara, and was there absorbed into the lingam, while Channabasava fled to Ulvi in North Canara, where he found refuge in a cave.

The above story is taken mainly from the Basava Purana. The account given in the Channabasava Purana differs in various details, and declares that Bijjala was assassinated under the orders of Channabasava, who had succeeded his uncle in office. The Jain account states that Basava’s influence with the king was due to Basava’s sister, whom Bijjala took as a concubine. The death of Bijjala was caused by poisoned fruit sent by Basava, who, to escape the vengeance of Bijjala’s son, threw himself into a well and died. The version of Basava’s story, which is found in most books of reference, makes him appear at Kalyan as a youth flying from the persecution of his father. His uncle, Baladeva, sheltered him and eventually gave him his daughter; and, when Baladeva died, Basava succeeded to his office. This seems to have been copied from the account given by Mr. C. P. Brown, but later translations of the Purana show that it is erroneous. When Basava came to Kalyan, Bijjala was in power, and his arrival must therefore have been subsequent to 1156 A. D. If the date of birth be accepted as 1106, Basava would have been a man of fifty years of age or more when summoned to office by Bijjala. The latter resigned in favour of his son in 1167, and may have been assassinated shortly afterwards. On the other hand, Baladeva could not have been Bijjala’s minister when he came to Basava’s upanayanam ceremony, for this event occurred in 1114, long before the commencement of Bijjala’s reign. There is no reason, however, for crediting the Purana with any great historical accuracy, and, in fact, the evidence now coming to light from inscriptions, which the industry of archÆologists is giving to the world, throws great doubt upon the traditional narrative.

An inscription on stone tablets which have now been built into the wall of a modern temple at Managoli, a village in the Bijapur district of the Bombay Presidency about eleven miles to the north-west of Bagevadi, the supposed birth place of Basava, contains a record of the time of the Kalachuri king, Bijjala. Two dates are given in the inscription, and from one of them it is calculated with certainty that Bijjala’s reign began in 1156 A.D. The record gives a certain date as “the sixth of the years of the glorious Kalachurya Bijjaladeva, an emperor by the strength of his arm, the sole hero of the three worlds.” The corresponding English date is Tuesday, 12th September, 1161 A.D., so that Bijjala must have come into power, by the strength of his arm, in 1156. But a still more important piece of information is furnished by the mention of a certain Basava or Basavarasayya as the builder of the temple, in which the inscription was first placed, and of one Madiraja, who held the post of Mahaprabhu of the village when the grants in support of the temple were made. The record runs as follows.38 “Among the five hundred of Manigavalli there sprang up a certain Govardhana, the moon of the ocean that was the Kasyappa gotra, an excellent member of the race of the Vajins. His son was Revadasa. The latter had four sons.... The youngest of these became the greatest, and, under the name of Chandramas, made his reputation reach even as far as the Himalaya mountains. To that lord there was born a son, Basava. There were none who were like him in devotion to the feet of (the God) Maheshvara (Siva); and this Basava attained the fame of being esteemed the sun that caused to bloom the water-lily that was the affection of the five hundred Brahmans of Manigavalli. This Basavarasayya came to be considered the father of the world, since the whole world, putting their hands to their foreheads, saluted him with the words ‘our virtuous father’; and thus he brought greatness to the famous Manigavalli, manifesting the height of graciousness in saying this is the abode of the essence of the three Vedas; this is the accomplishment of that which has no end and no beginning; this is the lustrous divine linga.”

Dr. Fleet suggests that we have at last met with an epigraphic mention of the Lingayat founder, Basava. This is eminently satisfactory, but is somewhat upsetting, for the inscription makes Basava a member of the Kasyapa gotra, while Madiraja is placed in an entirely different family. As regards the latter, the record says; (l. 20) “in the lineage of that lord (Taila II, the leader of the Chalukyas) there was a certain Madhava, the Prabhu of the town of Manigavalli, the very Vishnu of the renowned Harita gotra;” and later on the same person is spoken of as the Mahaprabhu Madiraja. If Basava and Madiraja, herein mentioned, are really the heroes of the Lingayats, it is clear that they were not father and son, as stated in the Lingayat writings. But it must be borne in mind that this is the only inscription yet deciphered which contains any allusion whatever to Basava, and the statement that “he caused to bloom the water-lily that was the affection of the five hundred Brahmans of Manigavalli,” is directly opposed to the theory that he broke away from the Brahman fold, and set up a religion, of which one of the main features is a disregard of Brahman supremacy. The fact that the inscription was found so near to Basava’s birthplace is, however, strong evidence in favour of the presumption that it refers to the Basava of Lingayat tradition, and the wording itself is very suggestive of the same idea. The record gives a long pedigree to introduce the Basava whom it proceeds to extol, and puts into his mouth the noteworthy utterance, which ascribes godly qualities to the “lustrous divine linga.” The date of this record is contemporary with the events and persons named therein, and it must therefore be far more reliable than the traditionary stories given in the Puranas, which, as already indicated, are not at all in accordance with each other. Dr. Fleet is of opinion that the Purana versions are little better than legends. This is perhaps going too far, but there can be no doubt that later research will in this, as in the case of all traditionary history, bring to knowledge facts which will require a considerable rearrangement of the long accepted picture.

Another inscription, discovered at Ablur in the Dharwar district of the Bombay Presidency, is of great importance in this connection. It is dated about A.D. 1200, and mentions the Western Chalukya king Somesvara IV, and his predecessor the Kalachurya prince Bijjala. It narrates the doings of a certain Ekantada Ramayya, so called because he was an ardent and exclusive worshipper of Siva. This individual got into controversy with the Jains, who were apparently very powerful at Ablur, and the latter agreed to destroy their Jina and to set up Siva instead, if Ramayya would cut off his own head before his god, and have it restored to his body after seven days without a scar. Ramayya appears to have won his wager, but the Jains refused to perform their part of the contract. The dispute was then referred to king Bijjala, himself a Jain, and Ramayya was given a jayapatra, or certificate of success. This king and his Chalukyan successor also presented Ramayya with lands in support of certain Siva temples. It is noteworthy that the story is told also in the Channabasava Purana, but the controversy is narrated as having occurred at Kalyan, where Ramayya had gone to see king Bijjala. The same passage makes Ramayya quote an instance of a previous saint, Mahalaka, having performed the same feat at a village named Jambar, which may conceivably be the Ablur of the inscription. But the interest and importance of the inscription centre in the fact that it discloses the name of another devout and exclusive worshipper of Siva, who, it is said, caused this man to be born into the world with the express object of “putting a stop to the hostile observances of the Jains and the Buddhists who had become furious” or aggressive. Dr. Fleet considers that, making allowance for the supernatural agency introduced into the story, the narrative is reasonable and plain, and has the ring of truth in it; and, in his opinion, it shows us the real person to whom the revival of the ancient Saivaite faith was due. The exploits of Ramayya are placed shortly before A.D. 1162, in which year Bijjala is said to have completed his usurpation of the sovereignty by assuming the paramount titles. Ramayya was thus a contemporary of Basava, but the Ablur inscription makes no mention of the latter.

This fresh evidence does not appear to run counter to the commonly accepted story of the origin of the Lingayats. It confirms the theory that the religion of Siva received a great impetus at this period, but there is nothing in the inscription ascribing to Ramayya the position of a reformer of Saivaite doctrines. He appears as the champion of Siva against the rival creeds, not as the Saivaite Luther who is attacking the priestly mysticism of the Saivaite divines; and, as Dr. Fleet points out, there is nothing improbable in the mention of several persons as helping on the same movement. Both Ramayya and Basava are, however, represented in these inscriptions as being the chief of Saivaite Brahmans, and there is no mention of any schism such as the Protestant revolt which is associated with the name of Luther. It is possible, therefore, that the establishment of the Lingayat sect may have been brought about by the followers of these two great men—a fact that is hinted at in Lingayat tradition by the very name of Channabasava, which means Basava the beautiful, because, according to the Channabasava Purana, he was more beautiful in many respects than Basava, who is represented as receiving instruction from his superior nephew in important points connected with their faith. The two inscriptions and numerous others, which have been deciphered by the same authority, are of the greatest value from a historical point of view, and paint in bold colours the chief actors in the drama. The closing years of the Western Chalukyan kingdom are given to us by the hand of an actor who was on the same stage, and, if the birth of the Lingayat creed is still obscured in the mist of the past, the figures of those who witnessed it stand out with surprising clearness.

It has been already stated that one of the principles of the religion is a disregard of caste distinctions. The prevailing races were Dravidian, and it is an accepted fact that the theory of caste as propounded by Manu is altogether foreign to Dravidian ideas. Historians cannot tell us how long the process of grafting the caste system on to the Dravidian tree lasted, but it is clear that, when Basava appeared, the united growth was well established. Brahmans were acknowledged as the leaders in religious matters, and, as the secular is closely interwoven with the religious in all eastern countries, the priestly class was gradually usurping to itself a position of general control. But, as was the case in Europe during the sixteenth century, a movement was on foot to replace the authority of the priests by something more in accordance with the growing intelligence of the laity. And, as in Europe, the reformers were found amongst the priests themselves. Luther and Erasmus were monks, who had been trained to support the very system of priestcraft, which they afterwards demolished. Basava and Ramayya, as already stated, were Saivaite Brahmans, from whom has sprung a race of free thinkers, who affect the disregard of caste and many of the ceremonial observances created by the Brahman priesthood. The comparison may even be carried further. Luther was an iconoclast, who worked upon men’s passions, while Erasmus was a philosopher, who addressed himself to their intellects. Basava, according to the traditionary account, was the counterpart of Luther. Ramayya may be fairly called the Indian Erasmus.

This freedom from the narrowing influence of caste was doubtless a great incentive to the spread of the reformed religion. The lingam was to be regarded as the universal leveller, rendering all its wearers equal in the eye of the Deity. High and low were to be brought together by its influence, and all caste distinctions were to be swept away. According to Basava’s teaching, all men are holy in proportion as they are temples of the great spirit; by birth all are equal; men are not superior to women, and the gentle sex must be treated with all respect and delicacy; marriage in childhood is wrong, and the contracting parties are to be allowed a voice in the matter of their union; and widows are to be allowed to remarry. All the iron fetters of Brahmanical tyranny are, in fact, torn asunder, and the Lingayat is to be allowed that freedom of individual action, which is found amongst the more advanced Christian communities. Even the lowest castes are to be raised to the level of all others by the investiture of the lingam, and all Lingadharis, or wearers of the divine symbol, are to eat together, to intermarry, and to live at unity.

But social distinctions inevitably asserted themselves later. As the Lingayats, or Panchamsalis as they styled themselves, increased in importance, number and wealth, elaborate forms of worship and ceremony were introduced, rules of conduct were framed, and a religious system was devised, on which the influence of the rival Brahman aristocracy can be freely traced. Thus, in course of time, the Panchamsalis became a closed caste, new converts were placed on a lower social footing, the priests alone continuing as a privileged class to dine freely with them. This development is alleged to have occurred about the close of the seventeenth century.

Among the many ceremonies introduced in the course of the changes just described, one known as the ashtavarna or eight-fold protection is of special importance.

These rites consist of—

• 1. Guru.
• 2. Linga.
• 3. Vibhuti.
• 4. Rudraksha.
• 5. Mantra.
• 6. Jangam.
• 7. tirtha.
• 8. Prasada.

Among the greater number of Lingayats, after the birth of a child, the parents send for the guru or spiritual adviser of the family, who is the representative of one of the five Acharyas from whom the father claims descent, or in his absence of his local agent. The guru binds the linga on the child, besmears it with vibhuti (ashes), places a garland of rudraksha (fruits of ElÆocarpus Ganitrus) round its neck, and teaches it the mystic mantra of “Namah Shivaya.” The child being incapable of acquiring the knowledge of the sacred text at this early stage of its existence, the mantra is merely recited in its ear by the guru. The child has then to be presented to the god Siva in the person of a Jangam, or Lingayat priest, who is summoned for the purpose; on his arrival, the parents wash his feet. The water in which the feet are washed is described as the tirtha or charana tirtha of Siva. This tirtha is next poured over the linga attached to the infant. The Jangam is fed, and a portion of the cooked food from the dish is placed in the child’s mouth. This final ceremony is known as prasada. (I am informed that it would be considered by Tamil Lingayats sacrilege to wash the lingam with the tirtha.) Occasionally the double character of guru and Jangam are combined in one person.

According to some accounts, the rites described above form the basis of the present social organization of the Lingayat community. They are divided into those entitled to ashtavarna, and those who are not. The first of these divisions is again sub-divided into several groups, which may for convenience be designated Panchamsalis who are descendants of the original converts, and non-Panchamsalis or later converts.

Linga Banajiga.

This explanation will throw some light on the scheme of classification adopted in the Bombay Gazetteer (see volumes Bijapur and Dharwar) where the smaller groups are shown as—

• 1. Pure Lingayats.
• 2. Affiliated Lingayats.
• 3. Half Lingayats.

These divisions, of which the full significance is not clearly conveyed by the titles, may perhaps be expanded with advantage by the addition to each of the alternatives already explained, viz., Panchamsalis, non-Panchamsalis with ashtavarna rites, and others, including the unclean castes attached to the Lingayat community by reason of performing its menial services, e.g., Dhors, Chalvadis, etc. It is the modern practice to deny to these low castes the right to style themselves Lingayats at all. It must be further explained that there are seven divisions of Panchamsalis, and that these stand to each other in the relation of hypergamous groups, that is to say, members of the higher orders may wed the daughters of those beneath them, which suggests the probable former existence of free intermarriage. Members of the lower orders among these Panchamsalis may rise to the higher by performing certain religious ceremonies, constituting a form of initiation. In the second and third divisions, i.e., non-Panchamsalis and “others,” the sub-castes are functional groups and are endogamous, i.e., intermarriage is prohibited. It seems probable that the members of these divisions became converts to Lingayatism some time after the initiation of the reforms, to which it gave birth, when the crusade against caste distinctions had lost much of its pristine vigour, and ceased to be a living part of the fundamental doctrine of the sect.

At the present day, marriage is both infant and adult, and the parties to the contract have practically no choice. Widows are indeed allowed to remarry, but such marriages are regarded with disfavour by the stricter members of the sect. A Pariah or a Mala cannot be invested with the lingam, and, if he pretends to be a Lingayat, the Jangam does not acknowledge him. The strict rules regarding meat and drink are maintained, and Lingayats are still free from many of the ceremonies and religious performances required of other Hindus. But the tendency of to-day is to follow the lead of the Brahman; and, while no Lingayat will admit the superiority of that caste, they practically acknowledge it by imitating many Brahmanical practices. Much of the good effected by the founder has thus been counteracted, and the Lingayat is gradually becoming more and more like his orthodox Hindu brother. In proof of this tendency it may be noted that, at the time of the census of 1891, there were numerous representations from Lingayats claiming the right to be described as Virasaiva Brahmans. Further, on the occasion of the census of 1901, a complete scheme was supplied to the census authorities professing to show all Lingayat sub-divisions in four groups, viz., Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. It is noted, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891, that the Lingayats interviewed the Maharaja, and begged that their registration as Virasaiva Brahmans might be directed. “The crisis was removed by His Highness the Maharaja’s Government passing orders to the effect that the Lingayats should not be classed as Sadras any more than any other non-Brahmans, but should be separately designated by their own name, and that, while they were at liberty to call themselves Virasaiva Brahmans, they should specify the name of the particular and well-known sub-division to which each censused unit belonged. It is noteworthy that, as soon as the clamour of the Lingayats was set at rest, some of their leaders seem to have become ashamed of their own previous vehemence, while the movement seemed to have lost the spring imparted by sincerity. Their feelings were brought to the test when the question of permitting the wonted periodical procession of their religious flagstaff, the nandi-dhvaja, came on for consideration by the Police department. The Lingayats’ application for a license was opposed by the other castes on the ground that, since they had become Brahmans, and had ceased to belong to the right-hand faction, they had no right to parade the nandi-dhvaja. The Lingayats then showed themselves glad to regain their status quo ante.”

In connection with the name Virasaiva, it may be noted en passant that the first session of the Shreemat Veerashaiva Mahasabha39 was held at Dharwar in the Bombay Presidency in 1904. Thereat various suggestions were made concerning religious instruction, education, marriage, the settlement of disputes by arbitration, and other matters affecting the material welfare of the Lingayat community as a whole.

It is worthy of note that, according to some writers, Basava is supposed to have come within the influence of the Syrian Christians. The idea was started by Mr. C. P. Brown, whose essay on the Jangams40 is the classic on this subject. Mr. A. C. Burnell quotes the remarkable fact from Cosmos that, in the sixth century, there was a Persian Bishop at Kalliana near Udupi. And it is presumed by Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish, the writer of the Madras Census Report, 1871, that Kalliana is identical with Kalyan, where Basava was prime minister six centuries later. This is clearly wrong, for Udupi is on the west coast 30 miles north of Mangalore, whereas Kalyan, the Chalukyan capital, is in the heart of the Deccan, 350 miles away over the western ghauts. There was another Calyaun or Kaliana close to Udupi on the coast, as shown by some of the older maps. But it is well known that Western India was at this time tenanted by large settlements of Persians or ManichÆans, and recent discoveries tend to show that these people were Christians. It seems, therefore, to be quite possible that the discussions, which preceded Basava’s revolt, were tinged with some Christian colouring, derived from the followers of the Syrian school. Mr. Burnell even thinks that all the modern philosophical schools of India owe much to the same source.

The Lingayat faith appears to have spread very rapidly after Basava’s death, which may be placed in the year 1168, and Rice says that, according to tradition, within sixty years of the founder’s death it was embraced from Ulavi near Goa to Sholapur, and from Balehalli to Sivaganga. The disappearance of the Chalukyan dynasty is in itself evidence of the rising power of the Lingayats. But no real estimate can be made of its progress at first. More than a hundred years later, the Muhammadan invaders took possession of the Deccan, and other religions were driven southwards. The Empire of Vijayanagar, which is said to have covered the whole country from the Kistna to Cape Comorin, rose out of the ruins of the Hindu kingdoms, and as Mr. Sewell says,41 the fighting Kings of Vijayanagar became the saviours of the south for two and a half centuries. The early members of this dynasty were Saivaites in faith, but there is no record of the workings of the reformed religion, which had spread southwards before Vijayanagar became a power.

The followers of this religion are easily distinguished from other Hindus by the fact that the lingam is worn on a conspicuous part of the body. The bulk of the cultivators enclose it in a red silk scarf tied round their necks, with a knot in front. This scarf is tied on the left arm above the elbow when the wearer is at work, and is sometimes placed round the head when bathing. Some of the traders, who are the richer class, carry it in a small silver box hung round the neck with a thread called sivadhara, or in a gold box studded with precious stones. The women do not wear it outside the dress, and generally keep it on a neck-string. No one is allowed to put it down even for a moment. Recently a Lingayat merchant in Madras removed his silver lingam casket from his neck, wrapped it up in a cloth, put it under his head, and went to sleep on a street pial (platform). While he was slumbering, the casket was stolen by a cart driver. The lingam itself, which is regarded as the home of the deity, is generally made of grey soapstone brought from Parvatgiri (Srisaila) in the Kurnool district. It is brought by a class of people called Kambi Jangams, because, besides the linga stone, they bring on a kavadi or shoulder-bamboo the holy water of the Patalganga, a pool on Parvatgiri, whose water Lingayats hold as sacred as Brahmans the water of the Ganges.

The following description of the lingam is taken from the Bombay Gazetteer for Bijapur. “It consists of two discs, the lower one circular about one-eighth of an inch thick, the upper slightly elongated. Each disc is about three-quarters of an inch in diameter, and is separated by a deep groove about an eighth of an inch broad. From the centre of the upper disc, which is slightly rounded, rises a pea-like knob about a quarter of an inch long and three-quarters of an inch round, giving the stone lingam a total height of nearly three-quarters of an inch. This knob is called the ban or arrow. The upper disc is called jalhari, that is the water carrier, because this part of a full-sized lingam is grooved to carry off the water which is poured over the central knob. It is also called pita, that is the seat, and pithak the little seat. Over the lingam, to keep it from harm, is plastered a black mixture of clay, cowdung ashes, and marking-nut juice. This coating, which is called kauthi or the cover, entirely hides the shape of the enclosed lingam. It forms a smooth black slightly truncated cone, not unlike a dark betel nut, about three-quarters of an inch high, and narrowing from three-quarters of an inch at the base to half an inch across the top.”

The Jangam cannot as a rule be distinguished from other Lingayats. All male members of the community have a clean-shaved head, without the top-knot common to the Brahmans. All, male as well as female, daub their foreheads with vibhuti or sacred ashes every morning. There is thus no distinctive mark for the Jangam. But certain ascetics of the priestly class sometimes put on a red robe peculiar to them, and others cover themselves with vibhuti and many quaint ornaments. [A Jangam whom I interviewed at a village in Mysore, was named Virabhadra Kayaka, and was also known as Kasi Lingada Vira. He was going about the village, shouting, dancing, and repeating the Virabhadra khadga or praise of Virabhadra, Siva’s son. On his bead he had a lingam stuck in his head-cloth, with a five-headed snake forming a canopy over it, and the sacred bull Basava in front. Tied to the forehead, and passing round the head, was a string holding thirty-two lingams. At the back of the head was a mane of white false hair. His face was painted bright red. Round the neck he had four garlands of rudraksha beads, and suspended from the neck, and resting on the chest, was a silver casket containing a lingam. Round the waist was a waist-band made of brass squares ornamented with a variety of figures, among which were the heads of Daksha Brahma and Virabhadra. Suspended from the neck was a breast-plate, with a representation of Virabhadra and the figures of Daksha Brahma and his wife engraved in copper. From the waist a piece of tiger skin was suspended, to which were attached two heads of Daksha Brahma with a lion’s head between. Hanging lower down was a figure of Basava. Tied to the ankles were hollow brass cylinders with loose bits of brass inside. Strings of round brass bells were tied to the knees. In his right hand he carried a long sword, and tied to the left forearm was a gauntlet-handled scimitar. To the handle were attached pieces of brass, which made a noise when the arm was shaken. Finally, round the forearm were tied pieces of bear-skin.]

No account of the Lingayat community as it exists at the present day would be complete without some reference to the grounds on which the modern representatives of Lingayatism claim for their religion an origin as ancient as that of Brahministic Hinduism, and a social structure similar to that which is described in the Code of Manu.

Mr. Karibasava Shastri, Professor of Sanskrit and Canarese in the State College of Mysore, writes that the Shaiv sect of Hindus has always been divided into two groups, the one comprising the wearers of the linga, and the other those who do not wear it. The former he designates Virshaiv, and declares that the Virshaivs consist of Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya, Sudra. Quoting from the 17th chapter of the Parameshvar Agma, he declares that the Virshaiv Brahmans are also known as Shudha Virshaivs, Virshaiv Kings are Marga Virshaiv, Virshaiv Vaishya are Mishra Virshaiva, and the Sudras of the community are Anter Virshaiv. In his opinion the duties and penances imposed on the first of these classes are—

• (1) The ashtavarna.
• (2) Penances and bodily emaciation.
• (3) The worship of Siva without sacrifice.
• (4) The recital of the Vedas.

The Professor asserts that the Hindu ashrams of Brahmacharya, Grahasta and Sanyasi are binding on Virshaivs, and quotes from various Sanskrit works texts in support of this view. He also furnishes a mythical account of the origin of the Lingayats at the time of the creation of the world.

A committee of gentlemen appointed in the Belgaum district to consider the question of the origin of the Lingayats base their opinion on a Sanskrit work, the Paramarahasya, and give the following account:—“When the God Shiva wished to people the earth, he created from his mouth five acharyas, namely, Marula Radhyacharya, Ekoranadhyacharya, Revanaradhyacharya, Panditaradhyacharya and Vishvaradhyacharya. These five acharyas propagated the Lingayat portion of mankind. Each of them founded a gotra, namely, Bhringi, Vira, Vrisha, Skanda and Handi, and their five seats are Shrishaila, Kollipaki, Ujjaini, Kashi and Balihalli.”

A third account prepared specially in connection with the census of 1901 begins by controverting the common opinion that Basava founded the Lingayat religion, that it was in origin anti-Brahmanical, and that it abolished caste distinctions. The account continues as follows. “A little enquiry will clearly show that it was not Basava who founded the religion, but that he only revived the previously existing and ancient religion; that it is not anti-Brahmanical, but that it protests against the efficacy of animal sacrifices, and that the religion itself is founded on the authority of the Vedas, treating of animal sacrifices just as the Shri Vaishnav and Madhva religions have rejected certain portions and adopted certain others of the Vedas. Consequently it is incorrect to say that the Virshaivs reject the authority of the Vedas.” The writer maintains that caste distinctions are not foreign to the nature of Lingayatism, and asserts that they have always existed. According to him, the orthodox theory is that, when Brahma was ordered to create the world, he requested Siva to teach him how to, whereupon Siva created aprakruts. Brahma created the world from the five elements of nature, and produced the prakruts. The Lingayats are the aprakruts, and the Brahmanistic Hindus prakruts. Here follow many quotations from Sanskrit Agmas in support of the facts alleged. It is unnecessary to weary the reader with the texts and their translations. The object in referring to these latter day accounts of the origin of the Lingayats is to show the modern tendency of tradition to bring Lingayatism into line with Brahmanistic Hinduism. The works referred to by the learned authors appear to be Sanskrit writings of not more than 500 years ago, and cannot be taken as proof that the Lingayat religion is of greater antiquity than the 12th century, or that it has always been observant of caste distinctions. The persistence with which these points are advanced at the present day is, however, worthy of careful notice. If Lingayatism was an island thrown up within the “boundless sea of Hinduism,” it would appear that the waters of the ocean are doing their utmost to undermine its solid foundations. The Lingayats in Bombay, Madras and Mysore number about two millions. Mysore and the Southern Mahratta country are the principal homes of the creed, and the Bellary district, which is wedged in between the above territories, must be classed with them. Mr. Rice tells us that it was the State religion of the Wodeyars of Mysore from 1399 to 1610, and of the Nayaks of Keladi, Ikkeri or Bednur from 1550 to 1763. At the present day the ruling family in Mysore employ none but Lingayats as cooks and watermen. The Lingayats of Madras numbered 138,518 at the census of 1901. These figures, however, are of doubtful accuracy, as many were entered under caste names, and the probable strength of the community must be largely in excess of the figures. They were chiefly found in the Bellary district.

The following are the main sub-divisions of the community in the Madras Presidency :—

The Aradhya Brahman is termed a Lingayat. This caste is not included in the present note. The members of it wear the sacred thread, as well as the lingam. They are strict Saivite Brahmans, and have nothing to do with the Lingayats proper.

The three religious divisions of the community are styled:—

The Jangams are mostly literate, and the members of the Banjig or trader class are frequently literate. The other classes of men, and the women of all classes are practically illiterate. Canarese is the common language of Lingayats, and it is usually preserved as a house language where Canarese is not the language of the locality. In Bellary the teachers in several of the board schools (primary standard) are Jangams. Very few Lingayats have as yet competed for University honours, and the number of Lingayat graduates is small.

The common termination for males is Appa, and for females Amma or Akka, or Avva. In the case of Jangams the male termination is Ayya. The names commonly in use are as follows:—

Basappa is the most common name of all, and it is said that in Kottur, a town of 7,000 inhabitants, not far from Ujjini, one half of the male Lingayats are styled Kottur Basappa.

Tinduga or Tindodi is a nickname given to a daughter’s son born and bred up in his maternal grandfather’s house. The name signifies that the boy will some day quit the house and join his father’s family, tindu meaning eating, and wodi, running away. If the child happens to be a female she is called Tindavva or Tindodi. Kuldappa, or Kuldavva, is a nickname for one who fails to see a thing at once when he looks for it. Kulda is a corruption of kuruda, which means a blind man. Superstition has something to do with the naming of children. Children whose predecessors died successively in their infancy are named as Sudugappa or Sudugadavva after sudugadu, burial-ground, Gundappa or Gundavva after gundu, a rock, Tippiah or Tippavva after tippa, a rubbish heap, Tirakappa after tirakambonu, begging. These names signify humility, and are given in the belief that God will pity the parents and give the children a long lease of life. Two names are not given to a child, but pet names are used instead.

The recognised head-quarters of the Lingayats in the Bellary district is Ujjini, a village in the south of the Kudligi taluk on the borders of Mysore. There are five head-quarters of the community in different parts of India. In each there is what is called a Simhasanadhipati. In the first period of creation, Iswara or Siva is supposed to have appeared in five different forms, emanating from his five faces, and the five Lingayat centres are representative of these five forms. The places are Ujjini, Srisaila, Kollepaka, Balehalli, and Benares.

It is said that the Mutt at Kollepaka no longer exists, and has been replaced by one at Bukkasagar in the Hospet taluk of Bellary district. The shape and materials of their dwellings are not in any way different from those of other Hindus. In the Bellary district, houses of the better classes are built of stone; poorer persons can only afford mud houses. All adopt the flat roof peculiar to the Deccan.

It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that “the orthodox theory among the Lingayats is that their religion was founded by a number of Acharyas, the most famous of whom were Renuka, Daraka, Gajakarna, Ghantakarna and Viswakarna, who are the Gotrakartas of the Lingayat Dwijas, having received their mandate direct from Siva to establish his true religion on earth, or rather to restore it to its purity. As belonging to the Apprakrita Srishti, the Virasaivas are enjoined not to follow that portion of the Vedas which treats of Yagnas or animal sacrifices. Their contention is that karma, or the performance of ceremonies, is of two kinds, namely, one relating to the attainment of worldly desires, and the other relating to the attainment of wisdom or gnana. The idea of salvation in Brahmanical religions generally is the attainment of desires, going to Swarga or Heaven, where one would enjoy eternal bliss. But salvation, as understood by the Virasaiva religion, is something different, and goes one step further, meaning absorption into and attainment of oneness with the deity. Consequently, they are prohibited from performing all those ceremonies which relate to the attainment of Swarga, but are bound to perform those which relate to gnana or wisdom, and to salvation as understood by them. The five great Gotrakartas established five great religious centres in different parts of India, viz., Ekorama at Ketara in the Himalayas, Viswacharya at Benares, Marutacharya at Ujjain, Pandithacharya at Srisaila in Cuddapah district, and Renukacharya at Balehalli or Balehonnur in Koppa taluk (of Mysore), at all of which places the mutts still exist. The heads of these mutts have geographically divided the Lingayats into five great divisions, and each head exercises spiritual control within his own legitimate sphere, though all of them have a general jurisdiction over all the Lingayats generally. Each of these mutts, called simhasanas (thrones), has sub-mutts in important popular centres under the management of Pattadaswamis. Each sub-mutt has a number of branch mutts, called Gurusthala mutts, under it, and these latter are established wherever a community of Lingayats exists. The rights and duties of the Swamis of these mutts are to preside on all ceremonial occasions, to receive their dues, to impart religious instructions, to settle religious disputes, and to exercise a general control over all matters affecting the interests of the community at large. But one particular feature of this sect is the existence of another order of priests, called Viraktas, also known as Nirabharis or Jangamas, who hold the highest position in the ecclesiastical order, and therefore command the highest respect from laymen as well as from the above mentioned clergy. Each Virakta mutt is directly subject to the Murgi mutt at Chitaldrug, which has absolute jurisdiction over all the Viraktas. Most Lingayat towns have a Virakta mutt built outside the town, where the Swami or the Jangama leads a solitary, simple and spiritual life. Unlike the other priests, the Virakta is prohibited from presiding on ceremonial occasions, and from receiving unnecessary alms unless for the purpose of immediately distributing the same to others. He should devote his whole life partly to spiritual meditation, and partly to the spreading of spiritual knowledge among his disciples, so that he would be the fountain head, to whom all laymen and all clergy must turn for spiritual wisdom. His position, in short, should be that of a pure Sanyasi of the most exalted order. But here, as in the case of most other Indian ecclesiastical orders, the modern representative of the ancient prototype is far different from the ideal.”

Sacrifices are contrary to the tenets of the faith, but the practices of other Hindus are to some extent copied. When laying the foundations of a house, a cocoanut is broken, incense offered and camphor burnt. When setting up the main door frame, a ceremony called Dwara Pratishta is performed. On that day, or a subsequent day, an iron nail is driven into the frame, to prevent devils or evil spirits from entering the house. After the house is completed, the ceremony of Graha Pravesam takes place. With all Lingayat ceremonies the most important feature is the worship of the jangam, and in this instance the house is sprinkled with water, in which the Jangam’s feet have been washed. Jangam’s friends and relatives are then entertained and fed in the house.

Theoretically, any one may become a Lingayat by virtue of investiture with the lingam. But in practice very few outsiders are admitted. The priests do not proselytise. The elders of the community sometimes persuade a relative or friend to join the fold. In the Bellary district, it is believed that the religion is not spreading. The contrary seems to be the case in the Bombay Presidency. The Bijapur Gazetteer states that the wearing of the lingam, and the desertion of Brahmans for Jangams as priests, are still spreading among the Brahmanical castes of Bijapur, and adds “In Mr. Cumine’s opinion few castes have remained beyond the influence of the new sect, and between Lingayatism and Islam, Brahmanism will in a few centuries be almost extinct.” According to Mr. C. P. Brown, the Jangams insist upon any candidate for admission undergoing a probation of ten or twelve years. The authorities at Ujjini state that there is a recognised scale of probation ranging from three years for the Brahman to twelve years for the Sudra, but the Jangams admit that no Brahmans are ever converted now, and the probation period is probably not enforced. The castes from which outsiders occasionally come are the various sub-divisions of the Kapu or Reddi caste. It is not uncommon to find all the Neredi Kapus in one village wearing the lingam, while the people of the same caste in a neighbouring village are not Lingayats. The Pakanati Kapus illustrate the same rule. Lingayat and non-Lingayat Kapus who are relatives eat together, and in some cases intermarry.

Lingayatism has recently made converts from other castes. In the last century, many weavers of Tuminkatti in the Dharwar district of Bombay were converted by a Jangam from Ujjini, and are now known as Kurvinavaru. They have abandoned all social intercourse with the parent caste.

According to Basava’s teaching, even the lowest castes could join the community, and obtain equality with other Lingayats. The AbbÉ Dubois wrote that, “even if a Pariah joins the sect, he is considered in no way inferior to a Brahman. Wherever the lingam is found, there they say is the throne of the deity, without distinction of class or rank. The Pariah’s humble hut containing the sacred emblem is far above the most magnificent palace where it is not.” These were undoubtedly the views of the founder, but his orders are not followed at the present day. The authorities at Ujjini deny that any Mala or Madiga can become a Lingayat, and say that, even if he wears a lingam, it has not been given him by a Jangam. There is a class of Malas called Chalavadis, whose duty it is to accompany Lingayat processions, and ring a bell. These Chalavadis wear the lingam. It is, however, the accepted rule amongst Lingayats of the present day that a Mala or Madiga cannot wear lingam.

In a note on the relations between Lingayats and Brahmans,42 Mr. T. V. Subramanyam refers to the long-standing differences between them in the Bellary district. “The quarrel,” he writes, “has reference to the paraphernalia the former may carry in their religious processions, and has its origin in a legend. The story runs that Vedavyasa, the author of the Mahabharata and a fervent devotee of Vishnu, once went to Benares with the object of establishing the superiority of his favourite deity in that stronghold of Saivism. Within the precincts of the temple, he raised his hands aloft, proclaiming that Vishnu was the supreme God, when, to the consternation of the assembled worshippers, Nandi, the trusted servant and vehicle of Siva, whose sculptured image is found in every temple sacred to his master, rose up in indignation, and cut off the right hand of the blasphemous sage. The principal insignia claimed to be used in Lingayat processions are makaratoranam, pagaladivitti, svetachhatram, nandidhvajam, and vyasahastam. No objection is raised by the Brahmans to the use of the first three of these, which are respectively a banner with the representation of a tortoise embroidered thereon, torches carried during the day, and a white umbrella. The nandidhvajam consists of a long pole, at the upper end of which floats a flag with a representation of Nandi, and to which is affixed an image of Basava, the founder of the sect. The vyasahastam is a similar pole, from which a wooden arm is suspended. The assertion of the prowess of Nandi, and the perpetuation of the punishment alleged by the Lingayats to have been inflicted on Vyasa for daring to declare the supremacy of Vishnu, as symbolised by these emblems, are equally offensive to all classes of Brahmans, as the sage is reverenced equally by Vaishnavas, Madhvas, and Smartas. Besides these emblems, the Lingayats claim that, during their processions, they are entitled to ring a bell, which is usually suspended from the flat end of a large ladle-like object. The Brahmans object to this, however, as the bells are carried by low-caste persons, who ring them with their feet, to the accompaniment of chants intended to insult the Brahmans and their religious creeds. They contend also that the hollow of the ladle is designed in mockery of the Brahmakapala (or skull of Brahma), which is very sacred in their eyes.... In the year 1811, a dispute arose regarding the display of the nandidhavajam and the vyasahastam, an enquiry into which was held by the Judge of Bellary, who issued a proclamation for general information throughout the district, prohibiting the procession altogether, and declaring that no person should attempt it, on pain of being put in irons, and sent to take his trial before the Court of Circuit.... When the Sringeri Swami, known as Jagadguru or spiritual head of the universe, visited Bellary in 1888, certain Lingayats petitioned the District Magistrate, praying that, if he was to be allowed to enter the town displaying his usual paraphernalia, their gurus must also be allowed a similar privilege during their processions. The petitioners were directed to meet the agent of the Sringeri Swami, and they agreed with him, to quote from the Collector’s order, in a spirit of mutual consideration that the processions of the gurus of the Smarta Brahmans and of the Lingayats should be peaceably conducted, and that, in the latter, neither the nandidhvajam nor the vyasahastam should be used. In 1899, it was decided in a Civil Court that the bells used in the processions of the Lingayats should be rung with the hands and not with the feet, and that the Chalavadis, or bell-ringers, should not utter any cries or chants offensive to the feelings of the Brahmans. In 1901, the Collector negotiated a compromise between the Lingayats and the Brahmans of Rayadrug, by which the display of all insignia, except the vyasahastam, was permitted to the former. Apparently, the Brahmans have not been satisfied with the terms of this compromise, as, subsequent to 1901, they have started civil litigation, in which it is contended that the use of nandidhvajam is itself objectionable. At the present moment, therefore, the Brahman Lingayat controversy is exactly where it was a hundred years ago.”

Non-Lingayats, wishing to join the faith, have to undergo a three days’ purification ceremony. On the first day they get their face and head shaved, and take a bath in cow’s urine and ordure. Except these articles, they are under a prohibition to drink or eat anything else that day. On the second day they bathe themselves in dhulodaka, i.e., water with which a Jangam’s feet have been washed, and eat sugar and drink cow’s milk. On the third or last day, they take a panchamrutham bath, i.e., they apply to the head and body a paste made of plantains, cow’s milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds and honey, and wash it off with water; they drink the water (thirtham) in which a Jangam’s feet have been washed; the lingam is tied on by the Jangam, and the convert eats with other Lingayats. Women also undergo this ceremony, but in their case shaving is omitted.

Disputes are settled by a panchayat (council) headed by one of the community called Yejaman or Setti, assisted by the Reddi or headman called Banakara. Where there is no Setti, the Reddi takes his place. The Setti is appointed by the community, after the office itself has been created by the Simhasanadhipati of the mutt. The other members of the panchayat are not permanent, but are selected for the occasion. The panchayat also tries offences against caste rules, and imposes fine on the culprit. The money, when collected, is given to some mutt or temple. Failure to pay is punished by excommunication. Any one may be appointed Setti, but the post is hereditary. It is an honorary post carrying no remuneration, and the enquiries of the panchayat entail no expense, except in the cost of supplying pansupari (betel leaves and areca nuts). The panchayat is not limited in numbers, all the leading members of the community being invited to attend. Appeals from the decisions of the panchayat lie to the mutt to which the village is subordinate. In Bellary appeals go to Ujjini. The orders of the mutt are final. The Ujjini authorities say that the only punishment that can be inflicted is to interdict the offender from all social intercourse. He is practically “put into Coventry”; but is released on payment of a fine to the guru, so the punishment is in fact a fine. The appointment of a new Setti is a solemn function, resembling the instalment of a church dignitary. The priests and Settis of neighbouring villages assemble, and instal the new man. The following is the order of precedence amongst them:—

• (1) Matadaya.
• (2) Matapati.
• (3) Ganachari.
• (4) Sthavaria or Gunari.
• (5) Setti.
• (6) Patna Setti.
• (7) Kori Setti.
• (8) Wali Setti.

A ceremony called Diksha is said by some to be compulsory with Jangams, male and female, in their eighth year, and the same is also said to be required for lay Lingayats. The ceremony is performed in order to impart to the recipient the sacred mantram called Panchakshari. This is whispered in the ear by the guru. The rite is evidently in imitation of the Brahman practice of imparting the Gayatri mantram at the time of the Upanayanam or thread-tying ceremony. The term Diksha is sometimes used to express the conversion ceremony used in the case of a new-comer. It is an essential of the faith that the sacred spell should be whispered in the ear by the guru, and this explains the three word motto or “guru, linga and Jangam.” But, in the case of lay Lingayats and of women, it does not appear that Diksha is universal, and the sacred spell is whispered in the ear when the lingam is tied.

Pollution periods are not observed. The indifference displayed by Lingayats to the purification ceremonies prescribed by Hindu custom is noticed by the AbbÉ Dubois, who quotes the Hindu proverb which says “There is no river for a Lingayat.”

A simple ceremony is performed when a girl comes to maturity. This lasts only one day. The girl takes an oil bath, and puts on clean clothes and ornaments. Married women come and place in her lap two cocoanuts, two dates, five limes, five areca nuts, five betel leaves, and some rice. They sing some bright song, and then pass round her head three times the wave offering (arati) of a light. They then depart, after being presented with food and betel. This ceremony is evidently copied from other castes, and with well-to-do Lingayats is sometimes prolonged for several days. Holy water (thirtham) is sprinkled over the head of the girl. No ceremonies are observed at subsequent menstrual periods, as no pollution is attached to them.

No special diet or customs are observed during pregnancy by husband or wife. The woman in her confinement is attended by her female relatives and the village midwife. At the birth of a child, all the female members of the family, and other women who attend the confinement, bathe and give a bath to the mother and child. On the second and third day, from five to ten women are invited. They bring boiled water and turmeric paste to apply to the body of the mother. On the third day a ceremony called Viralu is performed. Viralu means the worship of the afterbirth. The midwife buries it at the outer door, throws over the grave a piece of thread, dipped in turmeric water, and some rice, turmeric powder, kunkuma (red powder) and nim (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. She offers to it kitchade, a mess made of broken cholam (millet: Sorghum) and a dish of greens, and breaks a cocoanut. The mother, who wears on the right wrist a piece of thread with a piece of sweet flag (Acorus Calamus) tied to it, worships the grave with joined hands. The women who have brought boiled water also wear similar threads on the right wrists, and eat the cholam and the greens. The midwife takes away the offering made to the grave, and gets also her money perquisites. The Viralu ceremony is observed in the belief that the mother’s breasts will thereby be fruitful of milk. The mother for the first time, on the day after the ceremony is over, suckles the child. Both of them receive dhulodaka (water from a Jangam’s feet). The child also receives from the Jangam the lingam, which is to be his personal property for life and for eternity.

The name is given to a child on the sixteenth day after birth. Five married women go to a well or river, where they worship Gangamma, and return with a new pot filled with water. The mother receives it at the entrance, and places it on some cholam under the cradle. After this, the child is put into the cradle, and is given a name. The child’s maternal uncle or aunt gives the name, and at once all the women present assault the namer with their fists. After this the Jangam and guests are fed, and guggeri (fried grain) is distributed.

Marriage is both infant and adult. There is no difference in this respect between Jangams and other Lingayats. Sexual license before marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Open prostitution is not permitted. On the other hand, it is condemned as a moral sin and a social offence, and the party is punished by excommunication. There are Basavis (dedicated prostitutes) amongst Lingayats. Polygamy is permitted. Polyandry is strictly prohibited. Among the Lingayats, marriage between brothers’ children is strictly prohibited. Similarly, sisters’ children cannot marry. Marriage between some classes of second cousins is also prohibited, i.e., a man’s children may not marry the children of his paternal uncle or of his maternal aunt. A man may marry his sister’s daughter, but, in the case of children of the younger sister, such marriages are looked on with disfavour. The parties to a marriage have no freedom of choice. It is arranged for them by their parents or by the elders of their family, who come to an agreement as to the amount of teravu that should be paid to the bride’s family. This marriage price usually amounts to 12 pagodas or 42 rupees, but is often more. In the case of a second marriage, the amount is double. The presents to the bridegroom generally consist of a pair of cloths, a turban, and a gold ring. These gifts are not compulsory, and their amount and value depend upon the circumstances of the bride’s family.

For a betrothal, the bridegroom’s family come to the bride’s house on an auspicious day in company with a Jangam. They bring a sire (woman’s cloth), a kuppasa (jacket), two cocoanuts, five pieces of turmeric, five limes, betel leaf and areca nut. They also bring flowers for the susaka (a cap of flowers made for the bride), gold and silver ornaments, and sugar and areca nut for distribution to guests. The bride puts on the new cloths with the ornaments and flowers, and sits on a folded kumbli (blanket), on which fantastic devices have been made with rice. Some married women fill her lap with cocoanuts and other things brought by the bridegroom’s party. Music is played, and the women sing. Five of them pick up the rice on the kumbli, and gently drop it on to the bride’s knees, shoulders and head. They do this three times with both hands. Sugar and betel are then distributed, and one of the bride’s family proclaims the fact that the bride has been given to the bridegroom. One of the bridegroom’s family then states that the bride is accepted. That night the bride’s family feed the visitors on sweet things; dishes made of hot or pungent things are strictly prohibited.

The marriage ceremony, which often takes place some years later, occupies from one to four days according to circumstances. In the case of a four-day marriage, the first day is spent in worshipping ancestors. On a second day, rice and oil are sent to the local mutt, and oil alone to the relatives. New pots are brought with much shouting, and deposited in the god’s room. A pandal (booth) is erected, and the bridegroom sits under it side by side with a married female relative, and goes through a performance which is called Surige. An enclosure is made round them with cotton thread passed ten times round four earthen pitchers placed at the four corners. Five married women come with boiled water, and wash off the oil and turmeric, with which the bride and the bridegroom and his companion have been anointed. The matrons then clothe them with the new cloths offered to the ancestors on the first day. After some ceremonial, the thread forming the enclosure is removed, and given to a Jangam. The Surige being now over, the bridegroom and his relatives are taken back to the god’s room. The bride and her relatives are now taken to the pandal, and another Surige is gone through. When this is over, the bride is taken to her room, and is decorated with flowers. At the same time, the bridegroom is decorated in the god’s room, and, mounting on a bullock, goes to the village temple, where he offers a cocoanut. A chaplet of flowers called bashingam is tied to his forehead, and he returns to the house. In the god’s room a panchakalasam, consisting of five metal vases with betel and vibhuti (sacred ashes) has been arranged, one vase being placed at each corner of a square, and one on the middle. By each kalasam is a cocoanut, a date fruit, a betel leaf and areca nut, and one pice (a copper coin) tied in a handkerchief. A cotton thread is passed round the square, and round the centre kalasam another thread, one end of which is held by the family guru, and the other by the bridegroom who sits opposite to him. The guru wears a ring made of kusa grass on the big toe of his right foot. The bride sits on the left hand side of the bridegroom, and the guru ties their right and left hands respectively with kusa grass. Hastapuja then follows. The joined hands of the bride and bridegroom are washed, and bilva (Ægle Marmelos) leaves and flowers are offered. The officiating priest then consecrates the tali and the kankanam (wrist-thread), ties the latter on the wrists of the joined hands, and gives the tali to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride’s neck, repeating some words after the priest. The tying of the tali is the binding portion of the ceremony. Before the tali is given to the bridegroom, it is passed round the assembly to be touched by all and blessed. As soon as the bridegroom ties it on the bride, all those present throw over the pair a shower of rice. The bridegroom places some cummin seed and jaggery (crude sugar) on the bride’s head, and the bride does the same to the bridegroom. Small quantities of these articles are tied in a corner of the cloth of each, and the cloths are then knotted together. The bride worships the bridegroom’s feet, and he throws rice on her head. The newly married couple offer fruits to five Jangams, and present them with five pice. The relatives worship the bride and bridegroom, wash their feet and offer presents, and the proceedings of the day terminate. On the third day, friends and relatives are fed, and on the fourth day bride and bridegroom ride in procession through the village, on the same bullock, the bride in front. On return to the house they throw scented powder (bukkittu) at each other, and the guests join in the fun. Then follows the wedding breakfast, to which only the near relatives are admitted. The married couple worship Jangams and the elders, and take off the kankanam or consecration thread from their wrists, and tie it at the doorway. The five matrons who have assisted are given presents and dismissed, and the marriage is now complete. In a one-day marriage, the above ceremonies are crowded into the short time allotted. The remarriage of widows was one of the points on which Basava insisted, and was probably one of the biggest bones of contention with the Brahmans. Widow remarriage is allowed at the present day, but the authorities at Ujjini see fit to disregard it. They say that amongst Jangams it is prohibited, and that amongst the other classes of Lingayats it is growth of custom.

The practice of widow remarriage is widely followed even among Jangams, but amongst the stricter classes, who are probably under the influence of their Brahman friends, it is discountenanced. The parties to such a marriage are not allowed to take part in the marriage ceremonies of others. A great deal can, however, be done when money is forthcoming, and in one case a girl has recently been remarried according to the form in use for original marriages. Every Jangam probably has his price.

A widow cannot marry her deceased husband’s brother or cousin. The marriage goes by the name of Udiki, and corresponds to some extent to the Gandarva form of the Hindus. The ceremony is a very simple one; there is no music and no guests are invited. The parties go to the temple in company with the Matapati or headman, and the bangle seller. The latter puts glass bangles on the bride’s wrists, and the Matapati ties the tali. This last act ratifies the marriage contract, and makes it indissoluble. In some cases the ceremony takes place at night, as though the parties wished the darkness to cover them, but this practice does not seem to be universal. A widower generally takes a widow as his second bride; a bachelor will not as a rule marry a widow. In connection with a case concerning the Lingayat ‘Goundans’ of the Wynad, it is noted, in the Indian Law Reports,43 that “there is an immemorial custom by which Lingait widows are remarried. Such marriage is styled, not kalianam, but odaveli or kudaveli. It is not accompanied with the same ceremonies as a kalianam marriage, but a feast is given, the bride and bridegroom sit on a mat in the presence of the guests and chew betel, their cloths are tied together, and the marriage is consummated the same night. Widows married in this form are freely admitted into society. They cease to belong to the family of their first husband, and the children of the second family inherit the property of their own father.” Divorce is permitted on proof of misconduct. The husband can exercise his right to divorce his wife by proving before a panchayet the alleged misconduct. The wife can only claim to divorce her husband when he has been outcasted. Wives who have been divorced cannot remarry. The above answers are given on the authority of the Ujjini mutt. There appears to be considerable divergence of opinion in other quarters. By some it is positively asserted that divorce is not permitted under any circumstances; that the husband and wife may separate on the ground of incompatibility of temper or for misconduct; and that in these circumstances the husband is at liberty to marry again, while the wife is not. Others say that divorce is permitted, and that both parties are at liberty to remarry. In connection with the Lingayats of South Canara, it is recorded, in the Indian Law Reports,44 that “second marriage of a wife forsaken by the first husband is allowed. Such marriage is known as serai udiki (giving a cloth); as distinguished from lagna or dhara, the first marriage.”

All castes included in Lingayat community follow the Hindu law of inheritance, and succession is governed by the same.

As a rule Lingayats worship Basaveswara and Virabhadra, the former being the founder of their sect, and the latter a son of Siva. They worship also the other sons of Siva, Shanmukha and Vinayaka, and Parvati, wife of Siva. The other deities of the Hindu pantheon are not reverenced. Some later saints are sometimes regarded with reverence, but there does not appear to be any great uniformity in this matter, and the Ujjini authorities declare that no god except Siva is worshipped. This is clearly the correct view of the religion, and it is evident that the worship of minor deities was not countenanced by the founder.

It is a peculiarity amongst the Lingayats that they esteem the Jangam or priest as superior even to the deity. They pay homage to the Jangam first, and to Siva afterwards. The Jangam is regarded as an incarnation of the deity. They allow him to bathe his lingam in water with which his feet have been washed, and which for this reason is regarded as holy water. With the same water they bathe their own lingams, and drink the remainder. The motto of the creed quoted by Mr. C. P. Brown is “Guru, linga, Jangam.” These three words express the Lingayat faith, but in practice the Jangam is placed first, and, as stated above, is worshipped as god upon earth. This practice of bathing the lingams in holy water is universal, and precedes each meal. The Jangam blesses the food in the name of Basava, and eats before the others can begin.

Monday in every week is the Lingayat Sunday, and is sacred to Siva. This day is observed everywhere, and no Lingayat will cultivate his field, or otherwise work his cattle on a Monday. This fact was noted by the AbbÉ Dubois. The following account of the various festivals recognised by Lingayats was furnished by the Dewan of the Sandur State, but, as he himself admits, very few people really observe the rules:—

The month Chaitra.—First day of the bright fortnight being Ugadi or new year’s day, all take an oil bath and feast, the first dish to be eaten being a porridge made of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) flowers, sugar candy or jaggery, dried grapes, almonds, Bengal gram flour, poppy seeds, and cocoanut kernel. Those who can afford it put on new clothing. The eating of margosa flowers on Ugadi is not, however, peculiar to the Lingayat. On the full-moon day, called Davanadahunname (from davana, a scented plant), they enjoy dainty dishes in honour of Hampe Pompapathiswami’s car festival.

The month Vaisakha.—On the full-moon day called Hagihunname (from hage, a young plant) cultivators make nursery beds, and enjoy a good repast.

The month Jyesta.—The full-moon day called Karuhunname (from kare, a festoon). Bullocks are washed, painted, and taken out in procession, when a festoon made of leaves, etc., and tied high across the main street, is broken. On the new-moon day called Mannueththina-amavasya, they make bulls with earth, worship them, and eat a good meal.

The month Ashadha.—On the full-moon day called Kadlakadavena hunname, they make a mixture of cholam or other flour with a single grain of unbroken Bengal gram inside, boil it and eat. Women strike one another with these cakes, which are either round or oblong, and are tough. Before being eaten, they are cut into pieces with a knife.

The month Sravana.—The fifth day of the bright fortnight, called Nagarapanchame. The image of a serpent, made of mud taken from a snake’s hole, is worshipped with offerings of milk, soaked Bengal gram, rice, balls made of jaggery and fried gingelly (Sesamum) called chigali, balls made of rice flour and jaggery called tanittoo, cocoanuts, plantains and flowers. On each Monday of this month, all the gods are worshipped with offerings of dainty dishes, and Jangams are fed. This is the most important month in the year. Those who can afford it have the Basava or other Puranams read and explained.

The month Bhadrapada.—The fourth day of the bright fortnight. The image of Ganesha, made of earth and painted, is worshipped with an offering consisting of 21 harnakadubu, 21 chigali, 21 tanittoo, a cocoanut, flowers and incense. It is taken out in procession on the 3rd, 5th or 9th day, and deposited in a well or stream after the necessary worship. The new-moon day called Malada-amavasya (from Mahalaya, a period comprising 15 days from full- to new-moon), during which offerings are made to the manes of departed ancestors.

The month Aswija.—The first day of the bright fortnight. Male children bathe, put on holiday clothes, and go to the village school. They do so till the 10th or Dasami day. With them their master makes house-to-house visits for annual presents. They sing and play with the kolatam, a pair of painted round sticks about one foot in length with a diameter of 1¼ inches. On the Dasami day, books, accounts, scales and weights, measures and weapons are worshipped with jambi (Prosopis spicigera), rich food, flowers and incense. All, including Jangams, enjoy a good meal. In the evening they visit temples, and offer cocoanuts to the idols. They pay reverence to elders by giving them jambi, and falling at their feet. On the same day, girls collect earth from ant-hills, and place it in a heap in the village temple. Every evening they go to the said temple with aratis (wave offerings), singing on the way, and worship the heap. They continue this till the full-moon day called Seegahunname. On the following day, i.e., on the first day of the dark fortnight, they worship in the same temple an image of Siva and his consort Parvati seated on the sacred bull made of earth and painted. They worship with offerings of cakes and other dainties, and cocoanuts, flowers and incense, and give arati. The Matapati who has installed the idol takes these offerings, and gives each girl two idols of Kontamma, made out of the heaped earth previously worshipped by them. They take them home in their arati platters. Within the next three days, they go from house to house playing on kolu or kolatam and singing, and receive money presents. These earnings they spend on the worship of Kontamma by making sajja and gingelly cakes called konte roti, and offering them. This worship is performed on the top of the roof of a house. The girls eat up the cakes, and take Kontamma in procession to a stream or well, and gently let her into the water, singing songs all the while.

On the new-moon day, a religious observance called nope or nomulu in honour of Gauri (another name of Parvati) is kept up. The observance consists in offering to the goddess 21 karjikayi, 21 whole areca nuts, 21 betel nuts, 21 bits of turmeric, 21 chendu flowers, 21 tumbe huvvu, a silk string with 21 threads and 21 knots, a cocoanut kernel, a date fruit, kunkuma, a cocoanut, bukkittu and incense, in a winnowing fan specially made with 21 fastenings. The fan is passed round the goddess 21 times. A face worked in silver, a new earthen pitcher or a metal pot with a twig of the banian tree in it, well decorated, represents the goddess. The silk string is allowed to remain before her that night. Next morning, offerings of food, etc., are made to her, and the pujari (priest) ties a silk string on the left arm if a female, or the right arm if a male. That day being the Balipadyam day, men, women and children take an oil bath very early in the morning, eat something, and put on new clothing. Just before daybreak, women make two sets of cow-dung Panchapandavas, and keep one set on either side of the outer threshold, and, sprinkling on them milk, butter and ghi, worship them. At the usual breakfast time, all the members of the family enjoy a hearty meal with the newly married son-in-law, to whom they make presents of cloths and gold according to circumstances. All that day children let off crackers.

The month Kartika.—On the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight, girls bring ant-hill earth, and, depositing it in a temple, follow the procedure observed from the tenth day of the bright fortnight of Aswija up to the day on which the Kontamma was left in a stream or well. They go through the various details in three days.

The month Pushya.—The Sankranti (the day on which the sun’s progress to the north of the equator begins) festival is observed. On the Bhogi day, i.e., the day previous to Sankranti, cakes made of sajja and gingelly, dishes made of pumpkin, brinjals, sweet potatoes, red radish, raw chillies and chitrana (coloured rice) are eaten. On the Sankranti day, more rich food, including holigas (cakes made of jaggery, dhal and wheat), is eaten in company with Jangams, who are dismissed with money presents and betel and nut.

The month Magha.—The full-moon day called Baratahunname. This is a feasting day on which no ceremony is performed, but the people enjoy themselves by eating good things. The fourteenth day of the dark fortnight is the Sivarathri day, i.e., the day sacred to Siva. This should be a fasting and sleepless day, the fast being broken early next morning, but very few observe these rules strictly.

The month Phalguna.—The full-moon day is the day on which the Holi festival takes place. It is not marked by any religious observance beyond eating good things. The same is the case with the new-moon day.

Brahmans are not employed as a general rule. The Jangam is the priest of the Lingayat, and is called in for all ceremonies. Brahmans are sometimes consulted in fixing auspicious days, and in some cases are even allowed to officiate at marriages. This is the rule in Sandur, and shows the tendency of modern times. The Ujjini mutt is, however, still bigoted in its rejection of all Brahman interference, though, with strange inconsistency, the elders of the community themselves claim to be Brahmans. Jangams are now studying Vedic Shastras, and may often be heard repeating Vedic hymns.

The dead are buried in a sitting posture facing towards the north, but an exception is made in the case of unmarried people, who are buried in a reclining position. Before the patient dies, the ceremony called Vibhutidharane or Vibhuti achchodu is performed. He is given a bath, and is made to drink holy water in which the Jangam’s feet have been washed. He is made to give the Jangam a handkerchief with vibhuti (ashes), rudraksha, dakshina (coin) and tambula (betel leaf). This is followed by a meal, of which all the Jangams present, and the relatives and friends of the patient partake. It appears to be immaterial whether the patient is still alive or not. It is stated that, if the invalid survives this ceremony, he must take to the jungles and disappear, but in practice this is not observed. The death party resembles in some respects an Irish ‘wake,’ though the latter does not commence until the deceased is well on his way to the next world. After death, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture, and the Jangam, who has received the offering before death, places his left foot on the right thigh of the body. The people present worship the corpse, and the usual distribution of coins and betel to Jangams follows. The body is then carried in a vimanam or bamboo chair to the burial-ground. The grave should be a cube of nine feet dimensions, with a niche on one side, in which the corpse is to sit. The lingam is untied, and placed in the left hand; bilva leaves (Ægle Marmelos) and vibhuti are placed at the side; the body is wrapped in an orange coloured cloth; and the grave is filled in. A Jangam stands on the grave, and, after receiving the usual douceur, shouts out the name of the deceased and says that he has gone to Kailasa or heaven.

Memorial ceremonies are contrary to Lingayat tenets, but in this, as in other matters, the influence of the Brahmans appears, and amongst some sections an annual ceremony is performed. The performance of Sradh, or the memorial ceremonial common to other Hindus, is unknown. The AbbÉ Dubois tells us that a Lingayat is no sooner buried than he is forgotten. He says, “The point in the creed of the Saivaites which appears to me to be most remarkable is their entire rejection of that fundamental principle of the Hindu religion ‘marujanma’ or metempsychosis. From this it would follow that they do not believe in ghosts. But there is a generally accepted idea that evil spirits sometimes take possession of females. This may be a rude way of expressing the fact that the gentle sex is uncertain, coy and hard to please.”

Though Sradh is unknown, once in a year on the new-moon day of the month Bhadrapada or in Aswija, they offer clothes and food to ancestors in general, childless ancestors, and men who have died a violent death.

The special object of worship is a bull, the animal sacred to Siva. A bull is supposed to be used by Siva for riding. It is also painted on Siva’s flag.

Tattooing is confined to females. Children are tattooed in their fifth year. A round mark, the size of a pea, is pricked between the eyebrows, on the right cheek, and on the chin. Other marks are made on the forehead. These marks are also made on the forearms and hands. The pigment is of a green colour, but the recipe is not known. The skin is pricked with babul (Acacia arabica) thorns.

Females wear a sadi about 8 yards long and 1¼ yards broad. It is invariably a coloured one, with silk or cotton borders at the edges and across at both the ends. One of the cross borders is much broader than the other, and is showy. The sadi is of different patterns. It is tied below the waist with folds in front, the end with the cross border passing round the trunk from left to right, and covering the head. They wear also a kuppasa, which covers half the body from the neck, and is fastened in the front by a knot.

In some families infants are branded with a hot needle on the stomach, under the idea that disease is thereby warded off. Children who suffer from fits are branded with a twig of margosa or with a glass bangle.

As Lingayats were originally recruited from all castes, the community must have included persons of nearly every trade. At the present day the majority may be grouped under priests, traders and agriculturists.

It is the idea of some Lingayats that Jangams are forbidden to trade, and strictly speaking this objection is valid. But it is even admitted at Ujjini that there is no such objection in practice. Many wealthy traders may be found amongst the above class, and in the town of Kampli there is a Lingayat guru who is held in great esteem, and yet is the owner of two shops, the business of which he personally conducts. It is even whispered that the head of the Ujjini Mutt is not averse to increasing his income by a little discreet usury. The majority of Lingayats in Bellary are tenant-farmers, or self-cultivating pattadars. It is said to be uncommon to find a Lingayat daily labourer in the Bombay Presidency—they are mostly landholders and cultivators or petty traders. They are prohibited from doing such work as is required of a butcher, a toddy drawer or seller, sweeper or scavenger. Anything connected with the use of leather is an object of special abhorrence to a Lingayat. Even the use of a leather bucket for irrigation purposes is by some of the stricter members considered degrading. It is even supposed to be wrong to touch one’s shoe or sandals in the presence of others, and beating with a shoe is a special insult. This last objection is probably common to all castes.

There are few artisans, but a special sub-section called the Hirekurnis are weavers. Oil-sellers are styled Ganigas and Sajjanaganigas. Flower-sellers are called Jiru; those engaged in making dairy produce, Gaulis ; those who do tailoring, Chippigas. Members of the above trades under the above names are not exclusively Lingayats.

Ploughing is never commenced in Pushya, as it is considered an inauspicious month, but what was begun in the previous Margasira could be continued through it. Those who did not begin in Margasira do so in Magha, the month succeeding Pushya. Tuesdays and Fridays are auspicious days for the commencement of this operation. They are also the appropriate days for sowing. There is no restriction as to month, that being entirely dependent on the season. Before ploughing commences, the team of bullocks is worshipped. The horns of the animals are washed with water, and covered with sacred ashes. A cocoanut is broken on the yoke. Before sowing, puja (worship) is offered to the drill-plough. The hollow bamboos, through which the seed drops, is daubed with chunam (lime), and the other parts with red earth. Bunches of leaves of the sacred pipal, and bits of turmeric are stuck in three or four places. To the drill, a string, containing marking-nut, sweet flag, and pieces of palmyra leaf, is tied. Kunkuma is applied, and to the whole apparatus food specially prepared is offered. This takes place at home. The drill-plough is then carried to the field, where, after the bullocks have been attached, a cocoanut is broken on the cross beam. Reaping commences with the sprinkling of milk and ghi on the crop. At the threshing floor, a ceremony called Saraga is gone through. A conical-shaped image made of cow-dung is set at the foot of the grain heap. On its top are placed the tail hair of bullocks, a single cholam ear-head, a flower of the avari (bean) creeper, and tummi flower (Leucas aspera). Before it are spread the mess of cholam and other food brought from home, and a cocoanut is broken. Some of the mess is dissolved in buttermilk, and thrown round the threshing floor. The man who throws it lays the pot which contained it before the image, and salutes the heap with joined hands. The residue of the cholam mess and other food is eaten by a Jangam, the cultivator, the guests, servants and coolies. The grain in the heap is next winnowed and made into a heap. It is measured just before sunset, neither sooner nor later, after breaking the cocoanut which was secreted in the original heap. The measurers sit with their faces towards the north. While the measurement is proceeding, no one in the threshing floor may speak; nor is any one allowed to enter it at the time. The belief is that, if either of these happens, the grain in the heap will diminish. This mysterious disappearance is called wulusu.

Rain in Rohini Karte (one of the twenty-seven asterisms in which rain falls) is good for sowing, and that in Mrugasira and Ardra appropriate. These three asterisms are suited for sowing cholam. Showers in Punarvasu, Pushya, and Aslesha are suitable for sowing korra, saju and savi. Rain in Pubba and Wuttara is favourable to cotton, korra and horse gram, and that in Hasta and Chitta to wheat, cholam, Bengal gram and kusumulu (oil-seed). Flashes of lightning occurring at the exit of Ardra, augur good showers. The saying is that, if it flashes in Ardra, six showers will fall. In Magha, weeding, either by the hand or by bullocks, should not be done. Wind should not blow in Wuttara. If it does, the grain in the ear-heads will be hollow. There should be no lightning flashes in Swati. If there are, a pest called benkihula will appear, and grain will not be formed in each socket. Rain in Visakha destroys worms, and is good for pulses. Rain in Anuradha spoils them. A scare-crow in the shape of a human being is set up in fields where there are crops, to scare birds and animals. It is made much in the same way as elsewhere, with crossed sticks and a painted chatty (pot). The sticks are covered with rags of cotton or a kambli (blanket). A cocoanut is broken before digging for a well commences.

The Lingayats are strict vegetarians, and abstain from all forms of liquor. The staple foods in Bellary are cholam, cumbu, ragi and korra. Lingayats will not eat, drink or smoke with any one of another religion. This is the strict rule, but, as already stated, Kapu Lingayats will sometimes eat with a non-Lingayat relative or friend. (See also Jangam.)

Liyari.—See Kevuto.

Lohana.—Immigrant traders from the Bombay Presidency. “They state that they take their name from the port of Loha in Sindh, but Burton says that they came from Lohanpur near Multan, and that they were driven south by the Muhammadans. They reverence the Daria Pir, or the Indus spirit.”45

Lohara.—The Loharas, Luharas, or Luharos, are an Oriya caste of iron-workers, whose name is derived from loha, iron. Luhara also occurs as an occupational name of a sub-division of Savaras.

Loliya.—A synonym for Jalari.

Lombo-lanjia (long tail).—A sub-division of Savaras, which is so called because its members leave, at the buttocks, one end of the long piece of cloth, which they wear round the waist.

Loriya.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class of hill cultivators in the Vizagapatam district. They are said to be a sub-division of Gaudo.

1 Historical Sketches of the South of India, Mysore, 1810–17.

2 Mem. Asiat. Soc., Bengal, Miscellanea Ethnographica, I, 1906.

3 Journ. and Proc. Asiatic Society of Bengal, I, No. 9, 1905.

4 Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.

5 Manual of the North Arcot district.

6 Mysore Census Report, 1891, 1901.

7 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, XV, Part I, 1883.

8 Hindu Feasts, Fasts and Ceremonies, 1903.

9 Manual of the North Arcot district.

10 Linguistic Survey of India, IX, 1907.

11 From Kashmir to the Madras Presidency.

12 Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.

13 Mysore Census Report, 1891.

14 Ind. Ant. VIII, 1879.

15 Gazetteer of the Bellary district.

16 Narrative of the Operations of Little’s Detachment against Tippoo Sultan, 1794.

17 Shells of CyprÆa moneta.

18 S. M. Natesa Sastri, Calcutta Review, 1905.

19 Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, 1844.

20 Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies.

21 Historical Sketches of the South of India: Mysore.

22 Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.

23 Report on Public Instruction, Mysore, 1901–02; and Mysore Census Report, 1891.

24 Manual of the Cuddapah district.

25 Jeypur, Breklum, 1901.

26 Manual of the North Arcot district.

27 Mysore Census Report, 1901.

28 Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.

29 Ind. Ant., VIII., 1879.

30 Ind. Ant., XXX., 1901.

31 Narrative of Little’s Detachment, 1784.

32 Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.

33 Madras Census Report, 1891.

34 Section III, Inhabitants, Madras Government Press, 1907.

35 Manual of the North Arcot district.

36 Manual of Mysore and Coorg.

37 Lilly, Renaissance Types.

38 J. F. Fleet, Epigraphia Indica. V, 1898–99.

39 The Proceedings, partly in Canarese and partly in English, were published at the Star Press, Mysore, in 1905.

40 Madras Journal of Literature and Science, XI, 1840.

41 R. Sewell. A Forgotten Empire, Vijayanagar, 1900.

42 Indian Review, May, 1907.

43 Madras Series, VII, 1884.

44 Madras Series, VIII, 1885.

45 Bombay Gazetteer.