  Daindla.—The name, denoting those who hid or ran away, of a sub-division of Mala. Daivampati.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a caste included among Ambalavasis, and a sub-division of Nayar. Dakkala.—Dakkala or Dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who beg from Madigas only. In the Kurnool district they are said to have divided the district with the Mushtis, and not to beg except within their own limits. The following story is told as regards the origin of the Dakkalas. A smith was asked to make a bottu (marriage badge) for Siva’s wedding, and for this purpose required bellows, fire-pot, hammer, etc. Jambuvadu called his eldest son, and prepared the various implements from sundry parts of the body, except the backbone. Being highly pleased at this, the gods endowed the backbone with life, and the son went to his father Jambuvadu, who failed to recognise him, and refused to admit him. He was told that he must live as a beggar attached to the Madigas, and was called Dakkala because he was brought to life from a vertebral column (dakka). The Dakkalas wander from place to place. They may not enter Madiga houses, outside which meals are Dakku (fear).—An exogamous sept of Mala. Dakni.—Dakni or Deccani is defined in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a territorial name meaning a Musalman of the Deccan; also a name loosely applied to converts to Islam.” In the Tanjore district, Muhammadans who speak Hindustani, and claim pure Muhammadan descent, are spoken of as Daknis or Dakanis. In other Tamil districts they are called Patanigal, to distinguish them from Labbais and Marakkayars. The Daknis follow the Muhammadan ritual except in their marriages, which afford an example of a blend between Hindu and Muhammadan ceremonials. Like Hindus, they erect, at times of marriage, a milk-post of bamboo, to which are tied a two-anna piece, and a bit of sugar-candy done up in a Turkey red cloth. The post is handed to the headman, who decorates it with a garland of flowers and a roll of betel, and places it in a hole made in the court-yard of the house, wherein milk has been sprinkled. On the following day, two big pots are placed near the milk-post, and filled with water by four married couples. Around the pots, nine kinds of seed grains are sprinkled. On the third day, the bridegroom’s party proceeds to the house of the bride with thirteen trays of betel, fruits, flowers, sandal paste, and a paste made of turmeric and henna (Lawsonia alba) leaves. The bride is decorated, and sits on a plank. Women smear the face and hands of the bridal couple with the pastes, and one of them, or the bridegroom’s sister, ties a string of black beads round the bride’s neck. While this is being done, no one should sneeze. Wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the Dammula.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class of Telugu beggars, and priests in the temples of village goddesses. Dandasi.—The Dandasis are summed up in the Ganjam Manual as being village watchmen, many of whom are great thieves. “It is curious,” Mr. S. P. Rice writes, A large number of criminals, undergoing punishment in Ganjam for robbery and thieving, are Dandasis. The members of the caste, like the Tamil Kallans, believe A number of exogamous septs occur among the Dandasis, of which the following may be noted. Members of the Santarasi sept must avoid using mats made of the sedge which goes by this name. Kilalendias avoid touching the bamboo posts used by washermen to support the ropes on which cloths are hung to dry. They sacrifice a pig and seven fowls to their gods on the new-moon day, on which the head of a male child is first shaved. Diyasis show special reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom at a The Dandasis worship various Takuranis (village deities), e.g., Sankaithuni, Kulladankuni, Kombesari and Kalimuki. The gods are either represented temporarily by brass vessels, or permanently by three masses of clay, into each of which a small bit of gold is thrust. When Bassia (mahua) buds or mangoes are first eaten in their season, a sacrifice is made, and a goat and fowl are killed before the produce of the harvest is first partaken of. The Dandasis have a headman, called Behara, who exercises authority over several groups of villages, and each group is under a Nayako, who is assisted by a Dondia. For every village there is a Bholloboya, and, in some places, there is an officer, called Boda Mundi, A certain portion of the property stolen by Dandasis is set apart for the headman, and, like the Tamil Kallans and Maravans, they seem to have a blackmailing system. If a Dandasi is engaged as a watchman, property is safe, or, if stolen, is recovered and restored to its owner. Girls are married after puberty. A man may marry his maternal uncle’s, but not his paternal aunt’s daughter. The marriage ceremonies usually last three days, but are sometimes spread over seven days, in imitation of the higher castes. On the day (gondo sono) before the wedding day, seven new pots are brought from a potter’s house, and placed in a room. Seven women throw Zizyphus jujuba leaves over them, and they are filled with water at a tank (pond). One of the pots must be carried by the sister-in-law of the bridegroom. A brass vessel is tied up, and worshipped. Towards evening, a fowl is sacrificed at an ‘ant’ hill. The bridegroom is shaved on this day by his sister’s husband. Like other Oriya castes, the Dandasis collect water at seven houses, but only from those of members of castes higher than their own. The pot containing this water is hung up over the marriage dais (bedi). On the wedding (bibha) day, the bridegroom sits on the dais, with the bride, seated in her maternal uncle’s lap or at his side, in front of him. The headman, or some respected elder of the community, places a On the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for seven days. If she is engaged to be married, her future father-in-law makes her a present of jewels and money on the seventh day, and thereby confirms the marriage contract. The dead are cremated. A widow accompanies the corpse of her husband to the boundary of the village, carrying a ladle and pot, which she throws down at the boundary, and returns home. On the day after the Dandasi further occurs as a sub-division of the Kondras, the members of which have taken to the profession of village watchmen. Dandi (a staff).—A house name of Korava. Dandu (army).—A sub-division of Idiga, and an exogamous sept of Boya and Kapu. It has been suggested that the name is not Dandu but Dande, meaning pole, in reference to the apparatus used by the Idigas in climbing palm trees for the extraction of toddy. Dandu Agasa, indicating army washerman, occurs as a name for some Maratha Dhobis in Mysore, whose forefathers probably accompanied armies in times of war. Dara (stream of water).—An exogamous sept of Mala. Darabala.—Taken, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Mala. It is a common house-name among many Telugu castes. Darala (thread).—An exogamous sept of Madiga. Darzi.—Darzi or Darji is a Muhammadan occupational term, meaning tailor. “The east,” it has been said, Das.—The title of Jain immigrants from Northern India, most of whom are established as merchants, and also of the Mahants of the Tirumala (Tirupati) temple, e.g., Balaram Das, Bhagavan Das. Dasari.—“Dasari or Tadan,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, “The caste, like that of the Satanis, is reinforced by idle members of the lower Sudra classes, who, being branded by the gurus of Tirupati and other shrines, become Dasaris thereby. They usually wander about, Concerning the mendicants of Anantapur, Mr. W. Francis writes The Dasaris in Mysore are described in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as “mendicants belonging to different classes of Sudras. They become Dasas or servants dedicated to the God at Tirupati by virtue of a peculiar vow, made either by themselves or their relatives, at some moment of anxiety or danger, and live by begging in His name. Dasaris are always Vaishnavites, as the vows are taken only by those castes Concerning the synonym Tadan, this is stated Some Dasaris are servants under Vaishnava Brahmans, who act as gurus to various castes. It is their duty to act as messengers to the guru, and carry the news of his arrival to his disciples. At the time of worship, and when the guru approaches a village, the Dasari has to blow a long brass trumpet (tarai). As the Brahman may not approach or touch his Paraiyan disciples, it is the Dasari who gives them the holy water (thirtham). When a Paraiyan is to be branded, the Brahman heats the instruments bearing the devices of the chank and chakaram, and hands them to the Dasari, who performs the operation of branding. For councils, settlement of marriage, and the decision of other social matters, the Dasaris meet, at times of festivals, at well-known places such as Tirutani, Tirupati or Tiruvallur. At the annual festival at the temple at Karamadi in the Coimbatore district, which is visited by very large numbers, belonging for the most part to the lower orders, various vows are fulfilled. These include the giving of kavalam to Dasaris. Kavalam consists of plantain fruits cut up into small slices, and mixed with sugar, jaggery (crude sugar), fried grain, or beaten rice. The Dasaris are attached to the temple, and wear short drawers, with strings of small brass bells tied to their wrists and ankles. They appear to be possessed, and move wildly about to the beating of drums. As they go about, the devotee Dasaris. Dasaris. When proceeding on a pilgrimage to the temple of Subramanya Swami at Palni, some devotees pierce their cheeks with a long silver skewer, which traverses the mouth cavity; pierce the tongue with a silver arrow, which is protruded vertically through the protruded organ; and place a silver shield (mouth-lock) in front of the mouth. Some Dasaris have permanent holes in their cheeks, into which they insert skewers when they go about the country in pursuit of their profession. For the following note on Dasaris in the Vizagapatam district, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The caste is an endogamous unit, the members calling themselves Sankhu (or conch-blowing) Dasaris, and is divided into numerous exogamous septs. The menarikam custom, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle’s daughter, is followed. The remarriage of widows is permitted, but divorce is forbidden. The dead are cremated, and the chinna (small) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed. These Dasaris profess the Tengalai form of Vaishnavism, and 1. Bobbilipata, which describes the siege and conquest of Bobbili by Bussy in 1757. 2. Ammi Nayudupata, which describes the tyrannical behaviour of one Ammi Nayudu, a village headman in the Palkonda taluk, who was eventually murdered, to the great relief of those subject to him, by one of his dependents. 3. Lakshmammapata, which relates the life and death of Lakshmamma, a Velama woman, who went against the menarikam custom of the caste, and was put to death by her husband. 4. Yerakammaperantala-pata, which recounts the story of one Yerakamma, who committed sati. Yerakamma is the local goddess at Srungavarapukota in the Vizagapatam district. The ballads sung about her say that she was the child of Dasari parents, and that her birth was foretold by a Yerukala woman (whence her name), who prophesied that she would have the gift of second sight. She eventually married, and one day she begged her husband not to go to his field, as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did. Her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain as she had foreseen. She committed sati on the spot where her shrine still stands, and at this there is a festival at Sivaratri. As ballad-singers, two Dasaris generally travel about together, begging from house to house, or at the weekly market, one singing, while the other plays, and joins in the chorus. The titles of these Dasaris are Anna and Ayya. Dasari has been recorded as an exogamous sept of the Koravas, Malas, and Yerukalas. Dasi (servant).—The name for a non-Brahman female attendant upon a Nambutiri Brahman woman, which should not, as sometimes happens, be confused with Deva-dasi, (q.v.), which has quite another significance. Dayare (Muhammadan).—The Dayare, Daira, or Mahadev Muhammadans are found in the Bangalore and Mysore districts of the Mysore province. Concerning them, we are informed in the Mysore Gazetteer that “they differ from the general body of Muhammadans in a point of belief concerning the advent of Imam Mahadi. The Dayares maintain that he has visited this earth and departed, while the orthodox Muhammadans believe the Prophet (Imam) has not yet appeared, and that his coming will be a sign of the end of the world. The following account of the origin of this body of dissenters has been related. A child was born of the Sayad sect of Muhammadans at Guzrat about four hundred years ago, who was named Sayad Ahmed, and afterwards became distinguished by the title of Alam (superior to Maulvi) in consequence of his great learning. Sayad Ahmed proclaimed himself the equal of Mahomet, and superior to all other Paigambars or messengers of god. He succeeded in obtaining some followers who believed in him, and repaired to Jivanpur in the Nizam’s territories, where he took the name of Imam Mahadi. From thence he, with some disciples, proceeded to Mecca, but did not visit Medina. After some time he returned to When an adult Hindu joins the Dayares as a convert, an interesting mock rite of circumcision is performed as a substitute for the real operation. A strip of betel leaf is wrapped round the penis, so that it projects beyond the glans, and is snipped instead of the prepuce. Like other Muhammadan classes of Southern India, the Dayares are as a whole dolichocephalic. But the frequent occurrence of individuals with a high cephalic index would seem to point to their recruitment from the mesaticephalic or brachycephalic Canarese classes.
Dayyalakulam (devil’s family).—Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-caste of Gollas, who are wrestlers and acrobats. Dedingi.—Recorded as a sub-division of Poroja. Dera.—Dera, Dendra, and Devara occur as synonyms of Devanga. Desa.—A sub-division of Balija. Desadhipati, denoting ruler of a country, is a name assumed by some Janappans, who say that they are Balijas. Desayi.—For the following account of the Desayi institution, I am indebted to an excellent account thereof by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri. Desayi spoon. Desayi spoon. “Every house belonging to the eighteen castes sends to the village representative of the Desayi, who is called Periyatanakaran, a pagoda (Rs. 3–8) in cash, besides Desikar.—A sub-division and title of Pandaram. Desur.—The name of a sub-division of Kapu, which is either territorial, or possibly derived from deha, body, and sura, valour. Deva.—Deva or Devara, meaning God, has been recorded as a synonym of Devanga and Ganiga or Gandla and a sept of Moger, and Deva Telikulakali as a name for those who express and sell oils in the Vizagapatam district. Devara occurs further as a title of the Jangams. At the Madras Census, 1901, Devar was returned as the name of Telugu merchants from Pondicherry trading in glassware. Devar is also the title of Occhans, who are priests at temples of village deities. The title of Maravans is Devan or Tevan. In South Canara, the Halepaiks (toddy-drawers) are known as Devaru Makkalu (God’s children), which, it has been suggested, Deva-dasi.—In old Hindu works, seven classes of Dasis are mentioned, viz., (1) Datta, or one who gives herself as a gift to a temple; (2) Vikrita, or one who sells herself for the same purpose; (3) Bhritya, or one who offers herself as a temple servant for the prosperity of her family; (4) Bhakta, or one who joins a temple out of devotion; (5) Hrita, or one who is enticed away, and presented to a temple; (6) Alankara, or one who, being well trained in her profession, and profusely decked, is presented to a temple by kings and noblemen; (7) Rudraganika or Gopika, who receive regular wages from a temple, and are employed to sing and dance. For the following general account I am indebted to the Madras Census Report, 1901:— “Dasis or Deva-dasis (handmaidens of the gods) are dancing-girls attached to the Tamil temples, who “At the present day they form a regular caste, having its own laws of inheritance, its own customs and rules of etiquette, and its own panchayats (councils) to see that all these are followed, and thus hold a position, which is perhaps without a parallel in any other country. Dancing-girls, dedicated to the usual profession of the caste, are formally married in a temple to a sword or a god, the tali (marriage badge) being tied round their necks by some men of their caste. It was a standing puzzle to the census enumerators whether such women should be entered as married in the column referring to civil condition. “Among the Dasis, sons and daughters inherit equally, contrary to ordinary Hindu usage. Some of the sons remain in the caste, and live by playing music for the women to dance to, and accompaniments to their songs, or by teaching singing and dancing to the younger girls, and music to the boys. These are called Nattuvans. Others marry some girl of the caste, who is too plain to be likely to be a success in the profession, and drift out of the community. Some of these affix to their names the terms Pillai and Mudali, which are the usual titles of the two castes (Vellala and Kaikola) from which most of the Dasis are recruited, and try to live down the “There are two divisions among the Dasis, called Valangai (right-hand) and Idangai (left-hand). The chief distinction between them is that the former will have nothing to do with the Kammalans (artisans) or any other of the left-hand castes, or play or sing in their houses. The latter division is not so particular, and its members are consequently sometimes known as the Kammala Dasis. Neither division, however, is allowed to have any dealings with men of the lowest castes, and violation of this rule of etiquette is tried by a panchayat of the caste, and visited with excommunication. “In the Telugu districts, the dancing-girls are called Bogams and Sanis. They are supposed to be dedicated to the gods, just as the Dasis are, but there is “In the Oriya country the dancing-girl caste is called Guni, but there they have even less connection with the temples than the Bogams and Sanis, not being even dedicated to the god. “In the Canarese (or western) taluks of Bellary, and in the adjoining parts of Dharwar and Mysore, a curious custom obtains among the Boyas, Bedarus, and certain other castes, under which a family which has no male issue must dedicate one of its daughters as a Basavi. The girl is taken to a temple, and married there to the god, a tali and toe-rings being put on her, and thenceforward she becomes a public woman, except that she does not consort with any one of lower caste than herself. She is not, however, despised on this account, and indeed at weddings she prepares the tali (perhaps because she can never be a widow). Contrary to all Hindu Law, she shares in the family property as though she was a son, but her right to do so has not yet been confirmed by the Civil Courts. If she has a son, he takes her father’s name, but if only a daughter, that daughter again becomes a Basavi. The children of Basavis “In Malabar there is no regular community of dancing-girls; nor is there among the Mussalmans of any part of the Presidency.” “No doubt,” Monier Williams writes, In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, the Dasis of the Coromandel coast are compared, in the words of a Sanskrit poet, to walking flesh-trees bearing golden fruits. The observant AbbÉ Dubois noticed that, of all the women in India, it is especially the courtesans who are the most decently clothed, as experience has taught them that for a woman to display her charms damps sensual ardour instead of exciting it, and that the imagination is more easily captivated than the eye. It was noticed by Lord Dufferin, on the occasion of a Viceregal visit to Madura, that the front part of the dress of the dancing-girls hangs in petticoats, but the back is only trousers. The Rev. A. MargÖschis writes in connection with the practice of dilating the lobes of the ears in Tinnevelly, that, as it was once the fashion and a mark of respectability to have long ears, so now the converse is true. Until a few years ago, if a woman had short ears, she It is on record Of Deva-dasis at the Court of Tippoo Sultan, the following account was published in 1801. General Burton narrates It was unanimously decided, in 1905, by the Executive Committee of the Prince and Princess of Wales’ reception fund, that there should be no performance by nautch girls at the entertainment to be given to Their Royal Highnesses at Madras. In a note on Basavis, the Collector of the Bellary district writes that “it is usual among Hindus to dedicate a bull for public use on the death of a member of their family. These are the breeding bulls of the village flock. Similarly, cows are dedicated, and are called Basavis. No stigma attaches to Basavis or their children, and they are received on terms of equality by other members of their caste. The origin of the institution, it has been suggested, may probably be traced to the time when the Boyas, and other castes which dedicate Basavis, were soldiers, and the Basavis acted as camp-followers and nurses of the wounded in battle. According to Hindu custom, the wives of the men could not be taken from their homes, and, other women of the caste being required to attend to their comforts, the institution of Basavis might have been started; or, if they existed before then as religious devotees attached to temples, they might have been pressed into their service, and the number added to as occasion required. In Narayandevarkeri there are many Boyas and many Basavis. On the car-festival day, the Boyas cannot take meals until the car is taken back to its original place after the procession. Sometimes, owing to some accident, this cannot be done the same day, and the car-drawing Boyas sleep near the car, and do not go to their houses. Then it is their Basavis who bring Petition of __________ aged about 17 or 18. I have agreed to become a Basavi, and get myself stamped by my guru (priest) according to the custom of my caste. I request that my proper age, which entitles me to be stamped, may be personally ascertained, and permission granted to be stamped. The stamping refers to branding with the emblems of the chank and chakram. Petition of _____ wife of _____. I have got two daughters, aged 15 and 12 respectively. As I have no male issues, I have got to necessarily celebrate the ceremony in the temple in connection with the tying of the goddess’s tali to my two daughters under the orders of the guru, in accordance with the customs of my caste. I, therefore, submit this petition for fear that the authorities may raise any objection (under the Age of Consent Act). I, therefore, request that the Honourable Court may be pleased to give permission to the tying of the tali to my daughters. Petition of two girls, aged 17 to 19. Our father and mother are dead. Now we wish to be like prostitutes, as we are not willing to be married, and thus establish our house-name. Our mother also was of this profession. We now request permission to be prostitutes according to our religion, after we are sent before the Medical Officer. The permission referred to in the above petitions bears reference to a decision of the High Court that, a girl who becomes a Basavi being incapable of contracting a legal marriage, her dedication when a minor is an offence under the Penal Code. At Adoni the dead body of a new-born infant was found in a ditch, and a Basavi, working with others in a cotton factory, was suspected of foul play. The station-house officer announced his intention of visiting the factory, and she who was in a state of lactation, and could produce no baby to account for her condition, would be the culprit. Writing concerning the Basavis of the Bellary district, In the Kurnool district, the Basavi system is practised by the Boyas, but differs from that in vogue in Bellary and Mysore. The object of making a Basavi, in these two localities, is to perpetuate the family when there is no male heir. If the only issue in a family is a female, the family becomes extinct if she marries, as by marriage she changes her sept. To prevent this, she is not married, but dedicated as a Basavi, and continues to belong to her father’s sept, to which also any male issue which is born to her belongs. In the Kurnool district the motive in making Basavis is different. The girl is not wedded to an idol, but, on an auspicious day, is tied by means of a garland of flowers to the garuda kambham “Basava women,” Dr. E. Balfour writes, Among the Kaikolan musicians of Coimbatore, at least one girl in every family should be set apart for the temple service, and she is instructed in music and dancing. At the tali-tying ceremony she is decorated with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy (unhusked rice). A folded cloth is held before her by two Dasis, who also stand on heaps of paddy. The girl catches hold of the cloth, and her dancing master, who is seated behind her, grasping her legs, moves them up and down in time with the music which is played. In the evening she is taken, astride a pony, to the temple, where a new cloth for the idol, the tali, and other articles required for doing puja (worship) have been got ready. The girl is seated facing “In former times, dancing-girls used to sleep three nights at the commencement of their career in the inner shrine of the Koppesvara temple at Palivela in the Godavari district, so as to be embraced by the god. But one of them, it is said, disappeared one night, and the practice has ceased. The funeral pyre of every girl of the dancing girl (Sani) caste dying in the village should be lit with fire brought from the temple. The same practice is found in the Srirangam temple near Trichinopoly.” The following account of Dasis in Travancore, where their total strength is only about four hundred, is taken from a note by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyer. “While the Dasis of Kartikappalli, Ambalapuzha, and Shertallay belonged originally to the Konkan coast, those of Shenkottah belonged to the Pandian country. But the South Travancore Dasis are an indigenous class. The female members of the caste are, besides being known by the ordinary name of Tevadiyal and Dasi, both meaning servant of God, called Kudikkar, meaning those belonging to the house (i.e., given rent free by the Sirkar), and Pendukal, or women, the former of these designations being more popular than the latter. Males are called Tevadiyan, though many prefer to be known as Nanchinat Vellalas. Males, like these Vellalas, take the title of Pillai. In ancient days Deva-dasis, who became experts in singing and dancing, received the title of Rayar (king) which appears to have been last conferred in 1847 A.D. The South Travancore Dasis neither interdine nor intermarry with the dancing-girls of the Tamil-speaking districts. They adopt girls only “When a dancing-woman becomes too old or diseased, and thus unable to perform her usual temple duties, she applies to the temple authorities for permission to remove her ear-pendants (todus). The ceremony takes place at the palace of the Maharaja. At the appointed spot the officers concerned assemble, and the woman, seated on a wooden plank, proceeds to unhook the pendants, and places them, with a nuzzur (gift) of twelve fanams (coins), on the plank. Directly after this she turns about, and walks away without casting a second glance at the ear-ornaments which have been laid down. She becomes immediately a taikkizhavi or old mother, and is supposed to lead a life of retirement and resignation. By way of distinction, a Dasi in active service is referred to as atumpatram. Though the ear-ornaments are at once returned to her from the palace, the woman is never again permitted to put them on, but only to wear the pampadam, or antiquated ear-ornament of Tamil Sudra women. Her temple wages undergo a slight reduction, consequent on her proved incapacity. “In some temples, as at Keralapuram, there are two divisions of dancing-girls, one known as the Murakkudi to attend to the daily routine, the other as the Chirappukuti to serve on special occasions. The special duties that may be required of the South Travancore Dasis are:—(1) to attend the two Utsavas at Sri “The principal deities of the dancing-girls are those to whom the temples, in which they are employed, are dedicated. They observe the new and full-moon days, and the last Friday of every month as important. The Onam, Sivaratri, Tye-Pongal, Dipavali, and Chitrapurnami are the best recognised religious festivals. Minor deities, such as Bhadrakali, Yakshi, and Ghandarva are worshipped by the figure of a trident or sword being drawn on the wall of the house, to which food and sweetmeats are offered on Fridays. The priests on these occasions are Occhans. There are no recognized headmen in the caste. The services of Brahmans are resorted to for the purpose of purification, of Nampiyans and Saiva Vellalas for the performance of funeral rites, and of Kurukkals on occasions of marriage, and for the final ceremonies on the sixteenth day after death. “Girls belonging to this caste may either be dedicated to temple service, or married to a male member of the caste. No woman can be dedicated to the temple after she has reached puberty. On the occasion of marriage, a sum of from fifty to a hundred and fifty rupees is given to the bride’s house, not as a bride-price, but for defraying the marriage expenses. There is a preliminary ceremony of betrothal, and the marriage is celebrated at an auspicious hour. The Kurukkal recites a few hymns, and the ceremonies, which include the tying of the tali, continue for four days. The couple “All applications for the presentation of a girl to the temple are made to the temple authorities by the senior dancing-girl of the temple, the girl to be presented being in all cases from six to eight years of age. If she is closely related to the applicant, no enquiries regarding her status and claim need be made. In all other cases, formal investigations are instituted, and the records taken are submitted to the chief revenue officer of the division for orders. Some paddy (rice) and five fanams are given to the family from the temple funds towards the expenses of the ceremony. The practice at the Suchindrum temple is to convene, on an auspicious day, a yoga or meeting, composed of the Valiya Sri-kariyakkar, the Yogattil Potti, the Vattappalli Muttatu, and others, at which the preliminaries are arranged. The girl bathes, and goes to the temple on the morning of the selected day with two new cloths, betel leaves and nuts. The temple priest places the cloths and the tali at the feet of the image, and sets apart one for the divine use. The tali consists of a triangular bottu, bearing the image of Ganesa, with a gold bead on either side. Taking the remaining cloth and the tali, and sitting close to the girl, the priest, facing to the north, proceeds to officiate. The girl sits, facing the deity, in the inner sanctuary. The priest kindles the fire, and performs all the marriage ceremonies, following the custom of the Tirukkalyanam festival, when Siva is represented as marrying Parvati. He then teaches the girl the Panchakshara hymn if the “The birth of male children is not made an occasion for rejoicing, and, as the proverb goes, the lamp on these occasions is only dimly lighted. Inheritance is in the female line, and women are the absolute owners of all property earned. When a dancing-girl dies, some paddy and five fanams are given from the temple to which she was attached, to defray the funeral expenses. The temple priest gives a garland, and a quantity of ashes for decorating the corpse. After this, a Nampiyan, an Occhan, some Vellala headmen, and a Kudikkari, having no pollution, assemble at the house of the deceased. The Nampiyan consecrates a pot of water with prayers, the Occhan plays on his musical instrument, and the Vellalas and Kudikkari powder the turmeric to be smeared over the corpse. In the case of temple devotees, their dead bodies must be bathed with this substance by the priest, after which alone the funeral ceremonies may proceed. The Karta (chief mourner), who is the nearest male relative, has to get his whole head shaved. When a temple priest dies, though he is a Brahman, the dancing-girl, on whom he has performed the vicarious marriage rite, has to go to his death-bed, and prepare the turmeric powder to be dusted over his corpse. The anniversary “The adoption of a dancing-girl is a lengthy ceremony. The application to the temple authorities takes the form of a request that the girl to be adopted may be made heir to both kuti and pati, that is, to the house and temple service of the person adopting. The sanction of the authorities having been obtained, all concerned meet at the house of the person who is adopting, a document is executed, and a ceremony, of the nature of the Jatakarma, performed. The girl then goes through the marriage rite, and is handed over to the charge of the music teacher to be regularly trained in her profession.” As bearing on the initiation, laws of inheritance, etc., of Deva-dasis, the following cases, which have been argued in the Madras High Court, may be quoted (a) In a charge against a dancing-girl of having purchased a young girl, aged five, with the intent that she would be used for the purpose of prostitution, or knowing it to be likely that she would be so used, evidence was given of the fact of purchase for sixty rupees, and that numerous other dancing-girls, residing in the neighbourhood, were in the habit of obtaining girls and bringing them up as dancing-girls or prostitutes, and that there were no instances of girls brought up by dancing-girls ever having been married. One witness stated that there were forty dancing-girls’ houses in the town (Adoni), and that their chief source of income was prostitution, and that the dancing-girls, who have no daughters of their own, get girls from others, bring them up, and eventually make them dancing-girls or (b) The evidence showed that two of the prisoners were dancing-girls of a certain temple, that one of them took the two daughters of the remaining prisoner to the pagoda, to be marked as dancing-girls, and that they were so marked, and their names entered in the accounts of the pagoda. The first prisoner (the mother of the girls) disposed of the children to the third prisoner for the consideration of a neck ornament and thirty-five rupees. The children appeared to be of the ages of seven and two years, respectively. Evidence was taken, which tended to prove that dancing-girls gain their livelihood by the performance of certain offices in pagodas, by assisting in the performance of ceremonies in private houses, by dancing and singing upon the occasion of marriage, and by prostitution. (c) The first prisoner presented an application for the enrolment of his daughter as a dancing-girl at one of the great pagodas. He stated her age to be thirteen. She attained puberty a month or two after her enrolment. Her father was the servant of a dancing-girl, the second prisoner, who had been teaching the minor dancing for some five years. The evidence showed that the second prisoner brought the girl to the pagoda, that both first and second prisoners were present when the bottu (or tali) was tied, and other ceremonies of the dedication performed; that third prisoner, as Battar of the temple, (d) The plaintiff, a Deva-dasi, complained that, when she brought offerings according to custom and placed them before the God at a certain festival, and asked the Archakas (officiating priests) to present the offerings to the God, burn incense, and then distribute them, they refused to take the offerings on the ground that the Deva-dasi had gone to a Komati’s house to dance. She claimed damages, Rs. 10, for the rejected offerings, and Rs. 40 for loss of honour, and a perpetual injunction to allow her to perform the mantapa hadi (sacrifice) at the Chittrai Vasanta festival. The priests pleaded that the dancing-girl had, for her bad conduct in having danced at a Komati’s house, and subsequently refused to expiate the deed by drinking panchagavyan (five products of the cow) according to the shastras, been expelled both from her caste and from the temple. (e) In a certain temple two dancing-girls were dedicated by the Dharmakarta to the services of the temple without the consent of the existing body of dancing-girls, and the suit was instituted against the Dharmakarta and these two Deva-dasis, asking that the Court should ascertain and declare the rights of the Deva-dasis of the pagoda in regard (1) to the dedication of Deva-dasis, (2) to the Dharmakarta’s power to bind and suspend them; and that the Court should ascertain and declare the rights of the plaintiff, the existing Deva-dasis, as to the exclusion of all other Deva-dasis, (f) A Deva-dasi sued to establish her right to the mirasi (fees) of dancing-girls in a certain pagoda, and to be put in possession of the said mirasi together with the honours and perquisites attached thereto, and to recover twenty-four rupees, being the value of said perquisites and honours for the year preceding. She alleged that the Dharmakarta of the pagoda and his agents wrongfully dismissed her from the office because she had refused to acquiesce in the admission by the Dharmakarta of new dancing-girls into the pagoda service, of (g) A girl, aged seventeen, instituted a suit against the trustees of a pagoda. It was alleged that a woman who died some years previously was one of the dancing-women attached to the pagoda, and, as such, entitled to the benefit of one of the temple endowments; that she had taken in adoption the plaintiff, who was accordingly entitled to succeed to her office and the emoluments attached to it; that the plaintiff could not enter on the office until a bottu-tali had been tied on her in the temple; and that the trustees did not permit this to be done. The prayer of the plaint was that the defendants be compelled to allow the tali to be tied in the temple in view to the girl performing the dancing service, and enjoying the honours and endowments attached thereto. The Judge dismissed the suit on the ground that the claim was inadmissible, as being in effect a claim by the plaintiff to be enlisted as a public prostitute. (h) On the death of a prostitute dancing-girl, her adopted niece, belonging to the same class, succeeds to her property, in whatever way it is acquired, in preference to a brother remaining in his caste. The general rule is that the legal relation between a prostitute dancing-girl and her undegraded relations remaining in caste be severed. (i) A pauper sued his sister for the partition of property valued at Rs. 34,662. The parties belonged to (j) The accused, a Madiga of the Bellary district, dedicated his minor daughter as a Basavi by a form of marriage with an idol. It appeared that a Basavi is incapable of contracting a lawful marriage, and ordinarily practices promiscuous intercourse with men, and that her sons succeed to her father’s property. It was held that the accused had committed an offence under the Penal Code, which lays down that “whoever sells, lets to hire, or otherwise disposes of any minor under the age of sixteen years, with intent that such minor shall be employed or used for the purpose of prostitution, or for any unlawful and immoral purpose, shall be punished, etc.” The Sessions judge referred to evidence that it was not a matter of course for Basavis to prostitute themselves for money, and added: “The evidence is very clear that Basavis are made in accordance with a custom of the Madiga caste. It is also in evidence that one of the effects of making a girl Basavi is that her male issue becomes a son of her father, and perpetuates his family, whereas, if she were married, he would perpetuate her husband’s family. In this particular case, the girl was made a Basavi that she might be heir to her aunt, who was a Basavi, but childless. Siddalingana Gowd says that they and their issue inherit the parents’ property. There is evidence that Basavis It may be observed that Deva-dasis are the only class of women, who are, under Hindu law as administered in the British Courts, allowed to adopt girls to themselves. Amongst the other castes, a widow, for instance, cannot adopt to herself, but only to her husband, and she cannot adopt a daughter instead of a son. A recent attempt by a Brahman at Poona to adopt a daughter, who should take the place of a natural-born daughter, was held to be invalid by general law, and not sanctioned by local usage. Of proverbs relating to dancing-girls, the following may be quoted:— (1) The dancing-girl who could not dance said that the hall was not big enough. The Rev. H. Jensen gives (2) If the dancing-girl be alive, and her mother dies, there will be beating of drums; but, if the dancing-girl dies, there will be no such display. This is explained by Jensen as meaning that, to secure the favour of a dancing-girl, many men will attend her mother’s funeral; but, if the dancing-girl herself dies, there is nothing to be gained by attending the funeral. (3) Like a dancing-girl wiping a child. Jensen remarks that a dancing-girl is supposed to have no children, so she does not know how to keep them clean. Said of one who tries to mend a matter, but lacks experience, and makes things worse than they were before. (4) As when a boy is born in a dancing-girl’s house. Jensen notes that, if dancing-girls have children, they desire to have girls, that they may be brought up to their own profession. (5) The dancing-girl, who was formerly more than filled with good food in the temple, now turns a somersault to get a poor man’s rice. (6) If a matron is chaste, she may live in the dancing-girl’s street, The insigne of courtesans, according to the Conjeeveram records, is a Cupid, that of a Christian, a curry-comb. Devadiga.—The Devadigas are Canarese-speaking temple servants in South Canara, concerning whom Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. The Devadigas or Moilis speak Tulu, and are mainly agriculturists. Their traditional occupation, however, is said to be service in temples (slaves or servants of the In the Census Report, 1901, Dakkera Devali, Padarti, and Valagadava are returned as sub-divisions of Devadiga. Devala (belonging to God).—An exogamous sept of Odde. The equivalent Devali has been recorded as a sub-caste of Devadiga, and Devalyal as a division of the Todas. Devanga.—The Devangas are a caste of weavers, speaking Telugu or Canarese, who are found all over the Madras Presidency. Those whom I studied in the Bellary district connected my operations in a vague way with the pilag (plague) tax, and collection of subscriptions for the Victoria Memorial. They were employed in weaving women’s saris in pure cotton, or with a silk border, which were sold to rich merchants in the local bazaar, some of whom belong to the Devanga caste. They laughingly said that, though they are Devanga. Devanga. The Devangas are also called Jadaru or Jada (great men), Dendra, Devara, Dera, Seniyan, and Sedan. At Coimbatore, in the Tamil country, they are called Settukkaran (economical people). The following legend is narrated concerning the origin of the caste. Brahma, having created Manu, told him to weave clothes for Devas and men. Accordingly Manu continued to weave for some years, and reached heaven through his piety and virtuous life. There being no one left to weave for them, the Devas and men had to wear garments of leaves. Vexed at this, they prayed to Brahma that he would rescue them from their plight. Brahma took them to Siva, who at once created a lustrous spirit, and called him Devalan. Struck with the brilliancy thereof, all fled in confusion, excepting Parvati, who remained near Siva. Siva told her that Devalan was created to weave clothes, to cover the limbs and bodies of Devas and men, whose descendants are in consequence called Devangas (Deva angam, limb of god). Devalan was advised to obtain thread from the lotus stalks springing from the navel of Vishnu, and he secured them after a severe penance. On his way back, he met a Rakshasa, Vajradantan by name, who was doing penance at a hermitage, disguised as a Sanyasi. Deceived by his appearance, Devalan paid homage to him, and determined to spend the night at the hermitage. But, towards the close of the day, the Rishi and his followers threw off their disguise, and appeared in their true colours as Asuras. Devalan sought the assistance of Vishnu, and a chakra was given to him, with which he attempted to overthrow the increasing number of Asuras. He then invoked the assistance of Chaudanayaki or Manu was born in the Brahman caste. He was surely a Brahman in the womb. There is no Sudraism in this caste. Devanga had the form of Brahma. The legendary origin of the Devangas is given as follows in the Baramahal Records. The tribal goddess of the Devangas is Chaudeswari, a form of Kali or Durga, who is worshipped annually
Fire-walking does not form part of the festival, as the goddess herself sprang from fire. In some places in the North Arcot district the festival lasts over ten days, and varies in some points from the above. On the first day, the people go in procession to a jammi (Prosopis spicigera) tree, and worship a decorated pot (kalasam), to which sheep and goats are sacrificed. From the second to the sixth day, the goddess and pot are worshipped daily. On the seventh day, the jammi tree is again visited, and a man carries on his back cooked rice, which may not be placed on the ground, except near the tree, or at the temple. If the rice is not set down en route thereto, it is accepted as a sign that the festival may be proceeded with. Otherwise they would be afraid to light the joti on the ninth day. This is a busy day, and the ceremonies of sandhulu kattadam (binding the corners), alagu erecting, lighting the flour mass, and pot worship are performed. Early in the morning, goats and sheep are killed, outside the village boundary, in the north, east, south, and west corners, and the blood is sprinkled on all sides to keep off all foreign ganams or saktis. The sword business, as already described, is gone through, and certain tests applied to see whether the joti may be lighted. A lime fruit is placed in the region of the navel of the idol, who should throw it down spontaneously. A bundle of betel leaves is cut across with a knife, and the cut ends should unite. If the Among the Devangas the following endogamous sections occur:—(1) Telugu; (2) Canarese; (3) Hathinentu Manayavaru (eighteen house people); (4) Sivachara; (5) Ariya; (6) Kodekal Hatakararu (weavers). They are practically divided into two linguistic sections, Canarese and Telugu, of which the former have adopted the Brahmanical ceremonials to a greater extent than the latter, who are more conservative. Those who wear the sacred thread seem to preponderate over the non-thread weavers in the Canarese section. To the thread is sometimes attached metal charm-cylinder to ward off evil spirits. The following are examples of exogamous septs in the Telugu section:—
The majority of Devangas are Saivites, and wear the lingam. They do not, however, wash the stone lingam with water, in which the feet of Jangams have been washed. They are not particular as to always keeping the lingam on the body, and give as an explanation that, when they are at work, they have to touch all kinds of people. Some said that merchants, when engaged in their business, should not wear the lingam, especially if made of spatikam (quartz), as they have to tell untruths as regards the value and quality of their goods, and ruin would follow if these were told while the lingam was on the body. In some parts of Ganjam, the country folk keep a large number of Brahmini bulls. When one of these animals dies, very elaborate funeral ceremonies take place, and the dead beast is carried in procession by Devangas, and buried by them. As the Devangas are Lingayats, they have a special reverence for Basavanna, the sacred bull, and the burying of the Brahmini bull is Devangas and Padma Sales never live in the same street, and do not draw water from the same well. This is probably due to the fact that they belong to the left and right-hand factions respectively, and no love is lost between them. Like other left-hand castes, Devangas have their own dancing-girls, called Jathi-biddalu (children of the castes), whose male offspring do achchupani, printing-work on cloth, and occasionally go about begging from Devangas. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that “in Madura and Tinnevelly, the Devangas, or Sedans, consider themselves a shade superior to the Brahmans, and never do namaskaram (obeisance or salutation) to them, or employ them as priests. In Madura and Coimbatore, the Sedans have their own dancing-girls, who are called Devanga or Seda Dasis in the former, and Manikkattal in the latter, and are strictly reserved for members of the caste under pain of excommunication or heavy fine.” Concerning the origin of the Devanga beggars, called Singamvadu, the following legend is current. When Chaudeswari and Devalan were engaged in combat with the Asuras, one of the Asuras hid himself behind the ear of the lion, on which the goddess was seated. When the fight was over, he came out, and asked for pardon. The goddess took pity on him, and ordered that his descendants should be called Singamvallu, and asked Devalan to treat them as servants, and support them. Devangas give money to these beggars, who have the privilege of locking the door, and carrying away the food, when the castemen take their meals. In assemblies of Devangas, the hand of the beggar serves The office of headman, or Pattagar, is hereditary, and he is assisted by an official called Sesha-raju or Umidisetti who is the servant of the community, and receives a small fee annually for each loom within his beat. Widow remarriage is permitted in some places, and forbidden in others. There may be intermarriage between the flesh-eating and vegetarian sections. But a girl who belongs to a flesh-eating family, and marries into a vegetarian family, must abstain from meat, and may not touch any vessel or food in her husband’s family till she has reached puberty. Before settling the marriage of a girl, some village goddess, or Chaudeswari, is consulted, and the omens are watched. A lizard chirping on the right is a good omen, and on the left bad. Sometimes, red and white flowers, wrapped up in green leaves, are thrown in front of the idol, and the omen considered good or bad according to the flower which a boy or girl picks up. At the marriage ceremony which commences with distribution of pan-supari (betel) and Vigneswara worship, the bride is presented with a new cloth, and sits on a three-legged stool or cloth-roller (dhonige). The maternal uncle puts round her neck a bondhu (strings of unbleached cotton) dipped in turmeric. The ceremonies are carried out according to the Puranic ritual, except by those who consider themselves to be Devanga Brahmans. On the first day the milk post is set up being made of Odina Wodier in the Tamil, and Mimusops hexandra in the Telugu country. Various rites are performed, which include tonsure, upanayanam (wearing the sacred thread), padapuja (washing the feet), Kasiyatra (mock pilgrimage to Benares), dharadhattam When a girl reaches puberty, a twig of Alangium Lamarckii is placed in the menstrual hut to keep off devils. The dead are generally buried in a sitting posture. Before the grave is filled in, a string is tied to the kudumi (hair knot) of the corpse, and, by its means, the head is brought near the surface. Over it a lingam is set up, and worshipped daily throughout the death ceremonies. The following curious custom is described by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. Once in twelve years, a Devanga leaves his home, and joins the Padma Sales. He begs from them, saying that he is the son of their caste, and as such entitled to be supported by them. If alms are not forthcoming, he enters the house, and carries off whatever he may be able to pick up. Sometimes, if he can get nothing else, he has been known to seize a Many of the Devangas are short of stature, light skinned, with sharp-cut features, light-brown iris, and delicate tapering fingers. Those at Hospet, in the Bellary district, carried thorn tweezers (for removing thorns of Acacia arabica from the feet), tooth-pick and ear-scoop, suspended as a chatelaine from the loin-string. The more well-to-do had these articles made of silver, with the addition of a silver saw for paring the nails and cutting cheroots. The name Pampanna, which some of them bore, is connected with the nymph Pampa, who resides at Hampi, and asked Parameswara to become her husband. He accordingly assumed the name of Pampapathi, in whose honour there is a tank at Anagundi, and temple at Hampi. He directed Pampa to live in a pond, and pass by the name of Pampasarovara. The Sedans of Coimbatore, at the time of my visit in October, were hard at work making clothes for the Dipavali festival. It is at times of festivals and marriages, in years of prosperity among the people, that the weavers reap their richest harvest. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bilimagga (white loom) and Atagara (weavers and exorcists) are returned as sub-castes of Devanga. The usual title of the Devangas is Chetti. The shortness of stature of some of the weaving classes which I have examined is brought out by the following average measurements:— Devendra.—A name assumed by some Pallans, who claim to be descended from the king of the gods (devas). Dhabba (split bamboo).—Dhabba or Dhabbai is the name of a sub-division of Koravas, who split bamboos, and make various articles therefrom. Dhakkado.—A small mixed class of Oriya cultivators, concerning whom there is a proverb that a Dhakkado does not know his father. They are described, in the Census Report, 1891, as “a caste of cultivators found in the Jeypore agency tracts. They are said to be the offspring of a Brahman and a Sudra girl, and, though living on the hills, they are not an uncivilised hill tribe. Some prepare and sell the sacred thread, others are confectioners. They wear the sacred thread, and do not drink water from the hands of any except Brahmans. Girls are married before puberty, and widow marriage is practiced. They are flesh-eaters, and their dead are usually buried.” In a note on the Dhakkados, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that “the illegitimate descendant of a Brahman and a hill woman of the non-polluting castes is said to be known as a Dhakkado. The Dhakkados assume Brahmanical names, but, as regards marriages, funerals, etc., follow the customs of their mother’s caste. Her caste people intermarry with her children. A Dhakur.—Stated, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam district, to be illegitimate children of Brahmans, who wear the paieta (sacred thread). Dhanapala.—A sub-division of Gollas, who guard treasure while it is in transit. Dhangar.—Dhangar, or Donigar, is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Marathi caste of shepherds and cattle-breeders. I gather, from a note Dhaniala (coriander).—An exogamous sept of Kamma. Dhaniala Jati, or coriander caste, is an opprobrious name applied to Komatis, indicating that, in business transactions, they must be crushed as coriander fruits are crushed before the seed is sown. Dhare.—An exogamous sept of Kuruba. In the Canara country, the essential and binding part of the marriage ceremony is called dhare (see Bant). Dharmaraja.—An exogamous sept of the Irulas of North Arcot. Dharmaraja was the eldest of the five Pandavas, the heroes of the Mahabharatha. Dhippo (light).—An exogamous sept of Bhondari. The members thereof may not blow out lights, or extinguish them in any other way. They will not light lamps without being madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried after bathing. Dhobi.—A name used for washerman by Anglo-Indians all over India. The word is said to be derived from dhoha, Sanskrit, dhav, to wash. A whitish grey sandy efflorescence, found in many places, from which, by boiling and the addition of quicklime, an alkali of considerable strength is obtained, is called Dhobi’s earth. Dhobi is the name, by which the washerman caste of the Oriyas is known. “They are said,” Mr. Francis writes, The following proverbs Get a new washerman, and an old barber. The washerman knows the defects of the village (i.e., he learns a good deal about the private affairs of the various families, when receiving and delivering the clothes). When a washerman gets sick, his sickness must leave him at the stone. The stone referred to is the large stone, on which the washerman cleans cloths, and the proverb denotes that, however sick a washerman may be, his work must be done. Dhoddi.—Dhoddi, meaning a court or back-yard, cattle-pen, or sheep-fold, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Devanga, Koppala Velama, Kama Sale, Mala, and Yanadi. Dhoddiyan.—A name given by Tamilians to Jogis. Dhollo.—Dhollo is recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as the same as Doluva. A correspondent informs me that Dhollo is said to be different from Doluva. Dhoma (gnat or mosquito).—An exogamous sept of Mala. Dhondapu (Cephalandra indica).—An exogamous sept of Devanga. The fruit is one of the commonest of native vegetables, and cooked in curries. Dhoni (boat).—An exogamous sept of Mila and Oruganti Kapu. In a paper on the native vessels of South India by Mr. Edge, published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the dhoni is described as “a vessel of ark-like form, about 70 feet long, 20 feet broad, and 11 feet deep, with a flat bottom or keel part, which at the broadest place is 7 feet. “The whole equipment of these rude vessels, as well as their construction, is the most coarse and unseaworthy that I have ever seen.” The dhoni, with masts, is represented in the ancient lead and copper coinage of Southern India. Dhor.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, a few (164) individuals were returned as “Dher, a low caste of Marathi leather workers.” They were, I gather from the Bombay Gazetteer, Dhors or tanners who dwell in various parts of the Bombay Presidency, and whose home speech, names and surnames seem to show that they have come from the Maratha country. Dhudala (calves).—An exogamous sept of Thumati Golla. Dhudho (milk).—A sept of Omanaito. Dhuggani (money).—An exogamous sept of Devanga. Dhuliya.—Dhuliya or Dulia is a small class of Oriya cultivators, some of whom wear the sacred thread, and employ Boishnobs as their priests. Marriage before puberty is not compulsory, and widows can remarry. They eat flesh. The dead are cremated. Didavi.—A sub-division of Poroja. Digambara (space-clad or sky-clad, i.e., nude).—One of the two main divisions of the Jains. The Digambaras are said Divar.—See Deva. Diyasi.—An exogamous sept of Dandasi. The members thereof show special reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding are placed outside the house, so that they may be exposed to it. Dolaiya.—A title of Doluva and Odia. Dolobehara.—The name of headmen or their assistants among many Oriya castes. In some cases, e.g., among the Haddis, the name is used as a title by families, members of which are headmen. Doluva.—The Doluvas of Ganjam are, according to the Madras Census Report, 1891, “supposed to be the descendants of the old Rajahs by their concubines, and were employed as soldiers and attendants. The name is Various titles occur among members of the caste, e.g., Bissoyi, Biswalo, Dolei, Jenna, Kottiya, Mahanti, Majhi, Nahako, Porida, Ravuto, Samulo, and Sani. The ordinary caste council system, with a hereditary headman, seems to be absent among the Doluvas, and the affairs of the caste are settled by leading members thereof. The Doluvas are Paramarthos, following the Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism, and wearing a rosary of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) beads. They further worship various Takuranis (village deities), among which are Kalva, Bagadevi, Kotari, Maheswari, and Manickeswari. They Domb.—The name Domb or Dombo is said to be derived from the word dumba, meaning devil, in reference to the thieving propensities of the tribe. The Dombas, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, “The Dombs,” Mr. F. Fawcett writes,
It is noted by the Missionary Gloyer For the following note on the Dombs, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. They are the weavers, traders, musicians, beggars, and money-lenders of the hills. Some own cattle, and cultivate. The hill people in the interior are entirely dependent on them for their clothing. A few Domb families are generally found to each village. They act as middlemen between the hill people and the Komati traders. Their profits are said to be large, and their children are, in some places, found attending hill schools. As musicians, they play on the drum and pipe. They are the hereditary musicians of the Maharaja of Jeypore. A Domb beggar, when engaged in his professional calling, goes about from door to door, playing on a little pipe. Their supposed powers over devils and witches result in their being consulted when troubles appear. Though the Dombs are regarded as a low and polluting class, they will not eat at the hands of Komatis, Bhondaris, or Ghasis. Some Dombas have become converts to Christianity through missionary influence. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the following sections of the Dombs are recorded:—Onomia, Odia, Mandiri, Mirgam, and Kohara. The sub-divisions, however, seem to be as follows:—Mirigani, Kobbiriya, Odiya, Sodabisiya, Mandiri, and Andiniya. There are also various septs, of which the following have been recorded among the Odiyas:—Bhag (tiger), Balu (bear), When a girl reaches puberty, she remains outside the hut for five days, and then bathes at the nearest stream, and is presented with a new cloth. In honour of the event, drink is distributed among her relatives. Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. When a proposal of marriage is to be made, the suitor carries some pots of liquor, usually worth two rupees, to the girl’s house, and deposits them in front of it. If her parents consent to the match, they take the pots inside, and drink some of the liquor. After some time has elapsed, more liquor, worth five rupees, is taken to the girl’s house. A reduction in the quantity of liquor is made when a man is proposing for the hand of his paternal aunt’s daughter, and, on the second occasion, the liquor will only be worth three rupees. A similar reduction is made in the jholla tonka, or bride price. On the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied by his relations, to the bride’s home, where, at the auspicious moment fixed by the Desari, his father presents new cloths to himself and the bride, which they put on. They stand before the hut, and on each is placed a cloth with a myrabolam (Terminalia) seed, rice, and a few copper coins tied up in it. The bridegroom’s right little finger is linked with the left little finger of the bride, and they enter the hut. On the following day, the newly It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that “some of the Dombus of the Parvatipur Agency follow many of the customs of the low-country castes, including menarikam (marriage with the maternal uncle’s daughter), and say they are the same as the Paidis (or Paidi Malas) of the plains adjoining, with whom they intermarry.” The corpses of the more prosperous Dombs are usually cremated. The wood of the sunari tree and relli (Cassia fistula) may not be used for the pyre. The son or husband of a deceased person has his head, moustache, and armpits shaved on the tenth day. Domb women, and women of other tribes in the Jeypore Agency tracts, wear silver ear ornaments called nagul, representing a cobra just about to strike with tongue protruded. Similar ornaments of gold, called naga pogulu (cobra-shaped earrings), are worn by women of some Telugu castes in the plains of Vizagapatam. The personal names of the Dombs are, as among other Oriya castes, often those of the day of the week on which the individual was born. Concerning the religion of the Dombs, Mr. Fawcett notes that “their chief god—probably an ancestral spirit—is called Kaluga. There is one in each village, in the headman’s house. The deity is represented by a pie piece (copper coin), placed in or over a new earthen “When,” Gloyer writes, “a house has to be built, the first thing is to select a favourable spot, to which few evil spirits (dumas) resort. At this spot they put, in several places, three grains of rice arranged in such a way that the two lower grains support the upper one. To protect the grains, they pile up stones round them, and the whole is lightly covered with earth. When, after some time, they find on inspection that the upper grain has fallen off, the spot is regarded as unlucky, and must not be used. If the position of the grains remains unchanged, the omen is regarded as auspicious. They drive in the first post, which must have a certain length, say of five, seven, or nine ells, the ell being measured from the tip of the middle finger to the elbow. The post is covered on the top with rice straw, leaves, and shrubs, so that birds may not foul it, which would be regarded as an evil omen. [In Madras, a story is current, with reference to the statue of Sir Thomas Munro, that he seized upon all the rice depÔts, and starved the people to death by selling rice in egg-shells at one shell for a rupee, and, to punish him, the Government erected the statue in an open place, so that the birds of the air might insult him by polluting his face.] In measuring the house, odd numbers play an important part. The number four (pura, or full number), however, forms the proper measurement, whereby they measure the size of the house, according to the pleasure of the builder. But now the Dissary (Desari) decides whether the house shall be built on the nandi, dua, or tia system, nandi “The Dumas,” Gloyer continues, “are represented as souls of the deceased, which roam about without a home, so as to cause to mankind all possible harm. At the birth of a child, the Duma must be invited in a friendly manner to provide the child with a soul, and protect it against evil. For this purpose, a fowl is killed on the ninth day, a bone (beinknochen) detached, and pressed in to the hand of the infant. The relations are seated in solemn silence, and utter the formula:—When grandfather, grandmother, father, or brother comes, throw away the bone, and we will truly believe it. No sooner does the sprawling and excited infant drop the bone, than the Dumas are come, and boisterous glee prevails. The Dumas occasionally give vent to their ghostly sounds, and cause no little consternation among the inmates of a house, who hide from fear. Cunning thieves know how to rob the superstitious by employing instruments with a subdued tone (dumpftÖnende), or by emitting deep sounds from the chest. The yearly sacrifice to a Duma consists of a black fowl and strong brandy. If a member of a family falls ill, an extraordinary sacrifice has to be offered up. The Duma is not regarded only as an evil spirit, but also as a tutelary deity. He protects one against the treacherous attacks of witches. A place is prepared for him in the door-hinge, or a fishing-net, wherein he lives, is placed over the door. The witches must count all the knots of the net, before they can enter. Devil worship is closely connected with that of the Children are supposed to be born without souls, and to be afterwards chosen as an abode by the soul of an ancestor. The coming of the ancestor is signalised by the child dropping a chicken bone which has been thrust into its hand, and much rejoicing follows among the assembled relations. Mr. Paddison tells me that some Dombs are reputed to be able to pour blazing oil over their bodies, without suffering any hurt; and one man is said to have had a miraculous power of hardening his skin, so that any one could have a free shot at him, without hurting him. He further narrates that, at Sujanakota in the Vizagapatam district, the Dombs, notwithstanding frequent warnings, put devils into two successive schoolmasters. Various tattoo devices, borne by the Dombs examined by Mr. Fawcett, are figured and described by him. “These patterns,” he writes, “were said to be, one and all, purely ornamental, and not in any way connected with totems, or tribal emblems.” Risley, however, It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that “throughout the Jeypore country proper, the Dombus (and some Ghasis) are by far the most troublesome class. Their favourite crime is cattle-theft for the sake of the skins, but, in 1902, a Dombu gang in Naurangpur went so far as to levy blackmail over a large extent of country, and defy for some months all attempts at capture. The loss of their cattle exasperates the other hill folk to the last degree, and, in 1899, the Naiks (headmen) of sixteen villages in the north of Jeypore taluk headed an organized attack on the houses of the Dombus, which, in the most deliberate manner, they razed to the ground in some fifteen villages. The Dombus had fortunately got scent of what was coming, and made themselves scarce, and no bloodshed occurred. In the next year, some of the Naiks of the Ramagiri side of Jeypore taluk sent round a jack branch, a well-recognised form of the fiery cross, summoning villagers other than Dombus to assemble at a fixed time and place, but this was luckily intercepted by the police. The Agent afterwards discussed the whole question with the chief Naiks of Jeypore and South Naurangpur. They Dommara.—The Dommaras are a tribe of tumblers, athletes, and mountebanks, some of whom wander about the country, while others have settled down as agricultural labourers, or make combs out of the wood of ElÆodendron glaucum, Ixora parviflora, Pavetta indica, Ficus bengalensis, etc., which they sell to wholesale merchants. They are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, Are Dommara acrobat. Are Dommara acrobat. The Dommaras are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, summed up as being buffoons, tumblers, acrobats, and snakecharmers, who travel from place to place, and earn a precarious living by their exhibitions. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Domban, Kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer), and Arya Kuttadi, are given as synonyms of Dommara. The Kuttadi are summed up, in the Tanjore Manual, as vagabond dancers, actors, pantomimists, and marionette exhibitors, who hold a very low position in the social scale, and always perform in public streets and bazaars. By Mr. F. S. Mullaly It is noted, in the Nellore Manual, that the Dommaras “are stated by the Nellore Tahsildar to possess mirasi rights in some villages; that I take to mean that there is, in some villages, a customary contribution for tumblers and mendicants, which, according to Wilson, was made in Mysore the pretext for a tax named Dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki. This tax, under the name Dombar tafrik, was levied in Venkatagiri in 1801.” In the Madura district, Dommaras are found in some villages formerly owned by zamindars, and they call themselves children of the zamindars, by whom they were probably patronised. Being a criminal class, the Dommaras have a thief’s language of their own, of which the following are examples:—
The Dommaras are said to receive into their community children of other castes, and women of doubtful morals, and to practice the custom of making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes). The Telugu Dommaras give as their gotra Salava patchi, the name of a mythological bird. At times of marriage, they substitute a turmeric-dyed string consisting of 101 threads, called bondhu, for the golden tali or bottu. The marriage ceremonies of the Are Dommaras are supervised by an old Basavi woman, and the golden marriage badge is tied round the bride’s neck by a Basavi. Are Dommara acrobat. Are Dommara acrobat. A Dommara, whom I interviewed at Coimbatore, carried a cotton bag containing a miscellaneous assortment of rubbish used in his capacity as medicine man and snake-charmer, which included a collection of spurious jackal horns (nari kompu), the hairs round which were stained with turmeric. To prove the genuineness thereof, he showed me not only the horn, but also the feet with nails complete, as evidence that the horns were not made from the nails. Being charged with manufacturing the horns, he swore, by placing his hand on the head of a child who accompanied him, that he was not deceiving me. The largest of the horns in his bag, he gravely informed me, was from a jackal which he dug out of its hole on the last new moon night. The possessors of such horns, he assured me, do not go out with the At Tarikeri in Mysore, a wandering troupe of Are (Maratha) Dommaras performed before me. The women were decorated with jewels and flowers, and carried bells on their ankles. The men had a row of bells attached all round the lower edge of their short drawers. Before the performance commenced, a Pillayar (Ganesa) was made with cowdung, and saluted. The entertainment took place in the open air amid the beating of drums, whistling, singing, and dialogue. The jests and antics of the equivalent of the circus clown were a source of much joy to the throng of villagers who collected to witness the tamasha (spectacle). One of the principal performers, in the waits between his turns, played the drum, or took a suck at a hooka (tobacco pipe) which was passed round among the members of the troupe. The entertainment, in which both men and women took part, consisted of various acrobatic feats, turning summersaults and catherine wheels, stilt-walking, and clever feats on the tight rope. Finally a man, climbing up a lofty bamboo pole, spun himself rapidly round and round on the top of it by means of a socket in an iron plate tied to his loin cloth, into which a spike in the pole fitted. Dondia.—A title of Gaudo. Donga Dasari.—Dasari (servant of the god), Mr. Francis writes, In an interesting article on the Donga Dasaris, Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes as follows. Donga Odde.—The name for Oddes who practice thieving as a profession. Dongayato.—A sub-division of Gaudo. Dongrudiya.—A sub-division of Mali. Dora.—Dora, meaning lord, has been returned as the title of numerous classes, which include Boya, Ekari, Jatapu, Konda Dora, Mutracha, Patra, Telaga, Velama, and Yanati. The hill Kois or Koyis of the Godavari district are known as Koi Dora or Doralu (lords). I am told that, in some parts of the Telugu country, if one hears a native referred to as Dora, he will generally turn out to be a Velama; and that there is the following gradation in the social scale:—
In Southern India, Dorai or Durai (Master) is the equivalent of the northern Sahib, and Dorasani (Mistress) of Memsahib. It is noted by Sir A. J. Arbuthnot Dorabidda, or children of chiefs, is the name by which Boyas, who claim to be descended from Poligars (feudal chiefs) call themselves. Dravida.—A sub-division of Kamsala. South Indian Brahmans are called Dravidas. Dubaduba.—Recorded, at times of census, as an Oriya form of Budubudukala. Duddu (money).—An exogamous sept of Mala. Dudekula.—The Dudekulas are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart The Dudekulas are described by Mr. W. Francis For the following note on the Dudekulas of the Ceded Districts, I am indebted to Mr. Haji Khaja Hussain. They claim Bava Faqrud-din Pir of Penukonda in the Anantapur district as their patron saint. Large numbers of Muhammadans, including Dudekulas, collect at the annual festival (mela) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of a fatiha. This, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of the Koran, which is repeated when prayers are offered for the souls of the departed. For this ceremony a pilau, made of flesh, rice and ghi (clarified butter) is prepared, and the Khazi repeats the chapter, and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation. The story of Faqrud-din Pir is as follows. He was born in A.H. 564 (about A.D. 1122), and was King of Seistan in Persia. One day, while he was administering justice, a merchant brought some horses before him for sale. His attention was diverted, and he became for a time absorbed in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses. Awakening from his reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander when he was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. He summoned a meeting of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of them what was the penalty The Dudekulas, like the Hindus, like to possess some visible symbol for worship, and they enrol great personages who have died among the number of those at whose graves they worship. So essential is this grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is erected in the name of some saint. Such a thing has happened in recent times in Banganapalle. A Fakir, named Alla Bakhsh, died at Kurnool. A Dudekula of the Banganapalle State visited his grave, took away a lump of earth from the ground near it, and buried it in a village ten miles from Banganapalle. A shrine was erected over it in the name of the saint, and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at it. An annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers of Muhammadans and Dudekulas. Some Dudekulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be Hindu, are really Muhammadan. The ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth day after its birth. The choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly female member of the family. In some cases, the name of a deceased ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. If a child dies prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name, which is avoided by the family. Very frequently a father and son, and sometimes two or three brothers, have the same name. In such a case prefixes are added to their names as a means of distinguishing them, e.g., Pedda (big), Nadpi (middle), Chinna (little). Sometimes The Dudekulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on the Khazi, by whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has to be carried out. The Dudekula, like other Muhammadans, is averse to taking animal life without due religious rites, and the zabh, or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. One who is about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning his teeth and washing his mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and feet. He should then face the west, and an assistant holds the animal to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. Water is poured into its mouth, and the words Bismilla hi Alla hu Akbar uttered. The operator then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins are divided. In remote villages, where a Khazi is not available, the Dudekulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been sanctified by the Khazi repeating over it the same words from the Koran as are used when an animal is slaughtered. The first words which a Muhammadan child should hear are those of the azan, or call to prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after birth. This ceremony is observed by those Dudekulas who live in towns or big villages, or can afford the services of a Khazi. It is noted by Mr. Francis that the Dudekulas raise the azan at sunset. A few, who have been through a course of religious instruction at a Madrasa (school), may be able to do this. A Muhammadan is supposed to raise the azan five times daily, viz., before sunrise, between noon and 3 P.M., between 4 and 6 P.M., at sunset, and between 8 P.M. and midnight. At the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the Dudekulas do not, like other Muhammadans, perform the aguiga ceremony, which consists of shaving the child’s head, and sacrificing a he-goat. Children are circumcised before the tenth year. On such occasions the Muhammadans generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). The Dudekulas simply send for a barber, Hindu or Muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a Khazi, if one happens to be available. When a girl reaches puberty, the Dudekulas invite their friends to a feast. Other Muhammadans, on the contrary, keep the fact a secret. At the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pan-supari are taken by the future bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he seeks in marriage, the female members of both families, and the girl herself, are present. This fact shows the absence of the Muhammadan gosha system among Dudekulas. A Muhammadan wedding lasts over five or six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the Dudekulas, completed within twenty-four hours. On the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau is prepared, and a feast is held at the bridegroom’s house. On the following morning, when it is still dark, the bridegroom, accompanied by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with beating of drums and letting off of fireworks. The procession arrives at the bride’s house before sunrise. The Khazi is sent for, and the mahr is settled. This is a nominal gift settled on the wife before marriage by the bridegroom. On the death of a husband, a widow has priority of claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. Two male witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union, and to the amount of The Khazi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to the bride with his blessing. It is tied round her neck by the female relations of the bridegroom, and the marriage rites are over. The usual Muhammadan form of greeting among Muhammadans is the familiar “Peace be with you.” “And with you be peace.” When a Dudekula greets a Muhammadan, he simply bows, and, with members of his own community, uses a Telugu form of salutation, e.g., niku mokkutamu. The Dudekulas, male and female, dress exactly like Hindus, but, as a rule, the men do not shave their beard. Disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled by a Khazi. With the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous hand-weaving industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour has diminished, and some Dudekulas have, of necessity, taken to agriculture. Land-owners are very scarce among them, but some are abkari (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack doctors. In the Ceded Districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is solely confined to the Dudekulas. The synonyms of Dudekula, Ladaf and Nurbash, recorded at times of census, are corruptions of Nad-daf (a cotton dresser) and Nurbaf (weaving). Dudi.—A title of Kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples of village deities. Dudi (cotton) Balija.—A name for traders in cotton in the Telugu country, and an occupational sub-division of Komati. Durga (fort).—A gotra of Kurni. Dutan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a synonym of Ari. Dyavana (tortoise).—An exogamous sept of Moger. |
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