Edgar Thurston

Jada.—Jada or Jandra, meaning great men, has been recorded as a synonym of Devanga and Kurni.

Jaggali.—The Jaggalis are defined, in the Manual of the Ganjam district, as Uriya workers in leather in Ganjam. It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “the traditional occupation of this caste was apparently leatherworking, but now it is engaged in cultivation and miscellaneous labour. Its members speak both Oriya and Telugu. They admit outcastes from other communities to their ranks on payment of a small fee. Marriage is either infant or adult, and widows and divorcÉes may remarry. Satanis are employed as priests. They eat beef and pork, and drink alcohol. They bury their dead. In some places they work as syces (grooms), and in others as firewood-sellers and as labourers. Patro and Behara are their titles.” It may, I think, be accepted that the Jaggalis are Telugu Madigas, who have settled in Ganjam, and learnt the Oriya language. It is suggested that the name is derived from the Oriya jagiba, watching, as some are village crop-watchers.

Jaikonda (lizard).—A sept of Domb.

Jain.—“Few,” Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao writes,1 “even among educated persons, are aware of the existence of Jainas and Jaina centres in Southern India. The Madras Presidency discloses vestiges of Jaina dominion almost everywhere, and on many a roadside a stone Tirthankara, standing or sitting cross-legged, is a common enough sight. The present day interpretations of these images are the same all over the Presidency. If the images are two, one represents a debtor and the other a creditor, both having met on the road, and waiting to get their accounts settled and cleared. If it is only one image, it represents a debtor paying penalty for not having squared up his accounts with his creditor.”

It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “out of a total of 25,716 Jains, as many as 22,273 have returned both caste and sub-division as Jain. The remainder have returned 22 sub-divisions, of which some, such as Digambara and Swetambara, are sectarian rather than caste divisions, but others like Marvadi, Osval, Vellalan, etc., are distinct castes. And the returns also show that some Jains have returned well-known castes as their main castes, for we have Jain Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Gaudas, Vellalas, etc. The Jain Bants, however, have all returned Jain as their main caste.” At the Madras census, 1901, 27,431 Jains were returned. Though they are found in nearly every district of the Madras Presidency, they occur in the largest number in the following:—

South Canara	9,582
North Arcot	8,128
South Arcot	5,896

At the Mysore census, 1901, 13,578 Jains were returned. It is recorded in the report that “the Digambaras and Swetambaras are the two main divisions of the Jain faith. The root of the word Digambara means space clad or sky clad, i.e., nude, while Swetambara means clad in white. The Swetambaras are found more in Northern India, and are represented but by a small number in Mysore. The Digambaras are said to live absolutely separated from society, and from all worldly ties. These are generally engaged in trade, selling mostly brass and copper vessels, and are scattered all over the country, the largest number of them being found in Shimoga, Mysore, and Hassan districts. Sravana Belagola, in the Hassan district, is a chief seat of the Jains of the province. Tirthankaras are the priests of the Jain religion, and are also known as Pitambaras. The Jain Yatis or clergy here belong to the Digambara sect, and cover themselves with a yellow robe, and hence the name Pithambara.” The Dasa Banajigas of Mysore style themselves Jaina Kshatriya Ramanujas.

In connection with the terms Digambara and Swetambara, it is noted by BÜhler2 that “Digambara, that is those whose robe is the atmosphere, owe their name to the circumstance that they regard absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the advance of civilization has compelled them to depart from the practice of their theory. The Swetambara, that is they who are clothed in white, do not claim this doctrine, but hold it as possible that the holy ones who clothe themselves may also attain the highest goal. They allow, however, that the founder of the Jaina religion and his first disciples disdained to wear clothes.”

The most important Jain settlement in Southern India at the present day is at Sravana Belagola in Mysore, where the Jains are employed in the manufacture of metal vessels for domestic use. The town is situated at the base of two hills, on the summit of one of which, the Indra Betta, is the colossal statue of Gomatesvara, Gummatta, or Gomata Raya,3 concerning which Mr. L. Rice writes as follows.4 “The image is nude, and stands erect, facing the north. The figure has no support above the thighs. Up to that point it is represented as surrounded by ant-hills, from which emerge serpents. A climbing plant twines itself round both legs and both arms, terminating at the upper part of the arm in a cluster of fruit or berries. The pedestal on which the feet stand is carved to represent an open lotus. The hair is in spiral ringlets, flat to the head, as usual in Jain images, and the lobe of the ears lengthened down with a large rectangular hole. The extreme height of the figure may be stated at 57 feet, though higher estimates have been given—60 feet 3 inches by Sir Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke of Wellington), and 70 feet 3 inches by Buchanan.” Of this figure, Fergusson writes5 that nothing grander or more imposing exists anywhere out of Egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it in height, though, it must be confessed, they do excel it in the perfection of art they exhibit.”

Other colossal statues of Gummata are situated on the summit of hills outside the towns of Karkal and Venur or Yenur in South Canara. Concerning the former, Dr. E. Hultzsch writes as follows.6 “It is a monolith consisting of the figure itself, of a slab against which it leans, and which reaches up to the wrists, and of a round pedestal which is sunk into a thousand-petalled lotus flower. The legs and arms of the figure are entwined with vines (drÂkshÂ). On both sides of the feet, a number of snakes are cut out of the slab against which the image leans. Two inscriptions7 on the sides of the same slab state that this image of Bahubalin or Gummata Jinapati was set up by a chief named VÎra-PÂndya, the son of Bhairava, in A.D. 1431–32. An inscription of the same chief is engraved on a graceful stone pillar in front of the outer gateway. This pillar bears a seated figure of BrahmadÊva, a chief of Pattipombuchcha, the modern Humcha in Mysore, who, like VÎra-PÂndya, belonged to the family of Jinadatta, built the Chaturmukha basti in A.D. 1586–87. As its name (chaturmukha, the four-faced) implies, this temple has four doors, each of which opens on three black stone figures of the three Tirthankaras Ari, Malli, and Munisuvrata. Each of the figures has a golden aureole over the head.” According to a legend recorded by Mr. M. J. Walhouse,8 the Karkal statue, when finished, was raised on to a train of twenty iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which ten thousand propitiatory cocoanuts were broken and covered with an infinity of cotton. It was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined plane to the platform on the hill-top where it now stands.

Statue of Gummata at Karkai.

Statue of Gummata at Karkai.

The legend of Kalkuda, who is said to have made the colossal statue at “Belgula,” is narrated at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell.9 Told briefly, the story is as follows. Kalkuda made a Gummata two cubits higher than at Belur. Bairanasuda, King of Karkal, sent for him to work in his kingdom. He made the Gummatasami. Although five thousand people were collected together, they were not able to raise the statue. Kalkuda put his left hand under it, and raised it, and set it upright on a base. He then said to the king “Give me my pay, and the present that you have to give to me. It is twelve years since I left my house, and came here.” But the king said “I will not let Kalkuda, who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country,” and cut off his left hand and right leg. Kalkuda then went to Timmanajila, king of Yenur, and made a Gummata two cubits higher than that at Karkal.

In connection with the figure at Sravana Belagola, Fergusson suggests10 that the hill had a mass or tor standing on its summit, which the Jains fashioned into a statue.

The high priest of the Jain basti at Karkal in 1907 gave as his name Lalitha Kirthi Bhattaraka Pattacharya Variya Jiyaswamigalu. His full-dress consisted of a red and gold-embroidered Benares body-cloth, red and gold turban, and, as a badge of office, a brush of peacock’s feathers mounted in a gold handle, carried in his hand. On ordinary occasions, he carried a similar brush mounted in a silver handle. The abhishekam ceremony is performed at Karkal at intervals of many years. A scaffold is erected, and over the colossal statue are poured water, milk, flowers, cocoanuts, sugar, jaggery, sugar-candy, gold and silver flowers, fried rice, beans, gram, sandal paste, nine kinds of precious stones, etc.

Concerning the statue at Yenur, Mr. Walhouse writes11 that “it is lower than the KÂrkala statue (41½ feet), apparently by three or four feet. It resembles its brother colossi in all essential particulars, but has the special peculiarity of the cheeks being dimpled with a deep grave smile. The salient characteristics of all these colossi are the broad square shoulders, and the thickness and remarkable length of the arms, the tips of the fingers, like Rob Roy’s, nearly reaching the knees. [One of Sir Thomas Munro’s good qualities was that, like Rama, his arms reached to his knees or, in other words, he possessed the quality of an Ajanubahu, which is the heritage of kings, or those who have blue blood in them.] Like the others, this statue has the lotus enwreathing the legs and arms, or, as Dr. Burnell suggests, it may be jungle creepers, typical of wrapt meditation. [There is a legend that Bahubalin was so absorbed in meditation in a forest that climbing plants grew over him.] A triple-headed cobra rises up under each hand, and there are others lower down.”

Jain basti at Mudabidure.

Jain basti at Mudabidure.

“The village of Mudabidure in the South Canara district,” Dr. Hultzsch writes, “is the seat of a Jaina high priest, who bears the title ChÂrukirti-PanditÂchÂrya-SvÂmin. He resides in a matha, which is known to contain a large library of Jaina manuscripts. There are no less than sixteen Jaina temples (basti) at MÛdabidure. Several of them are elaborate buildings with massive stone roofs, and are surrounded by laterite enclosures. A special feature of this style of architecture is a lofty monolithic column called mÂnastambha, which is set up in front of seven of the bastis. In two of them a flagstaff (dhvajastambha), which consists of wood covered with copper, is placed between the mÂnastambha and the shrine. Six of them are called Settarabasti, and accordingly must have been built by Jaina merchants (Setti). The sixteen bastis are dedicated to the following TÎrthankaras:—Chandranatha or Chandraprabha, NÊminÂtha, PÂrsvanÂtha, ÂdinÂtha, MallinÂtha, Padmaprabha, AnantanÂtha, VardhamÂna, and SÂntinÂtha. In two of these bastis are separate shrines dedicated to all the TÎrthankaras, and in another basti the shrines of two Yakshis. The largest and finest is the Hosabasti, i.e., the new temple, which is dedicated to ChandranÂtha, and was built in A.D. 1429–30. It possesses a double enclosure, a very high mÂnastambha, and a sculptured gateway. The uppermost storey of the temple consists of wood-work. The temple is composed of the shrine (garbagriha), and three rooms in front of it, viz., the TÎrthakaramandapa, the Gaddigemandapa, and the Chitramandapa. In front of the last-mentioned mandapa is a separate building called BhairÂdÊvimandapa, which was built in A.D. 1451–52. Round its base runs a band of sculptures, among which the figure of a giraffe deserves to be noted. The idol in the dark innermost shrine is said to consist of five metals (pancha-lÔha), among which silver predominates. The basti next in importance is the Gurugalabasti, where two ancient talipot (srÎtÂlam) copies of the Jaina SiddhÂnta are preserved in a box with three locks, the keys of which are in charge of three different persons. The minor bastis contain three rooms, viz., the Garbhagriha, the TÎrthakaramandapa, and the NamaskÂramandapa. One of the sights of MÛdabidire is the ruined palace of the Chautar, a local chief who follows the Jaina creed, and is in receipt of a pension from the Government. The principal objects of interest at the palace are a few nicely-carved wooden pillars. Two of them bear representations of the pancha-nÂrÎturaga, i.e., the horse composed of five women, and the nava-nÂrÎ-kunjara, i.e., the elephant composed of nine women. These are fantastic animals, which are formed by the bodies of a number of shepherdesses for the amusement of their Lord Krishna. The Jains are divided into two classes, viz., priests (indra) and laymen (srivaka). The former consider themselves as BrÂhmanas by caste. All the Jainas wear the sacred thread. The priests dine with the laymen, but do not intermarry with them. The former practice the makkalasantÂna, i.e., the inheritance through sons, and the latter aliya-santÂna, i.e., the inheritance through nephews. The Jainas are careful to avoid pollution from contact with outcastes, who have to get out of their way in the road, as I noticed myself. A Jaina marriage procession, which I saw passing, was accompanied by Hindu dancing-girls. Near the western end of the street in which most of the Jainas live, a curious spectacle presents itself. From a number of high trees, thousands of flying foxes (fruit-bat, Pteropus medius) are suspended. They have evidently selected the spot as a residence, because they are aware that the Jainas, in pursuance of one of the chief tenets of their religion, do not harm any animals. Following the same street further west, the Jaina burial-ground is approached. It contains a large ruined tank with laterite steps, and a number of tombs of wealthy Jain merchants. These tombs are pyramidal structures of several storeys, and are surmounted by a water-pot (kalasa) of stone. Four of the tombs bear short epitaphs. The Jainas cremate their dead, placing the corpse on a stone in order to avoid taking the life of any stray insect during the process.”

Jain basti at Karkal.

Jain basti at Karkal.

In their ceremonials, e.g., marriage rites, the Jains of South Canara closely follow the Bants. They are worshippers of bhuthas (devils), and, in some houses, a room called padoli is set apart, in which the bhutha is kept. When they make vows, animals are not killed, but they offer metal images of fowls, goats, or pigs.

Of the Jains of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes12 that “more than half of them are found in the Wandiwash taluk, and the rest in Arcot and Polur. Their existence in this neighbourhood is accounted for by the fact that a Jain dynasty reigned for many years in Conjeeveram. They must at one time have been very numerous, as their temples and sculptures are found in very many places, from which they themselves have now disappeared. They have most of the Brahman ceremonies, and wear the sacred thread, but look down upon Brahmans as degenerate followers of an originally pure faith. For this reason they object generally to accepting ghee (clarified butter) or jaggery (crude sugar), etc., from any but those of their own caste. They are defiled by entering a Pariah village, and have to purify themselves by bathing and assuming a new thread. The usual caste affix is Nainar, but a few, generally strangers from other districts, are called Rao, Chetti, Das, or Mudaliyar.

At Pillapalaiyam, a suburb of Conjeeveram in the Chingleput district, is a Jain temple of considerable artistic beauty. It is noted by Sir M. E. Grant Duff13 that this is “left unfinished, as it would seem, by the original builders, and adapted later to the Shivite worship. Now it is abandoned by all its worshippers, but on its front stands the census number 9–A—emblematic of the new order of things.”

Concerning the Jains of the South Arcot district, Mr. W. Francis writes14 that “there is no doubt that in ancient days the Jain faith was powerful in this district. The Periya Puranam says that there was once a Jain monastery and college at Pataliputra, the old name for the modern Tirupapuliyur, and remains of Jain images and sculptures are comparatively common in the district. The influence of the religion doubtless waned in consequence of the great Saivite revival, which took place in the early centuries of the present era, and the Periya Puranam gives a story in connection therewith, which is of local interest. It says that the Saivite poet-saint Appar was at one time a student in the Jain college at Pataliputra, but was converted to Saivism in consequence of the prayers of his sister, who was a devotee of the deity in the temple at Tiruvadi near Panruti. The local king was a Jain, and was at first enraged with Appar for his fervent support of his new faith. But eventually he was himself induced by Appar to become a Saivite, and he then turned the Paliputra monastery into a temple to Siva, and ordered the extirpation of all Jains. Later on there was a Jain revival, but this in its turn was followed by another persecution of the adherents of that faith. The following story connected with this latter occurs in one of the Mackenzie Manuscripts, and is supported by existing tradition. In 1478 A.D., the ruler of Gingee was one Venkatampettai, Venkatapati,15 who belonged to the comparatively low caste of the Kavarais. He asked the local Brahmans to give him one of their daughters to wife. They said that, if the Jains would do so, they would follow suit. Venkatapati told the Jains of this answer, and asked for one of their girls as a bride. They took counsel among themselves how they might avoid the disgrace of connecting themselves by marriage with a man of such a caste, and at last pretended to agree to the king’s proposal, and said that the daughter of a certain prominent Jain would be given him. On the day fixed for the marriage, Venkatapati went in state to the girl’s house for the ceremony, but found it deserted and empty, except for a bitch tied to one of the posts of the verandah. Furious at the insult, he issued orders to behead all Jains. Some of the faith were accordingly decapitated, others fled, others again were forced to practice their rites secretly, and yet others became Saivites to escape death. Not long afterwards, some of the king’s officers saw a Jain named Virasenacharya performing the rites peculiar to his faith in a well in Velur near Tindivanam, and hauled him before their master. The latter, however, had just had a child born to him, was in a good temper, and let the accused go free; and Virasenacharya, sobered by his narrow escape from death, resolved to become an ascetic, went to Sravana Belgola, and there studied the holy books of the Jain religion. Meanwhile another Jain of the Gingee country, Gangayya Udaiyar of Tayanur in the Tindivanam taluk, had fled to the protection of the Zamindar of Udaiyarpalaiyam in Trichinopoly, who befriended him and gave him some land. Thus assured of protection, he went to Sravana Belgola, fetched back Virasenacharya, and with him made a tour through the Gingee country, to call upon the Jains who remained there to return to their ancient faith. These people had mostly become Saivites, taken off their sacred threads and put holy ashes on their foreheads, and the name Nirpusi Vellalas, or the Vellalas who put on holy ash, is still retained. The mission was successful, and Jainism revived. Virasenacharya eventually died at Velur, and there, it is said, is kept in a temple a metal image of Parsvanatha, one of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, which he brought from Sravana Belgola. The descendants of Gangayya Udaiyar still live in Tayanur, and, in memory of the services of their ancestor to the Jain cause, they are given the first betel and leaf on festive occasions, and have a leading voice in the election of the high-priest at Sittamur in the Tindivanam taluk. This high-priest, who is called Mahadhipati, is elected by representatives from the chief Jain villages. These are, in Tindivanam taluk, Sittamur itself, Viranamur, Vilukkam, Peramandur, Alagramam, and the Velur and Tayanur already mentioned. The high-priest has supreme authority over all Jains south of Madras, but not over those in Mysore or South Canara, with whom the South Arcot community have no relations. He travels round in a palanquin with a suite of followers to the chief centres—his expenses being paid by the communities he visits—settles caste disputes, and fines, and excommunicates the erring. His control over his people is still very real, and is in strong contrast to the waning authority of many of the Hindu gurus. The Jain community now holds a high position in Tindivanam taluk, and includes wealthy traders and some of quite the most intelligent agriculturists there. The men use the title of Nayinar or Udaiyar, but their relations in Kumbakonam and elsewhere in that direction sometimes call themselves Chetti or Mudaliyar. The women are great hands at weaving mats from the leaves of the date-palm. The men, except that they wear the thread, and paint on their foreheads a sect-mark which is like the ordinary Vaishnavite mark, but square instead of semi-circular at the bottom, and having a dot instead of a red streak in the middle, in general appearance resemble Vellalas. They are usually clean shaved. The women dress like Vellalas, and wear the same kind of tali (marriage emblem) and other jewellery. The South Arcot Jains all belong to the Digambara sect, and the images in their temples of the twenty-four Tirthankaras are accordingly without clothing. These temples, the chief of which are those at Tirunirankonrai16 and Sittamur, are not markedly different in external appearance from Hindu shrines, but within these are images of some of the Tirthankaras, made of stone or of painted clay, instead of representations of the Hindu deities. The Jain rites of public worship much resemble those of the Brahmans. There is the same bathing of the god with sacred oblations, sandal, and so on; the same lighting and waving of lamps, and burning of camphor; and the same breaking of cocoanuts, playing of music, and reciting of sacred verses. These ceremonies are performed by members of the Archaka or priest class. The daily private worship in the houses is done by the laymen themselves before a small image of one of the Tirthankaras, and daily ceremonies resembling those of the Brahmans, such as the pronouncing of the sacred mantram at daybreak, and the recital of forms of prayer thrice daily, are observed. The Jains believe in the doctrine of re-births, and hold that the end of all is Nirvana. They keep the Sivaratri and Dipavali feasts, but say that they do so, not for the reasons which lead Hindus to revere these dates, but because on them the first and the last of the twenty-four Tirthankaras attained beatitude. Similarly they observe Pongal and the Ayudha puja day. They adhere closely to the injunctions of their faith prohibiting the taking of life, and, to guard themselves from unwittingly infringing them, they do not eat or drink at night lest they might thereby destroy small insects which had got unseen into their food. For the same reason, they filter through a cloth all milk or water which they use, eat only curds, ghee and oil which they have made themselves with due precautions against the taking of insect life, or known to have been similarly made by other Jains, and even avoid the use of shell chunam (lime). The Vedakkarans (shikari or hunting caste) trade on these scruples by catching small birds, bringing them to Jain houses, and demanding money to spare their lives. The Jains have four sub-divisions, namely, the ordinary laymen, and three priestly classes. Of the latter, the most numerous are the Archakas (or Vadyars). They do the worship in the temples. An ordinary layman cannot become an Archaka; it is a class apart. An Archaka can, however, rise to the next higher of the priestly classes, and become what is called an Annam or Annuvriti, a kind of monk who is allowed to marry, but has to live according to certain special rules of conduct. These Annams can again rise to the highest of the three classes, and become Nirvanis or Munis, monks who lead a celibate life apart from the world. There is also a sisterhood of nuns, called Aryanganais, who are sometimes maidens, and sometimes women who have left their husbands, but must in either case take a vow of chastity. The monks shave their heads, and dress in red; the nuns similarly shave, but wear white. Both of them carry as marks of their condition a brass vessel and a bunch of peacock’s feathers, with which latter they sweep clean any place on which they sit down, lest any insect should be there. To both classes the other Jains make namaskaram (respectful salutation) when they meet them, and both are maintained at the cost of the rest of the community. The laymen among the Jains will not intermarry, though they will dine with the Archakas, and these latter consequently have the greatest trouble in procuring brides for their sons, and often pay Rs. 200 or Rs. 300 to secure a suitable match. Otherwise there are no marriage sub-divisions among the community, all Jains south of Madras freely intermarrying. Marriage takes place either before or after puberty. Widows are not allowed to remarry, but are not required to shave their heads until they are middle-aged. The dead are burnt, and the death pollution lasts for twelve days, after which period purification is performed, and the parties must go to the temple. Jains will not eat with Hindus. Their domestic ceremonies, such as those of birth, marriage, death and so on resemble generally those of the Brahmans. A curious difference is that, though the girls never wear the thread, they are taught the thread-wearing mantram, amid all the ceremonies usual in the case of boys, when they are about eight years old.”

It is recorded, in the report on Epigraphy, 1906–1907, that at Eyil in the South Arcot district the Jains asked the Collector for permission to use the stones of the Siva temple for repairing their own. The Collector called upon the Hindus to put the Siva temple in order within a year, on pain of its being treated as an escheat.

Near the town of Madura is a large isolated mass of naked rock, which is known as Anaimalai (elephant hill). “The Madura Sthala Purana says it is a petrified elephant. The Jains of Conjeeveram, says this chronicle, tried to convert the Saivite people of Madura to the Jain faith. Finding the task difficult, they had recourse to magic. They dug a great pit ten miles long, performed a sacrifice thereon, and thus caused a huge elephant to arise from it. This beast they sent against Madura. It advanced towards the town, shaking the whole earth at every step, with the Jains marching close behind it. But the Pandya king invoked the aid of Siva, and the god arose and slew the elephant with his arrow at the spot where it now lies petrified.”17

In connection with the long barren rock near Madura called Nagamalai (snake hill), “local legends declare that it is the remains of a huge serpent, brought into existence by the magic arts of the Jains, which was only prevented by the grace of Siva from devouring the fervently Saivite city it so nearly approaches.”18 Two miles south of Madura is a small hill of rock named Pasumalai. “The name means cow hill, and the legend in the Madura Sthala Purana says that the Jains, being defeated in their attempt to destroy Madura by means of the serpent which was turned into the Nagamalai, resorted to more magic, and evolved a demon in the form of an enormous cow. They selected this particular shape for their demon, because they thought that no one would dare kill so sacred an animal. Siva, however, directed the bull which is his vehicle to increase vastly in size, and go to meet the cow. The cow, seeing him, died of love, and was turned into this hill.”

On the wall of the mantapam of the golden lotus tank (pothamarai) of the Minakshi temple at Madura is a series of frescoes illustrating the persecution of the Jains. For the following account thereof, I am indebted to Mr. K. V. Subramania Aiyar. Sri Gnana Sammandha Swami, who was an avatar or incarnation of Subramaniya, the son of Siva, was the foremost of the sixty-three canonised saints of the Saivaite religion, and a famous champion thereof. He was sent into the world by Siva to put down the growing prevalence of the Jaina heresy, and to re-establish the Saivite faith in Southern India. He entered on the execution of his earthly mission at the age of three, when he was suckled with the milk of spirituality by Parvati, Siva’s consort. He manifested himself first at the holy place Shiyali in the present Tanjore district to a Brahman devotee named Sivapathabja Hirthaya and his wife, who were afterwards reputed to be his parents. During the next thirteen years, he composed about sixteen thousand thevaram (psalms) in praise of the presiding deity at the various temples which he visited, and performed miracles. Wherever he went, he preached the Saiva philosophy, and made converts. At this time, a certain Koon (hunch-back) Pandyan was ruling over the Madura country, where, as elsewhere, Jainism had asserted its influence, and he and all his subjects had become converts to the new faith. The queen and the prime-minister, however, were secret adherents to the cult of Siva, whose temple was deserted and closed. They secretly invited Sri Gnana Sammandha to the capital, in the hope that he might help in extirpating the followers of the obnoxious Jain religion. He accordingly arrived with thousands of followers, and took up his abode in a mutt or monastery on the north side of the Vaigai river. When the Jain priests, who were eight thousand in number, found this out, they set fire to his residence with a view to destroying him. His disciples, however, extinguished the flames. The saint, resenting the complicity of the king in the plot, willed that the fire should turn on him, and burn him in the form of a virulent fever. All the endeavours of the Jain priests to cure him with medicines and incantations failed. The queen and the prime-minister impressed on the royal patient the virtues of the Saiva saint, and procured his admission into the palace. When Sammandha Swami offered to cure the king by simply throwing sacred ashes on him, the Jain priests who were present contended that they must still be given a chance. So it was mutually agreed between them that each party should undertake to cure half the body of the patient. The half allotted to Sammandha was at once cured, while the fever raged with redoubled severity in the other half. The king accordingly requested Sammandha to treat the rest of his body, and ordered the Jaina priests to withdraw from his presence. The touch of Sammandha’s hand, when rubbing the sacred ashes over him, cured not only the fever, but also the hunched back. The king now looked so graceful that he was thenceforward called Sundara (beautiful) Pandyan. He was re-converted to Saivism, the doors of the Siva temple were re-opened, and the worship of Siva therein was restored. The Jain priests, not satisfied with their discomfiture, offered to establish the merits of their religion in other ways. They suggested that each party should throw the cadjan (palm-leaf) books containing the doctrines of their respective religions into a big fire, and that the party whose books were burnt to ashes should be considered defeated. The saint acceding to the proposal, the books were thrown into the fire, with the result that those flung by Sammandha were uninjured, while no trace of the Jain books remained. Still not satisfied, the Jains proposed that the religious books of both parties should be cast into the flooded Vaigai river, and that the party whose books travelled against the current should be regarded as victorious. The Jains promised Sammandha that, if they failed in this trial, they would become his slaves, and serve him in any manner he pleased. But Sammandha replied: “We have already got sixteen thousand disciples to serve us. You have profaned the name of the supreme Siva, and committed sacrilege by your aversion to the use of his emblems, such as sacred ashes and beads. So your punishment should be commensurate with your vile deeds.” Confident of success, the Jains offered to be impaled on stakes if they lost. The trial took place, and the books of the Saivites travelled up stream. Sammandha then gave the Jains a chance of escape by embracing the Saiva faith, to which some of them became converts. The number thereof was so great that the available supply of sacred ashes was exhausted. Such of the Jains as remained unconverted were impaled on stakes resembling a sula or trident. It may be noted that, in the Mahabharata, Rishi Mandaviar is said to have been impaled on a stake on a false charge of theft. And Ramanuja, the Guru of the Vaishnavites, is also said to have impaled heretics on stakes in the Mysore province. The events recorded in the narrative of Sammandha and the Jains are gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at the Madura temple. On these occasions, which are known as impaling festival days, an image representing a Jain impaled on a stake is carried in procession. According to a tradition the villages of Mela Kilavu and Kil Kilavu near Solavandan are so named because the stakes (kilavu) planted for the destruction of the Jains in the time of Tirugnana extended so far from the town of Madura.

For details of the literature relating to the Jains, I would refer the reader to A. GuÉrinot’s ‘Essai de Bibliographie Jaina,’ Annales du MusÉe Guimet, Paris, 1906.

Jain Vaisya.—The name assumed by a small colony of “Banians,” who have settled in Native Cochin. They are said19 to frequent the kalli (stone) pagoda in the Kannuthnad taluk of North Travancore, and believe that he who proceeds thither a sufficiently large number of times obtains salvation. Of recent years, a figure of Brahma is said to have sprung up of itself on the top of the rock, on which the pagoda is situated.

Jakkula.—Described20 as an inferior class of prostitutes, mostly of the Balija caste; and as wizards and a dancing and theatrical caste. At Tenali, in the Kistna district, it was customary for each family to give up one girl for prostitution. She was “married” to any chance comer for one night with the usual ceremonies. Under the influence of social reform, the members of the caste, in 1901, entered into a written agreement to give up the practice. A family went back on this, so the head of the caste prosecuted the family and the “husband” for disposing of a minor for the purpose of prostitution. The records state that it was resolved, in 1901, that they should not keep the females as girls, but should marry them before they attain puberty. “As the deeds of the said girls not only brought discredit on all of us, but their association gives our married women also an opportunity to contract bad habits, and, as all of our castemen thought it good to give up henceforth the custom of leaving girls unmarried now in vogue, all of us convened a public meeting in the Tenali village, considered carefully the pros and cons, and entered into the agreement herein mentioned. If any person among us fail to marry the girls in the families before puberty, the managing members of the families of the girls concerned should pay Rs. 500 to the three persons whom we have selected as the headmen of our caste, as penalty for acting in contravention of this agreement. If any person does not pay the headmen of the caste the penalty, the headmen are authorised to recover the amount through Court. We must abstain from taking meals, living, or intermarriage with such of the families as do not now join with us in this agreement, and continue to keep girls unmarried. We must not take meals or intermarry with those that are now included in this agreement, but who hereafter act in contravention of it. If any of us act in contravention of the terms of the two last paragraphs, we should pay a penalty of Rs. 50 to the headmen.”

Jalagadugu.—Defined, by Mr. C. P. Brown,21 as “a caste of gold-finders, who search for gold in drains, and in the sweepings of goldsmiths’ shops.” A modest livelihood is also obtained, in some places, by extracting gold from the bed of rivers or nullahs (water-courses). The name is derived from jala, water, gadugu, wash. The equivalent Jalakara is recorded, in the Bellary Gazetteer, as a sub-division of Kabbera.

In the city of Madras, gold-washers are to be found working in the foul side drains in front of jewellers’ shops. The Health Officer to the Corporation informs me that he often chases them, and breaks their pots for obstructing public drains in their hunt for pieces of gold and other metals.

For the following note on the gold-washers of Madras, I am indebted to Dr. K. T. Mathew: “This industry is carried on in the city by the Oddars, and was practically monopolised by them till a few years back, when other castes, mostly of the lower orders, stepped in. The Oddars now form a population of several thousands in the city, their chief occupation being conservancy cooly work. The process of gold washing is carried out by women at home, and by the aged and adults in their spare hours. The ashes, sweepings, and refuse from the goldsmiths’ shops are collected on payment of a sum ranging from one rupee to ten rupees per mensem, and are brought in baskets to a convenient place alongside their huts, where they are stored for a variable time. The drain silts from streets where there are a large number of jewellers’ shops are similarly collected, but, in this case, the only payment to be made is a present to the Municipal peon. The materials so collected are left undisturbed for a few days or several months, and this storing away for a time is said to be necessary to facilitate the extraction of the gold, as any immediate attempt to wash the stuff results in great loss in the quantity obtained. From the heap as much as can be taken on an ordinary spade is put into a boat-shaped tub open at one end, placed close to the heap, and so arranged that the waste water from the tub flows away from the heap behind, and collects in a shallow pool in front. The water from the pool is collected in a small chatty (earthen vessel), and poured over the heap in the tub, which is continually stirred up with the other hand. All the lighter stuff in this way flows out of the tub, and all the hard stones are every now and then picked out and thrown away. This process goes on until about a couple of handfuls of dark sand, etc., are left in the tub. To this a small quantity of mercury is added, briskly rubbed for a minute or two, and the process of washing goes on, considerable care being taken to see that no particle of mercury escapes, until at last the mercury, with a great many particles of metallic dust attached, is collected in a small chatty—often a broken piece of a pot. The mercury, with the metallic particles in it, is then well washed with clean water, and put into a tiny bag formed of two layers of a piece of rag. The mass is then gently pressed until all the mercury falls into a chatty below, leaving a small flattened mass of dark substance in the bag, which is carefully collected, and kept in another dry chatty. The washing process is repeated until enough of the dark substance—about a third of a teaspoonful—is collected. This substance is then mixed with powdered common salt and brick-dust, put into a broken piece of a pot, and covered with another piece. The whole is placed in a large earthen vessel, with cow-dung cakes well packed above and below. A blazing fire is soon produced, and kept up till the mass is melted. This mass is carefully removed, and again melted with borax in a hole made in a piece of good charcoal, by blowing through a reed or hollow bamboo, until the gold separates from the mass. The fire is then suddenly quenched, and the piece of gold is separated and removed.”

Jalari.—The Jalaris are Telugu fishermen, palanquin-bearers, and cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The name, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes, is derived from jala, a net. Some are fresh-water fishermen, while others fish with a cast-net (visuru valalu) from the sea-shore, or on the open sea. They bear the name Gangavamsamu, or people of Ganga, in the same way that a division of the Kabbera fishing caste is called Gangimakkalu. In caste organisation, ceremonial, etc., the Jalaris coincide with the Milas. They are called Noliyas by the Oriyas of Ganjam. They have house-names like other Telugus, and their females do not wear brass bangles, as low-caste Oriya women do.

The Jalaris have two endogamous divisions, called panrendu kotla (twelve posts), and edu kotla (seven posts), in reference to the number of posts for the booth. The former claim superiority over the latter, on the ground that they are illegitimate Jalaris, or recently admitted into the caste.

Like other Telugu castes, the Jalaris have a caste council under the control of a headman called Pilla. In imitation of the Oriyas, they have created an assistant headman called Dolobehara, and they have the usual caste servant.

In their puberty, marriage and death ceremonies, they closely follow the Vadas and Palles. The prohibitions regarding marriage are of the Telugu form, but, like the Oriya castes, the Jalaris allow a widow to marry her deceased husband’s younger brother. The marriage ceremonies last for three days. On the first day, the pandal (booth), with the usual milk-post, is erected. For every marriage, representatives of the four towns Peddapatnam, Vizagapatam, Bimlipatam, and Revalpatnam, should be invited, and should be the first to receive pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts) after the pandal has been set up. Peddapatnam is the first to be called out, and the respect may be shown to any person from that town. The representatives of the other towns must belong to particular septs, as follows:—

The Jalaris are unable to explain the significance of this “counting towns,” as they call it. Possibly Peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. On the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamanam (marriage badge) takes place. The bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. At the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. The bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. When the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. While this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. This ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride’s neck during the night. An interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole called digametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. In one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. This digametlu is always referred to by the Vadas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the Jalaris. Other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out.

The Jalaris always marry young girls. One reason assigned for this is “the income to married young girls” at the time of the marriage ceremonies. Two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. They are rewarded for their services with presents. Another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the Dikshitar Brahmans of Chidambaram. Only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. Consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. At every Jalari marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the Malas.

Like other Telugu castes, the Jalaris have intiperus (septs), which resemble those of the Vadas. Among them, Jonna and Buguri are common. In their religious observances, the Jalaris closely follow the Vadas.

The Madras Museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at Gopalpur, and other places on the Ganjam coast. Concerning these, Mr. J. D’A. C. Reilly writes to me as follows. The specimens represent the chief gods worshipped by the fishermen. The Tahsildar of Berhampur got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the Gopalpur fishermen. I have found fishermen’s shrines at several places. Separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. Others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). All that I have seen had their opening towards the sea. Two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. Figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. There are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. The figures which I have sent were made by a potter at Venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at Uppulapatti, both villages near Gopalpur. The Tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the Gopalpur traveller’s bungalow, sixty or seventy fishermen objected to their gods being taken away. He pacified them by telling them that it was because the Government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in Madras. The collection of clay figures includes the following:—

Bengali Babu.—Wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. He blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing.

Samalamma.—Wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever.

Rajamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. She blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing.

Yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. She protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish.

Bhagirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. She helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders.

Nukalamma.—Wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox.

Orosondi Ammavaru.—Prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged.

Bhagadevi.—Rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera.

Veyyi Kannula Ammavaru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (Sesamum) oil light is burnt. She attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk.

Jali (Acacia arabica).—A gotra of Kurni.

Jalli.—Jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of Jogi. The name occurs further as a sub-division of Kevuto.

Jambava.—A synonym of the Madigas, who claim descent from the rishi Audi Jambavadu.

Jambu (Eugenia Jambolana).—An exogamous sept of Odde.

Jambuvar (a monkey king with a bear’s face).—An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.

Jamkhanvala (carpet-maker).—An occupational name for Patnulkarans and Patvegars.

Jammi (Prosopis spicigera).—A gotra of Gollas, members of which may not use the tree. It is further a gotra of Chembadis. Children of this caste who are named after the caste god Gurappa or Gurunathadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. The jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over India. Some orthodox Hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a Sanskrit verse to the effect that “the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of Arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to Rama.”

Janappan.—The Janappans, Mr. W. Francis writes,22 “were originally a section of the Balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. They seem to have been called Janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. In Tamil they are called Saluppa Chettis, Saluppan being the Tamil form of Janappan. Some of them have taken to calling themselves Desayis or Desadhipatis (rulers of countries), and say they are Balijas. They do not wear the sacred thread. The caste usually speaks Telugu, but in Madura there is a section, the women of which speak Tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste.”

In a note on the Janappans of the North Arcot district23 Mr. H. A. Stuart states that Janappan is “the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. Originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp (janapa, Crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. But they are now met with as Dasaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of English cloths and other goods. By the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be Balijas. Telugu is their vernacular, and Chetti their usual caste name. According to their own tradition, they sprung from a yagam (sacrificial rite) made by Brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. He obtained some seeds from the ashes of Brahma’s yagam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. The Janapa Chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at Gudiyattam and other places as cattle-brokers.”

The Saluppans say that they have twenty-four gotras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gotras. Among the names of the gotras, are the following:—

The Janappans of the Telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gotras. Some of these are totemistic in character. Thus, members of the Kappala (frog) gotra owe their name to a tradition that on one occasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gotra do not injure frogs. Members of the Thonda or Thonda Maha Rishi gotra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (Cephalandra indica). The fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. In like manner, members of the Mukkanda sept may not use the fruit of Momordica Charantia. Those of the Vamme gotra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. So, too, in the Kola gotra, the eating of the fish called kolasi is forbidden.

In their marriage customs, those who live in the Telugu country follow the Telugu Puranic form, while those who have settled in the Tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. There are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. On the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. It is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. If the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride. This is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. If the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career.

There are both Saivites and Vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. Most of the Vaishnavites are disciples of Bhatrazus. The Bhatrazu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. Those among the Saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of Pandarams of mutts (religious institutions). Those who have settled in the Salem district seem to consider Damayanti and Kamatchi as the caste deities.

The manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. In the city of Madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the Janappans.

Sathu vandlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of Janappan.

In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Janappa is returned as a sub-division of the Gonigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags.

Jandayi (flag).—An exogamous sept of Yanadi.

Janga (calf of the leg).—An exogamous sept of Mala.

Jangal Jati.—A synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the Kurivikarans or Kattu Marathis.

Jangam.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that “strictly speaking, a Jangam is a priest to the religious sect of Lingayats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any Lingayat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head (102,121). Jangams proper are said to be of two classes, Pattadikaris, who have a definite head-quarters, and Charamurtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the Lingayat sect. Many Jangams are priests to Sudras who are not Lingayats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade.” In the Census Report, 1891, it is further recorded that “the full name is Jangama Lingayat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the Sthavara (immoveable) lingam of the temples. Only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, Ganayata and Sthavara. The sub-division Sthavara is curious, for a Sthavara Jangam is a contradistinction in terms. This sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the Jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary Jangam, for, in the Vizagapatam District Manual, the Jangams are said to be tailors.” In the Telugu country Lingayats are called Jangalu.

The Ganta Jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta).

The Jangams are thus referred to by Pietro della Valle.24 “At Ikkeri I saw certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangama, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangamas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world.” (See Lingayat.)

Janjapul (sacred thread).—An exogamous sept of Boya.

Janmi.—Janmi or Janmakaran means “proprietor” or “landlord”; the person in whom the janman title rests. Janman denotes (1) birth, birthright, proprietorship; (2) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. Janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the Janmi.”25 In 1805–1806, the Collector of Malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by Government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. This return is usually known as the Janmi pymaish of 981 M.E. (Malabar era).26

Writing to me concerning Malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that “in almost every taluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of Janmis. In the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold the adscripti or ascripti glebÆ with the land. Now that is not done. However, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a Tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. The tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. Sometimes they inform the Janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. Then, at harvest time, the Janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. They never try to deceive the Janmi. He is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. They never go to law. The Janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. If badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another Janmi. At the Onam festival they come with gifts for the Janmi, who stands them a feast. The relation between the jungle folk and the Janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. There seems to be no gain in having a Janmi. His protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. If they refused to pay the Janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. Still they keep him.” In the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the Malabar Wynad, they purchased the land from the Janmis with the Paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners.

The hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called Cherujanmam.

Janni.—The name of the caste priests of Jatapus.

Japanese.—At the Mysore census, 1901, two Japanese were returned. They were managers of the silk farm instituted on Japanese methods by Mr. Tata of Bombay in the vicinity of Bangalore.

Jat.—A few members of this North Indian class of Muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in Mysore.

Jatapu.—The Jatapus are defined, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a civilised section of the Khonds, who speak Khond on the hills and Telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. They consider themselves superior to those Khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains.”

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name Jatapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of Konda Jatapu Doralu, or lords of the Khond caste. To this caste the old chiefs of the Palkonda Zamindari are said to have belonged. It is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:—

Other septs, recorded in the Census Report, 1901, are Koalaka (arrow), Kutraki (wild goat), and Vinka (white ant, Termes).

Marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. A man may claim his paternal aunt’s daughter as his wife. The marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country Telugu type. The bride-price, called voli, is a new cloth for the bride’s mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. The bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. On the following morning, the kallagolla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. They then bathe, and another feast is held. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is permitted, and divorcÉes may remarry.

The dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. Death pollution lasts for three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. An annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. A fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day’s food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. Once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors.

The caste goddess is Jakara Devata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. When the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of.

The caste headman is called Nayudu or Samanthi, and he is assisted by the Janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings.

The caste titles are Dora, Naiko, and Samanto.

Jatikirtulu.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a class of beggars in the Cuddapah district. The name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the Bhatrazus.

Jati Pillai (children of the caste).—A general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. It is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. As examples of Jati Pillais, the following may be cited:—

• Mailari attached to Komatis.
• Viramushti attached to Beri Chettis and Komatis.
• Nokkan attached to Pallis.
• Mastiga attached to Madigas.

It is recorded by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu27 that some Koravas, who go by the name of Jatipalli Koravas, “are prevalent in the southern districts of the Madras Presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. Their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses.”

Jaura.—The Jauras are a small Oriya caste, closely allied to the Khoduras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. Lac, it may be noted, is largely used in India for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. Dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the Jauras, and are objects of reverence. The Jauras are mainly Saivites, and Suramangala and Bimmala are the caste deities. Titles used by members of the caste are Danse, Sahu, Dhov, and Mahapatro.

Javvadi (civet-cat).—An exogamous sept of Medara.

Jelakuppa (a fish).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Jen (honey).—A sub-division of Kurumba.

Jenna.—A title of Oriya castes, e.g., Bolasi and Kalinji.

Jerribotula (centipedes).—An exogamous sept of Boya.

Jetti.—A Telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the Telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. In Tanjore, though living in a Tamil environment, they speak Telugu. They wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. During the days of the Rajas of Tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. But, since the death of the late Raja, most of them have emigrated to Mysore and other Native States, a few only remaining in Tanjore, and residing in the fort.

The Jettis, in Mysore, are said28 to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck.29 Thus, in the last war against Tipu Sultan, General Matthews had his head wrung from his body by the “tiger fangs of the Jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity.”30

They are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. In a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, Wilks writes as follows. “These persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. The combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cÆstus, although different from the Roman instruments of that name. It is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. This instrument, properly placed, would enable a man of ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. Thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the Raja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. The combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. The head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. Before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. When victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the Raja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. The victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. The Jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. There are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast.”

In an account of sports held before Tipu Sultan at Seringapatam, James Scurry, who was one of his prisoners, writes as follows.31 “The getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. They had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. Their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. On being matched, and the signal given from Tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other’s faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. Some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent’s body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. If one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other’s legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, Tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. They were obliged to fight as long as Tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit.”

The Jettis of Mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the Dasara festival. A Jetti police constable, whom I saw at Channapatna, had wrestled at Baroda, and at the court of Nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from Madras to Bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. A Jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for Rs. 500 each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily.

The Mysore Jettis are said to be called, in some places, Mushtigas. And some are stated to use a jargon called Mallabasha.32

Jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the Kavarais.

Jew.—It has been said by a recent writer that “there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the Jew town, which lies beyond the British Settlement at Cochin. Crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of Bolghotty, where the British Residency for the Cochin State nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the Cochin Rajahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned Malayalis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern European race, but Semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the Jewish quarter in Jerusalem, or rather perhaps to some ghetto in a Polish city.”

In the preparation of the following note, I have been much indebted to the Cochin Census Report, 1901, and to a series of articles published by Mr. Elkan N. Adler in the Jewish Chronicle.33

The circumstances under which, and the time when the Jews migrated to the Malabar Coast, are wrapped in obscurity. They themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the Portuguese of their original settlement at Cranganur in 1565, and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the Portuguese and the Dutch, for the Portuguese, suspecting that the Jews had helped the Dutch, plundered their synagogue in Cochin.

It is recorded by the Dutch Governor Moens34 that “when Heer van Goens besieged Cochin, the Jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the Dutch Company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this Company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take Cochin, the Portuguese did not fail to make the Jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. For, no sooner had the Dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after Cochin was taken by the Dutch.

“The Jews, who still hold that the Malabar Israelites were in possession of an old copy of the Sepher Thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the Portuguese destroyed the Jewish quarters, but this is not likely. For, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. For it is related that for a new copy of the Pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the Ark of the Covenant.”

Writing in the eighteenth century, Captain Hamilton states35 that the Jews “have a synagogue at Cochin, not far from the King’s Palace, in which are carefully kept their Records, engraven on copper plates in Hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own History from the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar to this present time. Myn Heer Van Reeda, about the year 1695, had an Abstract of their History translated from the Hebrew into low Dutch. They declare themselves to be of the Tribe of Manasseh, a Part whereof was, by order of that haughty Conqueror Nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost Province of his large Empire, which, it seems, reached as far as Cape Comerin, which journey 200,000 of them travelled in three years from their setting out of Babylon.”

The elders of the White Jews of Cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in Vatteluttu character, “the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the Tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by Hindu Rajas.”36 Concerning this copper-plate charter, Mr. Adler writes that “the white Jews say that they have always held it; the black Jews contend that it was originally theirs. The title-deed is quaint in many ways. It consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. The characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. The copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. They are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits.”

Taking Dr. Gundert’s37 and Mr. Ellis’38 translation of the charter as guides, Mr. Burnell translates it as follows:—39

Svasti Sri.—The king of kings has ordered (This is) the act of grace ordered by His Majesty SrÎ PÂrkaran Iravi Vanmar40 wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in MÛyirikkÔdu.41 We have given to Isuppu IrabbÂn42 Ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of Ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of Malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. Moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). To Isuppu IrabbÂn, prince of Ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, Ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. SrÎ. The charter is witnessed by various local chiefs.

A somewhat different reading is given by Dr. G. Oppert43 who renders the translation as follows:—

“Hail and happiness! The King of Kings, His Holiness SrÎ Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in Muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. We have granted unto Joseph Rabban Anjavannan the [dignity of] Prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. He shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of Anjavannan. He is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs, and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. We have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. Moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. To Joseph Rabban, the prince of Anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, Anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession.” It is suggested by Dr. Oppert that Anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste.

Dr. E. Hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation:44 “Hail! Prosperity! (The following) gift (prasada) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title ‘King of Kings’ (Kogon), His Majesty (tiruvadi) the King (ko), the glorious Bhaskara Ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at Muyirikkodu. We have given to Issuppu Irappan (the village of) Anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of Anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a Vaduga (i.e., Telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch, a garland, and so forth. We have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. Moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (koyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. To Issuppu Irappan of Anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) Anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. Hail! Thus do I know, Govardhana-Martandan of Venadu. Thus do I know, Kodai Srikanthan of Venapalinadu. Thus do I know, Manavepala-Manavyan of Eralanadu. Thus do I know, Irayiram of Valluvanadu. Thus do I know, Kodai Ravi of Nedumpuraiyurnadu. Thus do I know, Murkham Sattan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. The writing of the Under-Secretary Van—Talaiseri—Gandan Kunrappolan.”

“The date of the inscription,” Dr. Hultzsch adds, “was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. As I have shown on a previous occasion,45 the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably ‘the thirty-sixth year (of the king’s coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king’s yauvarajya).’ The inscription records a grant which the king made to Issuppu Irappan, i.e., Joseph Rabban. The occurrence of this Semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the Cochin Jews, and that the latter possess a Hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient Jewish colony on the western coast. The grant was made at Muriyikkodu. The Hebrew translation identifies this place with Kodunnallur (Cranganore), where the Jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the Portuguese induced them to settle near Cochin. The object of the grant was Anjuvannam. This word means ‘the five castes,’ and may have the designation of that quarter of Cranganore, in which the five classes of Artisans—Ain-Kammalar, as they are called in the smaller Kottayam grant—resided.”

In a note on the Kottayam plate of Vira Raghava, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians, Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya writes as follows.46 “Vira-Raghava conferred the title of Manigramam on the merchant Iravikkorran. Similarly Anjuvannam was bestowed by the Cochin plates on the Jew Joseph Rabban. The old Malayalam work Payyanur Pattola, which Dr. Gundert considered the oldest specimen of Malayalam composition, refers to Anjuvannam and Manigramam. The context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. In the Kottayam plates of Sthanu Ravi, both Anjuvannam and Manigramam are frequently mentioned. Both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be ‘the protectors’ of the grant. They were ‘to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,’ and ‘to receive the landlord’s portion of the rent on land. If any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.’ To Anjuvannam and Manigramam was granted the freehold of the lands of the town (of Kollam?). From these extracts, and from the reference in the Payyanur Pattola, it appears that Anjuvannam and Manigramam were semi-independent trading corporations. The epithet Setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigramam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. There is nothing either in the Cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that Anjuvannam and Manigramam were, as believed by Dr. Gundert and others, Jewish and Christian principalities, respectively. It was supposed by Dr. Burnell that the plate of Vira-Raghava created the principality of Manigramam, and the Cochin plates that of Anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of Sthanu Ravi, which mention both Anjuvannam and Manigramam very often. The Cochin plates did not create Anjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew named Joseph Rabban. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, Manigramam, was bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran. Therefore, Anjuvannam and Manigramam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners.”

It is recorded by Mr. Francis Day47 that Governor Moens obtained three different translations of the plates, and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:—“We, Erawi, Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good Joseph Rabban, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes.” Mr. Burnell, however, notes that Dr. Gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that Anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place.

Concerning the copper-plates, Governor Moens writes thus. “The following translation is by the Jewish merchant Ezechiel Rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. After this I will give another translation, which I got from our second interpreter Barend Deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of Malabar; and lastly I will add a third one, which I obtained from our first interpreter Simon of Tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of Calicut, in order thus not to allow the Jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. The first translation runs thus:—

“By the help of God, who created the universe and appoints the kings, and whom I honour, I, Erawi Wanwara, Emperor of Malabar, grant in the 36th year of our happy reign at the court of Moydiricotta—alias Cranganore—this Act of Privileges to the Jew Josep Rabaan, viz., that he may make use of the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes or dynasties, fire salutes on all solemnities, ride on elephants and horses, hold stately processions, make use of cries of honour, and in the day-time of torches, different musical instruments, besides a big drum; that he may walk on roads spread with white linen, hold tournaments with sticks, and sit under a stately curtain. These privileges we give to Josep Rabaan and to the 72 households, provided that the others of this nation must obey the orders of his and their descendants so long as the sun shall shine on the earth. This Act is granted in the presence of the Kings of Trevancore, Tekkenkore, Baddenkenkore, Calicoilan, Aringut, Sammoryn, Palcatchery, and Colastry; written by the secretary Calembi Kelapen in the year 3481 Kalijogam.

“‘The second translation differs in important statements from the first, and would deserve more attention when neutral people of Malabar could be found, who could testify to the credibility of the same; but, notwithstanding the trouble I have taken to find such persons, it has been hitherto in vain. The second translation runs thus:—

“‘In the quiet and happy time of our reign, we, Erawi Wanwara, imitator of (successor to ?) the sceptres, which for many hundreds of thousands of years have reigned in justice and righteousness, the glorious footsteps of whom we follow, now in the second year of our reign, being the 36th year of our residence in the town of Moydiricotta, grant hereby, on the obtained good testimony of the great experience of Joseph Rabaan, that the said person is allowed to wear long dresses of five colours, that he may use carriages together with their appurtenances, and fans which are used by the nobility. He shall have precedence to the five castes, be allowed to burn day-lamps, to walk on spread out linen, to make use of palanquins, Payeng umbrellas, large bent trumpets, drums, staff, and covered seats. We give him charge over the 72 families and their temples, which are found both here and elsewhere, and we renounce our rights on all taxes and duties on both houses. He shall everywhere be allowed to have lodgings. All these privileges and prerogatives, explained in this charter, we grant to Joseph Rabaan head of the five castes, and to his heirs, sons, daughters, children’s children, the sons-in-law married to the daughters, together with their descendants, as long as the sun and moon shall shine; and we grant him also all power over the five castes, as long as the names of their descendants shall last. Witnesses hereof are the Head of the country of Wenaddo named Comaraten Matandden; the head of the country of Wenaaodea named Codei Cheri-canden; the Head of the country of Erala named Mana Bepalamaan; the Head of the country Walonaddo named Trawaren Chaten; the Head of the country Neduwalur named Codei Trawi; besides the first of the lesser rulers of territories of the part of Cusupady Pawagan, namely the heir of Murkom Chaten named Kelokandan; written by the secretary named Gunawendda Wanasen Nayr, Kisapa Kelapa; signed by the Emperor.

“‘The third translation runs as follows:—

“‘In the name of the Most High God, who created the whole world after His own pleasure, and maintains justice and righteousness, I, Erwij Barman, raise my hands, and thank His Majesty for his grace and blessing bestowed on my reign in Cranganore, when residing in the fortress of Muricotta. I have granted for good reasons to my minister Joseph Raban the following privileges; that he may wear five coloured cloths, long dresses, and hang on the shoulders certain cloths; that they may cheer together, make use of drums and tambourines, burn lights during the day, spread cloths on the roads, use palanquins, umbrellas, trumpet torches, burning torches, sit under a throne (?), and act as Head of all the Jews numbering seventy-two houses, who will have to pay him the tolls and taxes of the country, no matter in what part of the country they are living; these privileges I give to Joseph Raban and his descendants, be they males or females, as long as any one of them is alive, and the sun and moon shine on the earth; for this reason I have the same engraved on a copper-plate as an everlasting remembrance. Witnesses are the Kings of Travancore, Berkenkore, Sammorin, Arangolla, Palcatchery, Collastry, and Corambenaddo; written by the secretary Kellapen.

“‘The aforesaid copper-plate is written in the old broken Northern Tamil language, but with different kinds of characters, viz., Sanskrit and Tamil, and is now read and translated by a heathen scribe named Callutil Atsja, who was born at Calicut, and who, during the war, fled from that place, and stays at present on the hills.

Various authorities have attempted to fix approximately the date of the copper-plate charter. Mr. Burnell gives 700 A.D. as its probable date. The Rev. G. Milne Rae, accepting the date as fixed by Mr. Burnell, argues that the Jews must have received the grant a few generations after the settlement, and draws the conclusion that they might have settled in the country some time about the sixth century A.D. Dr. J. Wilson, in a lecture48 on the Beni-Israels of Bombay, adopts the sixth century of the Christian era as the probable date of the arrival of the Beni-Israels in Bombay, about which time also, he is inclined to think, the Cochin Jews came to India, for their first copper-plate charter seems to belong to this period. There is no tradition among the Jews of Cochin that they and the Beni-Israels emigrated to the shores of India from the same spot or at the same time, and the absence of any social intercourse between the Beni-Israels and the Cochin Jews seems to go against this theory. In one of the translations of the charter obtained by the Dutch Governor Moens, the following words appear: “Written by the Secretary Calembi Kelapoor, in the year 3481 of the Kali-yuga (i.e., 379 A.D.).” This date does not appear, however, in the translations of Gundert, Ellis, Burnell and Oppert. The charter was given in the thirty-sixth year of the reign of the donor Bhaskara Ravi Varma. And, as all, except the last of the foreign Viceroys of Kerala, are said to have been elected for twelve years only, Cheruman Perumal, reputed to be the last of Perumals, who under exceptional circumstances had his term extended, according to Malabar tradition, to thirty-six years, may be identical with Bhaskara Ravi Varma, who, Mr. Day says, reigned till 378 A.D. Mr. C. M. Whish gives a still earlier date, for he fixes 231 A.D. as the probable date of the grant. In connection with the claim to the antiquity of the settlement of the Jews in Malabar, it is set forth in the Cochin Census Report that they “are supposed to have first come in contact with a Dravidian people as early as the time of Solomon about B.C. 1000, for ‘philology proves that the precious cargoes of Solomon’s merchant ships came from the ancient coast of Malabar.’ It is possible that such visits were frequent enough in the years that followed. But the actual settlement of the Jews on the Malabar coast might not have taken place until long afterwards. Mr. Logan, in the Manual of Malabar, writes that ‘the Jews have traditions, which carry back their arrival on the coast to the time of their escape from servitude under Cyrus in the sixth century B.C.,’ and the same fact is referred to by Sir W. Hunter in his ‘History of British India.’ This eminent historian, in his ‘Indian Empire’ speaks of Jewish settlements in Malabar long before the second century A.D. A Roman merchant ship, that sailed regularly from Myos Hormuz on the Red Sea to Arabia, Ceylon, and Malabar, is reported to have found a Jewish colony in Malabar in the second century A.D. In regard to the settlement of the Jews in Malabar, Mr. Whish observes that ‘the Jews themselves say that Mar Thomas, the apostle, arrived in India in the year of our Lord 52, and themselves, the Jews, in the year 69.’ In view of the commercial intercourse between the Jews and the people of the Malabar coast long before the Christian era, it seems highly probable that Christianity but followed in the wake of Judaism. The above facts seem to justify the conclusion that the Jews must have settled in Malabar at least as early as the first century A.D.”

At Cochin the Jews enjoyed full privileges of citizenship, and were able to preserve the best part of their religious and civil liberty, and to remain here for centuries unseen, unknown, and unsearched by their persecutors. But, in the sixteenth century, they fell victims by turns to the oppression of fanatical Moors and over-zealous Christians. “In 1524, the Mahomedans made an onslaught on the Cranganur Jews, slew a great number, and drove out the rest to a village to the east; but, when they attacked the Christians, the Nayars of the place retaliated, and in turn drove all the Mahomedans out of Cranganur. The Portuguese enlarged and strengthened their Cranganur fort, and compelled the Jews finally to desert their ancient settlement of Anjuvannam.” Thus, with the appearance of a powerful Christian nation on the scene, the Jews experienced the terrors of a new exile and a new dispersion, the desolation of Cranganur being likened by them to the desolation of Jerusalem in miniature. Some of them were driven to villages adjoining their ruined principality, while others seem to have taken shelter in Cochin and Ernakulam. “Cranganore,” Mr. Adler writes, “was captured by the Mahomedan Sheikh or Zamorin in 1524, and razed to the ground. The Rajah Daniel seems to have previously sent his brother David to Europe to negotiate with the Pope and the Portuguese for an offensive and defensive alliance against the Zamorin. Anyhow, a mysterious stranger, who called himself David Rubbeni, appeared in Rome in March, 1524, and, producing credentials from the Portuguese authorities in India and Egypt, was received with much honour by the Pope, King John of Portugal, and the Emperor Charles the Fifth in turn. After some years he fell a victim to the inquisition, but his failure and non-return to India are more easily explained by the fact that he was too late, and that the State he represented was no longer existent, than by the cheap assumption of all our historians, including Graetz, that he was an impostor with a cock-and-bull story. Whether the famous diary of David Rubbeni is genuine or not is less certain. But I have elsewhere sought to re-establish this long-discredited ambassador, and here limit myself to drawing attention to his name, which seems to have been David Rabbani. To this day David is one of the commonest names among the Cochin Jews, as well as the B’nei Israel, and Rabbani is the name of the ruling family under the copper grant. Its alteration into Rubeni was due to sixteenth century interest in the lost ten tribes, and a consequent desire of identifying the Royal family as sprung from Reuben, the first-born of Israel. Reuben, too, is a favourite name among the B’nei Israel. With the destruction of their capital, the Jews left and migrated, though to no great distance. Within 20 miles south of Cranganore are four other places, all on the Cochin back-water, where the Black Jews still have synagogues. Parur, Chennan Mangalam, and Mala have each one synagogue, Ernakulam has two, and Cochin three, of which one belongs to the White Jews. The Parur Jews have also the ruins of another synagogue marked by a Ner Tamid, which they say existed 400 years ago, when there were eighteen Bote Midrash (schools) and 500 Jewish houses. This tradition further confirms the importance of Cranganore before 1524. With the advent of the Dutch, better times ensued for the Jews. The Dutch were bitter foes of the Portuguese and their inquisition, and friends of their enemies. Naturally the Jews were on the side of the Dutch, and, as naturally, had to suffer for their temerity. In 1662 the Dutch attacked the Ranee’s palace at Mattancheri and besieged the adjoining town of Cochin, but had to retire before Portuguese reinforcements. The Portuguese therefore burnt the synagogue adjoining the palace, because they suspected the Jews, no doubt with justice, of having favoured the Dutch. In the following year, however, ‘the Dutch renewed their attack on Cochin, this time with complete success. The port and town fell into their hands, and with it fell the Portuguese power in India. By a series of treaties, Cochin and Holland became close allies, and the Dutch settlement became firmly established in Cochin.’ The Dutch helped the White Jews to rebuild their synagogue. The Dutch clock is still the pride of Cochin Jewry.”

It is well known that the Cochin Jews are generally divided into two classes, the White and the Black. Writing in the early part of the eighteenth century,49 BaldÆus states that “in and about the City of Cochin, lived formerly some Jews, who even now have a synagogue allow’d them without the Fortifications; they are neither White nor Brown, but quite black. The Portuguese Histories mention that at a certain time certain blasphemous papers against our Saviour, with some severe reflections against the Jesuit Gonsalvus Pereira (who afterwards suffer’d Martyrdom at Monopatapa) being found in a box set in the Great Church for the gathering of Alms; and the same being supposed to be laid there by some European Jews, who now and then used to resort thither privately, this gave occasion to introduce the Inquisition into Goa.” It is noted by the Rev. J. H. Lord50 that “Jacob Saphir, a Jewish traveller, who visited his co-religionists in Cochin in recent years, having described some of the Jews resident there as black, hastens to tone down his words, and adds, they are not black like the raven, or as the Nubians, but only as the appearance of copper. But Hagim Jacob Ha Cohen, another modern Jewish traveller, chastizing the latter for calling them black at all, declares that he will write of this class everywhere as the non-white, and never anywhere (God forbid!) as the Black.” The Black Jews claim to have been the earliest settlers, while the White Jews came later. But the latter assert that the former are pure natives converted to the Jewish faith. These two difficult, yet important, issues of priority of settlement and purity of race have divided antiquarians and historians quite as much as they have estranged the two classes of Jews themselves from one another. According to the Rev. C. Buchanan,51 the White Jews dwelling in Jews’ town in Mattancheri are later settlers than the Black Jews. They had only the Bible written on parchment, and of modern appearance, in their synagogue, but he managed to get from the Black Jews much older manuscripts written on parchment, goat’s skin, and cotton paper. He says that “it is only necessary to look at their countenances to be satisfied that their ancestors must have arrived in India many years before the White Jews. Their Hindu complexion, and their very imperfect resemblance to the European Jews, indicate that they had been detached from the parent stocks in Judea many ages before the Jews in the West, and that there have been marriages with families not Israelitish.” The Rev. J. Hough observes52 that the Black Jews “appear so much like the natives of India, that it is difficult at first sight to distinguish them from the Hindu. By a little closer observation, however, the Jewish contour of their countenances cannot be mistaken.” In the lecture already referred to, Dr. Wilson states that “their family names, such as David Castile (David the Castilian) go to prove that they (the White Jews) are descended of the Jews of Spain, probably of those driven from that country in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of German and Egyptian Jews. The real ancient Jews of Cochin are the Black Jews’ descendants, we believe, of Judea-Arabians and Indian proselytes. Some rather obscure references to the Jews of Cochin and Quilon are made by Benjamin of Tudela, who returned to Spain from his eastern voyage in 1173. He found no White Jews in India. Speaking of those in the pepper country near Chulam (Quilon), he says that all the cities and countries inhabited by these people contain only about 100 Jews (members of the synagogue), who are of black colour as well as the other inhabitants.” Referring to Jan Linschoten’s ‘Itinerary,’ published in Holland in 1596, Mr. Adler observes that “the Jews who interested our traveller were the ‘rich merchants and of the king of Cochin’s nearest counsellers, who are most white of colour like men of Europe, and have many fair women. There are many of them that came of the country Palestine and Jerusalem thither, and spoke over all the exchange verie perfect and good Spanish.’ This directly confirms the view that the White Jews were new comers from foreign lands. Their knowledge of Spanish is now quite a thing of the past, but it proves that they were Sephardim.”

In regard to the claim of the White Jews to being the only genuine Jews, it may be of interest to record the opinion of a Jew, Rabbi David D’Beth Hithel, who travelled in Cochin in 1832. He says that “the White Jews say of them (the Black Jews) that they are descendants of numerous slaves who were purchased and converted to Judaism, set free and carefully instructed by a rich White Jew some centuries ago. At his cost, they say, were all their old synagogues erected. The Black Jews believe themselves to be the descendants of the first captivity, who were brought to India, and did not return with the Israelites who built the second temple. This account I am inclined to believe correct. Though called Black Jews—they are of somewhat darker complexion than the White Jews—yet they are not of the colour of the natives of the country, or of persons descended from Indian slaves.” This passage bears reference to a tradition current among the Black Jews that they are the descendants of the Jews who were driven out of the land of Israel thirteen years before the destruction of the first temple built by Solomon. They are said to have first come to Calicut, whence they emigrated to Cranganur.

“The White Jews,” Mr. Adler writes, “claiming that they, and they alone, are the true descendants of the aboriginal Jews of Cranganur, retain the copper tablets in their possession, and boast that, about the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Rajah of Cochin invested the head of the Hallegua family with the hereditary title of Mudaliar or Noble [and a wand with a silver knob as a sign of his dignity], with the power of punishing certain crimes. The males of that family still bear the title, but their feudal rights have been abrogated. Nowadays the number of White Jews has dwindled to less than 200, so that it was easy to procure a list of all their names. From the foreign origin of their surnames (Kindel, Ashkenazi, Mizrahi, Koder, Roby, Sassoon), as well as for other reasons, it seems certain that the White Jews are late comers, who did not settle in India till after the destruction of Cranganur. They were traders, who came to Cochin; they prospered under the rule of the Dutch, and built their synagogue and quarter after the Black Jews were already established there. Though, now, they hold themselves jealously aloof from the Black Jews, they were at first quite intimate and friendly. The Indian environment has had the opposite effect to that which England has had upon our Ashkenazim and our no longer exclusive Sephardim. In India caste is varna, which means colour, and their difference in colour has produced caste distinctions among the Indian Jews. But, although the White Jews are fair, some of them are certainly not quite white, nor are the Black Jews quite black. Some of the ‘Black’ Jews are hardly distinguishable from their ‘White’ brethren. Their customs, ritual, and religious observances are the same. Their synagogues are so alike that it needs some keenness of eyesight to detect that two pictures are not of the identical building. The only great (?) difference is that the White Jews have theirs tiled with rare old blue tiles, over which newspaper correspondents wax eloquent. They say the tiles are old Dutch, but really they are genuine Chinese [blue and white Canton China],53 whereby hangs a tale. The synagogue was built nearly 200 years ago in a corner of the Rajah’s palace-yard. At that time, the Dutch were in possession of what is now British Cochin, and they were the only people trading with China. The Rajah, through his allies the Dutch, had imported a large quantity of the best China tiles to pave his Darbar hall, but the Jews, says Mr. Thurston, thought they would just do for the synagogue they were building, so they told the Rajah that he could not possibly use them, inasmuch as bullock’s blood had been employed in their manufacture. His Highness, much perturbed at the indignity to so sacred an animal, bade them take the tiles away, and never let him see them again. Hence their presence in the synagogue. The other synagogue has tiles also, but they are of gleaming white.” The synagogues, it may be added, are square whitewashed buildings, surmounted by a bell-tower. It is said that the Kadyabagan synagogue of the Black Jews is admitted by the White Jews to be the oldest at present existing, having been built in the 12th century.

It is recorded by Governor Moens that “in the Jewish quarters (situated) next to the palace of the king of Cochin at Cochin de Sima there are two synagogues, viz., one for the White Jews, and the other for the Black Jews. The latter have readers of their own tribe, who hold the services, but, when a White Rabbi comes to their synagogue, the honour of conducting the service must be given to him.”

“The dates,” the Rev. J. H. Lord writes, “of the synagogues of the Black Jews altogether antedate those of the White. Thus, the date on the mural slab of the now disused and dilapidated Cochin Angadi synagogue is A.D. 1344 = 563 years ago. That of the Kadavambagom synagogue in Cochin is A.D. 1639, or = 268 years ago. That of the Cochin Theckumbagom synagogue is A.D. 1586, or = 321 years ago; while that of the synagogue of the White Jews is A.D. 1666 or = 241 years ago. Hence the institutions of the Black Jews are the more ancient. The tomb-stone dates of the Black Jews are also far more ancient than those of the White Jews. The earliest date of any tomb-stone of the Black Jews is six hundred years old.”

It is further noted by the Rev. J. H. Lord that “the Black Jews are still the ones who make use of the privileges granted in the copper-plate charter. They still carry a silk umbrella, and lamps lit at day-time, when proceeding to their synagogue on the 8th day after birth of sons. They spread a cloth on the ground, and place ornaments of leaves across the road on occasions when their brides and bridegrooms go to get married, and use then cadanans (mortars which are charged with gunpowder, and fired), and trumpets. After the wedding is over, four silk sunshades, each supported on four poles, are borne, with lamps burning in front, as the bridal party goes home. The Black Jews say that the White Jews use none of these, and never have done so. The White Jews aver that they were accustomed formerly to use such privileges, but have discontinued them.”

There is record of disputes between the White and Black Jews for as early a time as that of the Dutch settlement, or even earlier. Jealousy and strife between the two sections on matters of intermarriage and equal privileges seem to have existed even during the time of the Portuguese. Canter Visscher, in his ‘Letters from Malabar,’54 refers to these party feelings. “The blacks,” he writes, “have a dark coloured Rabbi, who must stand back if a white one enters, and must resign to him the honour of performing the divine service in the synagogue. On the other hand, when the black Rabbis enter the synagogue of Whites, they must only be hearers. There has lately been a great dispute between the two races; the Black wishing to compel the White Jewesses to keep their heads uncovered, like their own women, and trying to persuade the Rajah to enforce such a rule. The dispute ended, however, with permission given to every one, both men and women, to wear what they chose.”

More than once, Jewish Rabbis have been appealed to on the subject of racial purity, and they have on all occasions upheld the claims of a section of the Black Jews to being Jews, and the White Jews have as often repudiated such decisions, and questioned their validity. The weight of authority, and the evidence of local facts, seem to militate against the contention of the White Jews that the Black Jews do not belong to the Israelitish community, but are the descendants of emancipated slaves and half castes. The White Jews appear to have maintained the purity of their race by declining intermarriage with the Black Jews. It must be admitted that, in the earlier centuries, the original settlers purchased numerous slaves, who have since then followed the religion of their masters. It is recorded by Stavorinus55 that “when these Jews purchase a slave, they immediately manumit him; they circumcise him and receive him as their fellow Israelite, and never treat him as a slave.” It is noted by Canter Visscher56 that “the Jews make no objection to selling their slaves who are not of their own religion to other nations, obliging them, however, when sold, to abandon the use of the Jewish cap, which they had before worn on their heads. But slaves, male or female, once fully admitted into their religion by the performance of the customary rites, can never be sold to a stranger.” The Jews are said to have had former fugitive connections with the women of these converts, and brought into existence a mixed race of Dravidians and Semitics. It would be uncharitable to infer from this that all the Black Jews are the descendants of converted slaves or half-castes, as it would be unreasonable to suppose that all of them are the descendants of the original settlers. It is noted by Mr. Adler that “the Rev. J. H. Lord quotes an interesting pronouncement on the racial purity of the Black Jews of Malabar made by Haham Bashi of Jerusalem in 1892. The Rabbi is said to have referred to the Maharikash (R. Jacob Castro, of Alexandria), whose responsum in 1610 confirmed the ‘Jichus’ or the ‘Mejuchasim’ and decided likewise. He is even said to have allowed one of his relatives to marry a Brown Jew! Nowadays, the White Jews hold aloof from the larger community, black or brown, and profess to be of another caste altogether. But one of the most intelligent of their number, who took us round the synagogues, professed to think such exclusiveness exaggerated and unfair, and admitted that their own grandfathers had lived with Black Jewesses in a more or less binding marital relation, and it is abundantly clear that, till recently, the Black and White Jews were quite friendly, and the very fact of the White Jews holding the title-deeds merely proves that they were trusted by the true owners to keep them for safe custody, as they were richer and possessed safes. In an article in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes,’57 Pierre Loti, writing of the Black Jews, says that “le rabbin me fait d’ameres dolÉances sur la fiertÉ des rivaux de la rue proche, qui ne veulent jamais consentir À contracter marriage, ni mÊme À frayer avec ses paroissiens. Et, pour comble, me dit-il, le grand rabbin de JÉrusalem, À qui on avait adressÉ une plainte collective, le priant d’intervenir, s’est contentÉ d’Émettre, en rÉponse, cette gÉnÉralitÉ plutÔt offensante: Pour nicher ensemble, il faut Être des moineaux de mÊme plumage.”

In recent years, a distinction appears to have grown up among the Black Jews, so that they now want to be distinguished as Brown Jews and Black Jews, the former claiming to be Meyookhasim or genuine Jews. In this connection, Mr. Adler writes that “the Black Jews are themselves divided into two classes, the Black Jews proper, who are darker, and have no surnames, and the noble, who have family names and legitimate descent, and claim to be the true descendants of the Cranganur or Singili Jews.”

The White Jews are generally known by the name of Paradesis (foreigners). This designation is found in some of the Sirkar (State) accounts, and also in a few Theetoorams or Royal writs granted to them. It is argued that they must have been so called at first to distinguish them from the more ancient Israelites. The existence for centuries of three small colonies of Black Jews at Chennamangalam and Mala in the Cochin State, and Parur in Travancore, at a distance of five or six miles from Cranganur, shows that they must have sought refuge in those places on being hard pressed by the Moors and the Portuguese. There are no White Jews in any of these stations, nor can they point to any vested interests in the tracts about Cranganur, the most ancient Jewish settlement in the State.

The Jews wear a long tunic of rich colour, a waistcoat buttoned up to the neck, and full white trousers. They go about wearing a skull cap, and put on a turban when they go to the synagogue. The Black Jews dress more or less like the native Mahomedans. Many of them put on shirts, and have skull caps like the Jonaka Mappilas. They generally wear coloured cloths. The Jews invariably use wooden sandals. These, and their locks brought down in front of the ears, distinguish them from other sections of the population. The Jewesses always wear coloured cloths. Hebrew is still the liturgical language, and is studied as a classic by a few, but the home language is Malayalam. The White Jews celebrate their marriages on Sundays, but the Black Jews still retain the ancient custom of celebrating them on Tuesdays after sunset. Though polygamy is not prohibited, monogamy is the rule. The males generally marry at the age of 20, while the marriageable age for girls is 14 or 15. Marriages are generally celebrated on a grand scale. The festivities continue for seven days in the case of the White Jews, and for fifteen days among the Black Jews, who still make use of some of the ancient privileges granted by the charter of Cheraman Perumal. The Jews of all sections have adopted a few Hindu customs. Thus, before going to the synagogue for marriage, a tali (marriage badge) is tied round the bride’s neck by some near female relative of the bridegroom (generally his sister) in imitation of the Hindu custom, amidst the joyful shouts (kurava) of women. Divorce is not effected by a civil tribunal. Marriages are dissolved by the making good the amount mentioned in the kethuba or marriage document. In regard to their funerals, the corpse is washed, but not anointed, and is deposited in the burial-ground, which is called Beth Haim, the house of the living.

Like their brethren in other parts of the world, the Cochin Jews observe the Sabbath feasts and fasts blended intimately with their religion, and practice the rite of circumcision on the eighth day, when the child is also named. The Passover is celebrated by the distribution of unleavened bread, but no kid is killed, nor is blood sprinkled upon the door-post and lintel. The other feasts are the feast of Pentecost, feast of Trumpets, and feast of Tabernacles. The day of atonement, and the anniversary of the destruction of Jerusalem, are observed as fasts. On the day of atonement, the Jews pray in the synagogue from 5 A.M. till 7 P.M. The Jewish fasts commence from 5 P.M. on the day previous to the fast, and end at 7 P.M. next day. Their days begin and end with sunset. The feast of Tabernacles is observed with more pomp and ceremony than other feasts. A pandal, or temporary shed, with a flat roof, covered over with plaited leaves of the cocoanut palm, and decorated with festoons, is put up in the court-yard of, or near every house, beneath which the inmates of the house assemble and take their meals. On the last day of the feast, a large can filled with oil is lit up in front of the synagogue. On that day, the congregation assembles in the synagogue. Persons of both sexes and of all ages meet in the house of prayer, which is gorgeously decorated for the occasion. On this day, when the books are taken outside the synagogue by the male congregation, the females, who are seated in the gallery, come into the synagogue, and, when the books are taken back, they return to their gallery.

The genuine Jews are, as indicated, known as M’yukhasim (those of lineage or aristocracy), while converts from the low castes are called non-M’yukhasim. According to the opinion of Jewish Rabbis, Tabila, or the holy Rabbinical bath, removes the social disabilities of the latter. Those who have had recourse to this bath are free to marry genuine Jews, but respect for caste, or racial prejudice, has invariably stood in the way of such marriages being contracted.

From a recent note (1907), I gather that “the Jews, realising that higher and more advanced education is needed, have bestirred themselves, and are earnestly endeavouring to establish an institution which will bring their education up to the lower secondary standard. The proposed school will be open to both the White and Black Jews. In order to place the school on a good financial basis, one of the leading Jews, Mr. S. Koder, approached the Anglo-Jewish Association for aid, and that Society has readily agreed to provide a sum of £150 a year for the upkeep of the school. Generous, however, as this offer is, it is found that the amount is insufficient to cover the expenditure; so the Jews are going to raise a public subscription amongst themselves, and they also intend to apply to the Cochin Darbar for a grant under the Educational Code.”58

I was present at the Convocation of the Madras University in 1903, when the Chancellor conferred the degree of Bachelor of Arts on the first Jew who had passed the examination.

According to the Cochin Census, 1901, there were 180 White, and 957 Black Jews.

Jhodia.—A sub-division of Poroja.

Jhoria.—A sub-division of Gaudo.

Jilaga (pith).—An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Jilakara (cumin seeds: Cuminum cyminum). An exogamous sept of Balija and Togata.

Jinigar.—“There are,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,59 “a few members of this caste, chiefly in the Chendragiri taluk, whose ordinary occupation it now is to paint pictures. They were, however, once, it is said, artificers, and the account given of them is as follows. They were originally Razus from the Northern Circars, who, coming to the Chendragiri Raja for employment, were set to watch members of the Kammala caste who served the Raja, in order to prevent idleness or fraud. After some time, the Kammalans finished an idol’s car, and, being inflated with pride, demanded to be allowed to sit in it before the swami was himself placed there. For their arrogance they were expelled, and the Razus, having by observation learnt something of their craft, discharged their duties to the community. Under the Nabobs they abandoned this walk of life, and took to saddlery, whence came their name from jini a saddle, and now they are merely muchis.”

Mr. W. Francis informs us60 that “in Bellary wood-carving is done by Jinigaras, who have taught the art to some Muhammadans, who are now often more skilful than their teachers. Two of them made a teak doorway, carved in the Chalukyan style, which obtained a medal at the Arts Exhibition at the Delhi Darbar, and is now in the Madras Museum.”

At Nandyal in the Kurnool district, I recently saw a Jinigar, who makes “lacquer” (gesso) fans, trays, large circular table tops, etc., and paintings of Hindu deities and mythological subjects. He made a number of panels used in the dado of Lady Curzon’s boudoir at the circuit house, Delhi. A medal was awarded to him for his gesso ware at the Delhi Exhibition, but it was, in colouring, inferior to that of the collection which was sent to the Indo-Colonial Exhibition in 1886. The “lacquer” ware of Kurnool has been said to be perhaps the finest Indian gesso work produced anywhere. The work turned out at Mandasa in Ganjam is much bolder, and suitable for decoration on a large scale. A similar method of decoration was formerly largely used in Saracenic architectural decoration of interiors in various countries. The patterns of the Kurnool ware are floral, and in slight relief, and the colours are very bright with much gilding. At Nossam, in Ganjam, leather dishmats are painted with pictures of deities and floral designs. Native circular playing-cards, and fans made of palmyra leaves or paper and cloth “lacquered” and painted in brilliant colours, are also made here.

In the Nellore district, the Jiniga-vandlu make toys, pictures, and models in paper and pith. At Trichinopoly, very elaborate and accurate models of the great Hindu temples, artificial flowers, bullock coaches, etc., are made of the pith of sola (Æschynomene aspera), which is also used in the construction of sola topis (sun-hats). The Madras Museum possesses a very quaint pith model of the Raja of Tanjore in darbar, with performing wrestlers and Deva-dasis, made many years ago.

Jinka.—(Indian gazelle, Gazella bennetti).—An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. The equivalent Jinkala is a sept of Boya.

Jira.—In the Bellary district, a Lingayat who sells flowers calls himself a Jira, and his caste Jira kula.

Jirige (cumin: Cuminum cyminum).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and gotra of Kurni.

Jivala (an insect).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Jogi.—The Jogis, who are a caste of Telugu mendicants, are summed up by Mr. H. A. Stuart61 as being “like the Dasaris, itinerant jugglers and beggars. They are divided into those who sell beads, and those who keep pigs. They are dexterous snake-charmers, and pretend to a profound knowledge of charms and medicine. They are very filthy in their habits. They have no restrictions regarding food, may eat in the house of any Sudra, and allow widows to live in concubinage, only exacting a small money penalty, and prohibiting her from washing herself with turmeric-water.” In addition to begging and pig-breeding, the Jogis are employed in the cultivation of land, in the destruction of pariah dogs, scavenging, robbery and dacoity. Some of the women, called Killekyata, are professional tattooers. The Jogis wander about the country, taking with them (sometimes on donkeys) the materials for their rude huts. The packs of the donkeys are, Mr. F. S. Mullaly informs us,62 “used as receptacles for storing cloths obtained in predatory excursions. Jogis encamp on the outskirts of villages, usually on a plain or dry bed of a tank. Their huts or gudisays are made of palmyra leaves (or sedge) plaited with five strands forming an arch.” The huts are completely open in front.

Jogi mendicant.

In the Tamil country, the Jogis are called Dhoddiyan or Tottiyan (q.v.), and those who are employed as scavengers are known as Koravas or Oddans. The scavengers do not mix with the rest of the community. Some Jogis assert that they have to live by begging in consequence of a curse brought on them by Parvati, concerning whose breasts one of their ancestors made some indiscreet remarks. They consider themselves superior to Malas and Madigas, but an Oddan (navvy caste) will not eat in the house of a Jogi. They are said to eat crocodiles, field rats, and cats. There is a tradition that a Jogi bridegroom, before tying the bottu (marriage badge) on his bride’s neck, had to tie it by means of a string dyed with turmeric round the neck of a female cat. People sometimes object to the catching of cats by Jogis for food, as the detachment of a single hair from the body of a cat is considered a heinous offence. To overcome the objection, the Jogi says that he wants the animal for a marriage ceremony. On one occasion, I saw a Madiga carrying home a bag full of kittens, which, he said, he was going to eat.

The Jogi mendicants go about, clad in a dirty loin-cloth (often red in colour) and a strip of cloth over the shoulders, with cobras, pythons, or rat snakes in baskets, and carrying a bag slung over the shoulder. The contents of one of these bags, which was examined, were fruits of Mimusops hexandra and flower-spikes of Lippia nodiflora (used for medicine), a snake-charming reed instrument, a piece of cuttle-fish shell, porcupine quills (sold to goldsmiths for brushes), a cocoanut shell containing a powder, narrikombu (spurious jackals’ horns) such as are also manufactured by Kuruvikarans, and two pieces of wood supposed to be an antidote for snake-poisoning. The women go about the streets, decorated with bangles and necklaces of beads, sharks’ vertebrÆ, and cowry shells, bawling out “Subbamma, Lachchamma,” etc., and will not move on till alms are given to them. They carry a capacious gourd, which serves as a convenient receptacle for stolen articles.

Like other Telugu castes, the Jogis have exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:—

• Vagiti, court-yard.
• Uluvala, horse-gram.
• Jalli, tassels of palmyra leaves put round the necks of bulls.
• Vavati (relationship).
• Gundra, round.
• Bindhollu, brass water-pot.
• Cheruku, sugar-cane.
• Chappadi, insipid.
• Boda Dasiri, bald-headed mendicant.
• Gudi, temple.

At the Mysore census, 1901, Killekyata, Helava, Jangaliga, and Pakanati were returned as being Jogis. A few individuals returned gotras, such as Vrishabha, Kaverimatha, and Khedrumakula. At the Madras census, Siddaru, and Pamula (snake) were returned as sub-castes. Pamula is applied as a synonym for Jogi, inasmuch as snake-charming is one of their occupations.

The women of the caste are said to be depraved, and prostitution is common. As a proof of chastity, the ordeal of drinking a potful of cow-dung water or chilly-water has to be undergone. If a man, proved guilty of adultery, pleads inability to pay the fine, he has to walk a furlong with a mill-stone on his head.

At the betrothal ceremony, a small sum of money and a pig are given to the bride’s party. The pig is killed, and a feast held, with much consumption of liquor. Some of the features of the marriage ceremony are worthy of notice. The kankanams, or threads which are tied by the maternal uncles to the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, are made of human hair, and to them are attached leaves of Alangium lamarckii and Strychnos Nux-vomica. When the bridegroom and his party proceed to the bride’s hut for the ceremony of tying the bottu (marriage badge), they are stopped by a rope or bamboo screen, which is held by the relations of the bride and others. After a short struggle, money is paid to the men who hold the rope or screen, and the ceremonial is proceeded with. The rope is called vallepu thadu or relationship rope, and is made to imply legitimate connection. The bottu, consisting of a string of black beads, is tied round the bride’s neck, the bride and bridegroom sometimes sitting on a pestle and mortar. Rice is thrown over them, and they are carried on the shoulders of their maternal uncles beneath the marriage pandal (booth). As with the Oddes and Upparavas, there is a saying that a Jogi widow may mount the marriage dais (i.e., remarry) seven times.

When a girl reaches puberty, she is put in a hut made by her brother or husband, which is thatched with twigs of Eugenia Jambolana, margosa (Melia Azadirachta), mango (Mangifera Indica), and Vitex Negundo. On the last day of the pollution ceremony the girl’s clothes and the hut are burnt.

The dead are always buried. The corpse is carried to the burial-place, wrapped up in a cloth. Before it is lowered into the grave, all present throw rice over the eyes, and a man of a different sept to the deceased places four annas in the mouth. Within the grave the head is turned on one side, and a cavity scooped out, in which various articles of food are placed. Though the body is not burnt, fire is carried to the grave by the son. Among the Jalli-vallu, a chicken and small quantity of salt are placed in the armpit of the corpse. On the karmandhiram, or day of the final death ceremonies, cooked rice, vegetables, fruit, and arrack are offered to the deceased. A cloth is spread near the grave, and the son, and other agnates, place food thereon, while naming, one after the other, their deceased ancestors. The food is eaten by Jogis of septs other than the Jalli-vallu, who throw it into water. If septs other than the Jalli were to do this, they would be fined. Those assembled proceed to a tank or river, and make an effigy in mud, by the side of which an earthen lamp is placed. After the offering of cooked rice, etc., the lamp and effigy are thrown into the water. A man who is celebrating his wife’s death-rites then has his waist-thread cut by another widower while bathing.

The Jogis worship Peddavadu, Malalamma, Gangamma, Ayyavaru, Rudramma, and Madura Virudu.

Some women wear, in addition to the marriage bottu, a special bottu in honour of one of their gods. This is placed before the god and worn by the eldest female of a family, passing on at her death to the next eldest.

As regards the criminal propensities of the Jogis, Mr. Mullaly writes as follows.63 “On an excursion being agreed upon by members of a Joghi gang, others of the fraternity encamped in the vicinity are consulted. In some isolated spot a nim tree (Melia Azadirachta) is chosen as a meeting place. Here the preliminaries are settled, and their god Perumal is invoked. They set out in bands of from twelve to fifteen, armed with stout bamboo sticks. Scantily clad, and with their heads muffled up, they await the arrival of the carts passing their place of hiding. In twos and threes they attack the carts, which are usually driven off the road, and not unfrequently upset, and the travellers are made to give all they possess. The property is then given to the headman of the gang for safe-keeping, and he secretes it in the vicinity of his hut, and sets about the disposal of it. Their receivers are to be found among the ‘respectable’ oil-mongers of 11 villages in the vicinity of their encampments, while property not disposed of locally is taken to Madras. Readmission to caste after conviction, when imprisonment is involved, is an easy matter. A feed and drink at the expense of the ‘unfortunate,’ generally defrayed from the share of property which is kept by his more fortunate kinsfolk, are all that is necessary, except the ceremony common to other classes of having the tongue slightly burnt by a piece of hot gold. This is always performed by the Jangam (headman) of the gang. The boys of the class are employed by their elders in stealing grain stored at kalams (threshing-floors), and, as opportunity offers, by slitting grain bags loaded in carts.”

Jogi.—A sub-division of Kudubi.

Jogi Gurukkal.—See Yogi Gurukkal.

Jogi Purusha.—The Purushas or Jogi Purushas seem to have come into existence in recent times, and to be divided into two distinct classes, one of which has crystallised into a caste, while the other merely follows a cult practiced by several other castes. Those in South Canara, who speak Marathi and Tulu, say that they form a caste, which will not admit members of other castes into its ranks. There is a head mutt (religious institution) at Kadiri, with subordinate mutts at Halori and Bhuvarasu, all in South Canara. The Jogi Purushas are disciples of one or other of these mutts. Their special deity is Bairava, but some regard Gorakshanath as their god. They are initiated into the Bairava cult by their priest. They may lead either a celibate or married life. The celibates should have a hole bored in the middle of the ear, and wear therein a ring of rhinoceros horn or china-clay. Those who wish to lead a married life need not have a hole in the ear, but, at the time of their initiation, a piece of clay is pressed over the spot where the hole should be. All Jogi Purushas who have become the disciples of a guru (spiritual instructor) of their cult ought to have a brass, copper, or silver pipe, called singanatha, tied on a thread round the neck. Before taking their meals, they are expected to pray to Bairava, and blow the pipe.

The Jogi Purushas follow the Makkalakattu system of inheritance (in the male line), and, for their marriage ceremonies, engage a Karadi Brahman. The dead are buried in a sitting posture. The bojja, or final death ceremony, is usually performed on the twelfth day, and a Brahman priest officiates thereat. The ceremony consists in offering food to the crows, making presents to Brahmans, and undergoing purificatory rites for the removal of death pollution. If the deceased has been initiated into the Bairava cult, puja (worship) must be done at the grave every alternate day from the third day till the bojja day.

Some Jogi Purushas are professional mendicants, while others work as coolies, peons, etc.

Jonagan.—Jonagan is given, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as the name applied to “Musalman traders of partly Hindu parentage. The word is from the Tamil Sonagan, which means Arabia, and is not strictly the name of any Musalman tribe, but is a loose term applied by the Tamils to Musalmans of mixed descent.” In the Gazetteer of South Arcot, Mr. Francis says that “the term Jonagan or Sonagan, meaning a native of Sonagan or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both Labbais and Marakkayars, but it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour.” According to another version, Jonagan is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen, and the more prosperous traders are called Marakkayars. In a note on the Mappillas of Malabar, Mr. Padmanabha Menon writes that “the Muhammadans generally go by the name of Jonaga Mappillas. Jonaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka, i.e., Greek.”

Joti (light).—An exogamous sept of Boya.

Jotinagara.—Jotinagara (people of the city of light) and Jotipana are high sounding synonyms of the Canarese oil-pressing Ganigas, who express illuminant oils from seeds. In like manner, the Tamil oil-pressing Vaniyans are known as Jotinagarattar and Tiru-vilakku Nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).

Juda Mappilla.—A name by which the Cochin Jews are known.

Julaha.—A few members of this Muhammadan class of weavers have been returned at times of census.

Jungu (cock’s-comb).—A gotra of Kurni.

1 Malabar Quart. Review, IV, 3, 1905. See also T. C. Rice. Jain Settlements in Karnata. Ibid., III, 4, 1904.

2 On the Indian Sect of the Jainas. Translation by J. Burgess, 1903.

3 The earlier Tirthankaras are believed to have been of prodigious proportions, and to have lived fabulously long lives, but the later ones were of more ordinary stature and longevity.

4 Inscriptions at Sravana Belagola. ArchÆological Survey of Mysore, 1889.

5 History of Indian and Eastern Architecture.

6 Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, 1900–1901.

7 The inscriptions on the three Jaina Colossi of Southern India have been published by Dr. Hultzsch in Epigraphia Indica, VII, 1902–1903.

8 Ind. Ant., V, 1876.

9 Ind. Ant., XXV, 220, sq., 1896.

10 Op. cit.

11 Loc. cit.

12 Manual of the North Arcot district.

13 Notes from a Diary, 1881–86.

14 Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.

15 Local oral tradition gives his name as Dupala Kistnappa Nayak.

16 Also known as Jaina Tirupati.

17 Gazetteer of the Madura district.

18 Ibid.

19 N. Sunkuni Wariar. Ind. Ant., XXI, 1892.

20 Madras Census Report, 1901; Nellore Manual.

21 Telugu Dictionary.

22 Madras Census Report, 1901.

23 Manual of the North Arcot district.

24 Travels into East India and Arabia deserta, 1665.

25 Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom.

26 Logan, Manual of Malabar, which contains full details concerning Janmis.

27 History of Korawars, Erukalas, or Kaikaries. Madras, 1905.

28 Rice, Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer.

29 Narrative Sketches of the Conquest of Mysore, 1800.

30 Wilks’ Historical Sketches: Mysore, 1810–17.

31 The captivity, sufferings, and escape of James Scurry, 1824.

32 Manual of the Bellary district.

33 May 11th, June 1st and 29th, 1906.

34 For the translations from the Dutch I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. P. Grote.

35 A new account of the East Indies, 1744.

36 A. C. Burnell, Ind. Ant. III, 1874.

37 Madras Journ. Lit. Science, XIII, Part I.

38 Ibid., Part II.

39 Loc. cit.

40 BhÂskara-Ravi-VarmÂ.

41 This is explained in the Hebrew version by Cranganore, and Muyiri is, no doubt, the original of the Mouziris of Ptolemy and the Periplus of the Red Sea. It is (according to local tradition) the part where the Travancore lines end, opposite to Cranganore but across the back-water.

42 I.e., Yusuf RabbÂn.

43 Ueber die JÜdischen Colonien in Indien. Kohut Memorial Volume, Semitic Studies, Berlin, 1897.

44 Epigraphia Indica, III, 1894–95.

45 Ind. Ant., XX, 1891.

46 Epigraphia Indica, IV, 1896–97.

47 The Land of the Permauls, or Cochin, its past and its present, 1863.

48 Ind. Ant., III, 1874.

49 A Description of ye East India Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, 1703.

50 The Jews in India and the Far East, 1907.

51 Christian Researches in India, 1840.

52 History of Christianity in India, I, 470–71, 1839.

53 J. Splinter Stavorinus. Voyages to the East Indies, 1774–78.

54 Edition by Major Heber Drury, 1862. Letter XVIII.

55 Op. cit.

56 Loc. cit.

57 July, 1902.

58 Madras Mail, 1907.

59 Manual of the North Arcot district.

60 Gazetteer of the Bellary district.

61 Manual of the North Arcot district.

62 Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.

63 Op. cit.

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