Indian Biography; Vol. 2 (of 2) / Or, An Historical Account of Those Individuals Who Have Been Distinguished among the North American Natives as Orators, Warriors, Statesmen, and Other Remarkable Characters

CHAPTER XV.

Michikinaqwa, or the Little Turtle—Early History—Engages in a combination of the Indians against the United States—Blue-Jacket—The Turtle defeats two detachments of American troops—Some account of the North-Western war from 1791 to 1795—The Turtle defeated by General Wayne—He becomes unpopular after the peace—Some or the charges against him examined—Anecdotes of his intercourse with distinguished Americans—His letter to Gen. Harrison—His death in 1812—His character.

In the Life of Buckongahelas, we have alluded to the powerful influence of "one individual," as having enabled Governor Harrison, despite the exertions or that chieftain, to effect the important negotiations concluded at Fort Wayne in 1803. That individual was the Little Turtle, a personage of both talent and celebrity, second in modern times only to those of Tecumseh. Indeed, he may be considered in some respects one of the most remarkable Indians of any age; and although he has been deceased about twenty years, his grave, in the neighborhood of the station just named, is not only still shown, but still visited by Indians from various quarters, who cherish the memory of the old warrior with the deepest veneration.

The vernacular name of the Turtle was Michikinaqwa or Mechecunaqua. He was the son of a Miami chief, but his mother was a Mohegan woman; and as the Indian maxim in relation to descents is generally the same with that of the civil law in relation to slaves—that the condition of the offspring follows the condition of the mother [FN]—the Turtle had no advantage whatever from his father's rank. He however became a chief at an early age, for his extraordinary talents attracted the notice of his countrymen even in boyhood.

[FN] "Partus sequitur ventrem."

His first eminent services were those of a warrior in the ranks of his tribe. It is well known that long after the conclusion of the peace of 1783, the British retained possession of several posts within our ceded limits on the north, which were rallying-points for the Indians hostile to the American cause, and where they were supplied and subsisted to a considerable extent, while they continued to wage that war with us which their civilized ally no longer maintained. Our Government made strenuous exertions to pacify all these tribes. With some they succeeded, and among others with the powerful Creeks, headed at this time by the famous half-breed M^cGillivray. But the savages of the Wabash and the Miami would consent to no terms. They were not only encouraged by foreign assistance—whether national, or simply individual, we need not in this connection discuss—but they were strong in domestic combination. The Wyandots, the Pottawatamies, the Delawares, the Shawanees, the Chippewas, the Ottawas, not to mention parts of some other tribes, all acted together; and last, but by no means least, the Miamies, resident where Fort Wayne has been since erected, inspired the whole confederacy with the ardor which they themselves had but to imitate in their own fearless chieftains.

These were generally the same parties who had thirty years before been united against the whites under Pontiac; and the causes of their irritation were now mainly the same as they had been then, while both the cordiality and facility of cooperation were increased by confidence and experience derived even from former failures. These causes have been already sufficiently experienced. They arose chiefly from the frontier advances of the white population on the Indian lands—always and almost necessarily attended with provocations never discovered, and of consequence never atoned for, by the proper authorities. National claims were also brought forward, which, so far as founded on the representations of persons interested, were likely enough to be abuses. In fact, here was an exact precedent for the combination of Tippecanoe. The Turtle was politically the first follower of Pontiac, and the latest model of Tecumseh.

The Turtle, we say, but the zealous assistance he received from other chieftains of various tribes, ought not to be overlooked. Buckongahelas commanded the Delawares. Blue-Jacket was at this time the leading man of the Shawanees—a warrior of high reputation, though unfortunately but few particulars of his history have been recorded. The Mississagas, a Canadian tribe on the river Credit, some remnant of which still exists, contributed not a little to the power of the confederacy in the talents of a brave chief, whose very name is not preserved, though his movements among the more northern Indians were felt on the banks of the St. Lawrence, as far down as Montreal itself. [FN]

[FN] A respectable Montreal publication, of 1791, notices one of this person's visits to the tribes in the vicinity of that town;—describing him as "forty-five years old, six feet in height, of a sour and morose aspect, and apparently very crafty and subtle."

On the 13th of September, 1791,—all attempts to conciliate the hostile tribes who were now ravaging the frontiers, having been abandoned,—General Harmer, under the direction of the Federal government, marched against them from Fort Washington (the present site of Cincinnati) with three hundred and twenty regulars, who were soon after joined by a body of militia, making the whole force about fifteen hundred men. Colonel Hardin, at the head of six hundred Kentucky troops, was detached in advance to reconnoiter. As he approached the enemy's villages, they fled. The villages were destroyed, and a light force again detached in the pursuit. These men were met by a small Indian party, led on by the Turtle, who attacked them furiously, and fought them with such effect that of thirty regulars twenty-three were killed, while all the militia of the detachment sought safety in flight.

Notwithstanding this check, the enemy's only remaining town in the section of the country near the battle-ground was laid waste, and their provisions destroyed. General Harmer then returned to Fort Washington, unpursued, but disgraced and deeply chagrined. Under these circumstances he resolved to hazard another action. He halted eight miles from Chilicothe, and late at night detached Colonel Hardin with orders to find the Indians, and fight them. Hardin succeeded in his search about daylight The savages fought with desperation, for they were maddened by the sight of their flaming villages and their uncovered dead, and the war-cry of the Turtle again urged them to the onset. Some of the Americans fled, but a greater number, including fifty regulars and one hundred militia, with several officers of note, fell upon the field of battle, bravely discharging a fruitless and fatal duty. General Harmer claimed the victory,—-with how much propriety may appear from these facts. The Turtle however suffered so severely in the engagement, that he permitted him to march home unmolested.

Harmer's disasters were followed by the most deplorable consequences, for the savages renewed their devastations to such a degree that the situation of the frontiers became truly alarming. Congress directed the organization of a strong military force, and meanwhile two volunteer expeditions from Kentucky, under Generals Wilkinson and Scott were fitted out against the enemy. Considerable damage was done to them on the Miami and Wabash, though without much loss of life on either side.

The campaign of the Federal troops,—mustering about two thousand, besides garrisons in two or three newly erected forts,—commenced late in the summer of 1791. Desertion reduced the number to fourteen hundred, before the commander, General St. Clair, had advanced far into the hostile territory. Continuing his march, however, on the third of November he encamped on a piece of commanding ground, within fifteen miles of the Miami villages. An interval of only seventy paces was left between the two wings of his army. The right was in some degree protected by a creek, and a steep bank; the left, by cavalry and picquets. The militia, about three hundred fresh Kentuckian recruits, were permitted to cross the creek, and draw up in two lines on the first rising ground beyond it, at the distance of a quarter of a mile from the main body, from which they were separated also by a rich sugar-tree "bottom."

The enemy had apparently anticipated a movement of this kind. The chieftains had collected a force of from one thousand to fifteen hundred men, upon the Miami territories; and for several days previous to the halt, numbers of them had been hovering round and evidently watching the movements of the troops. During the night of the 3d, shots were occasionally exchanged between them and the American sentries, and small parties were sent out in different directions to prevent their too near approach.

Meanwhile the Indians were holding a grand council of war. The plan of attack was agreed upon, and the order and rank of the various tribes settled with a precision as punctilious as that of the ancient Greeks. The Wyandots stretched to the west; the Delawares were stationed next to them; the Senecas third, and so on. The Turtle, acting as commander-in-chief, superintended and stimulated the whole, but headed no particular detachment; the arm of the warrior was to do much, but the eye and voice of the chieftain, much more. Nothing happened during the night to alarm the Americans, and indeed the noise and stir of the outskirts in the early part of the evening gradually subsided. All at length was silent, and it might well be supposed, as it probably was, that the enemy had taken advantage of the darkness of the night to make good a precipitate retreat, or that their whole force as yet consisted only of a few scouting and scalping parties. But the mistake was of short duration. The militia were violently attacked between dawn and sunrise of the fourth, by a powerful body of the Indians, who, with a terrific yell, poured in a volume of musketry along the entire length of the two lines. Never was surprise more complete. The ranks of the militia were thrown into confusion at once; and although the battle was hotly contested for three hours at least, no efforts of the officers, or of the regular troops of the main body, proved sufficient to recover the lost ground. The former, indeed, were picked off by the enemy's sharp-shooters so rapidly, that very little could be expected from the aggregate of their exertions.

Besides, the savages generally fought under shelter of the woods. "The Indians were very numerous," we are informed by one who was present, "but we found it out more from their incessant heavy fire, than from what we could otherwise discover of them. They fought under cover, though they would frequently advance very close under the smoke of the cannon; and as soon as it began to clear away, the fire became very fatal." [FN] Emboldened, however, by success, they sometimes charged the Americans tomahawk in hand, drove them back on their lines, kept possession of their tents for some minutes, and though repulsed, continually returned to the contest with redoubled fury.

[FN] New-York and other news-papers of December, 1791.

The Americans were at length compelled to retreat; and this retreat,—as St. Clair himself confessed, in his despatches, "was a precipitate one, in fact a flight." The camp and artillery were abandoned. Most of the militia threw away their arms and accoutrements. All were closely pursued by the savages from half-past nine, when the route commenced, until after sunset, when they gained Fort Jefferson, at a distance of twenty-nine miles. Thirty-eight officers, and five hundred and ninety-three men, were slain or missing; and twenty-one officers and two hundred and forty-two men wounded, many of whom died afterwards; so that no fewer than eight hundred and ninety-four were lost or disabled, out of an army of fourteen hundred. General Butler, second in command, was among the slain.

General St. Clair says he was overpowered by numbers; but as no English historian makes the enemy more numerous than the Americans, some credit should be given to them upon other grounds than the pretext of numerical superiority. Indeed, their attack was conducted with astonishing intrepidity. After a single volley of fire-arms they fought every inch of the field, hand to hand. There is no other instance in the history of the continent, of a slaughter to be compared to this, with the exception of the memorable defeat of Braddock. "Nearly in the space of three hundred and fifty yards,"—said General Scott, who visited the battle-field soon after,—"lay five hundred skull-bones, three hundred of which were buried by my men. From thence five miles on, the woods were strewed with skeletons, muskets," &c. [FN-1] The loss of the Turtle's army was never ascertained upon indisputable authority, but no account makes it at all proportionable to that of St. Clair. The Mississaga chief, mentioned above, who visited Montreal a few months after the action, rated the American loss at several hundreds more than the official bulletin just cited, and that of the Indians at only nine; [FN-2] but some allowance ought probably to be made for extenuation in the latter case, as for exaggeration in the former. An American officer, who encountered a party of thirty Indians near the battle-ground, a day or two after the defeat, (and was detained by them till they were made to believe him a friend to their cause, from Canada,) was informed that the number of killed was fifty-six. These savages were returning home with their share of the plunder. One of them had a hundred and twenty-seven American scalps, strung on a pole, and the rest were laden with various other articles, of different values. They had also three pack-horses, carrying as many kegs of wine and spirits as could be piled on their backs. According to their statement, there were twelve hundred Indians in the battle, the larger proportion of whom were Miamies. [FN-3]

[FN-1] Metcalf's Indian Wars.

[FN-2] Montreal papers.

[FN-3] New-York papers. Most of the statements in the text are corroborated by all the standard histories of the war.

We have alluded to the expedition of General Scott, who made a most successful incursion against the savages a few weeks subsequent to the action of the 4th. A considerable body of them were found by his scouts on the field, still reveling among the spoils of the camp, and diverting themselves in high glee. Scott attacked them abruptly with three detachments, in as many directions, at the same moment. They were completely surprised and routed. At least two hundred were killed on the spot; the remainder fled, and Scott's force returned triumphantly to head-quarters, carrying home seven pieces of St. Clair's cannon.

The effect of this defeat upon the Turtle's mind and upon those of his countrymen generally, was abundantly sufficient to exasperate, without having the slightest tendency either to intimidate or discourage.

"A few days ago,"—says, in the summer of 1792, a letter-writer from Fort Knox, cited in the principal journals of the day,—"several chiefs came in from Opee, a place high upon the Illinois river, and in their speech to Major Hamtranck told him they were frequently invited and threatened by the Miamies, to induce them to go to war with us, that we must keep good heart, for we shall have a great many more to fight this year than last; and that they wished us success, and hoped we should give them a hearty drubbing." Something is suggested about British instigation, and the writer concludes thus. "Indeed every intelligence we have received from the Miami villages, corroborates this, so far as to convince us that there will be twice as many Indians in the field this year as there were last,—so that I think a few of us will be apt to lose our hair."

It will be observed that the Miamies are here regarded as the leading tribe in the hostile combination. So undoubtedly they were, and that alone sufficiently indicates the influence exercised by the Turtle. Hence it was, in no small degree, that the predictions of the Indians at Fort Knox, were but too accurately and speedily fulfilled. During 1792, the depredations of the savages became more furious and ferocious than ever before; and some of the most tragical scenes recorded in history took place on the long line of the frontiers. We shall detail a single well-authenticated instance, to illustrate the exposure of the citizens in what was then perhaps the most populous section of the West.

A dwelling-house in Kentucky was attacked by a party of Indians. The proprietor, Mr. Merrill, was alarmed by the barking of his dog. On going to the door he received the fire of the assailants, which broke his right leg and arm. They attempted to enter the house, but were anticipated in their movement by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed the door in so effectual a manner as to keep them at bay. They next began to hew a passage through the door, and one of the warriors attempted to enter through the aperture; but the resolute mother seizing an axe, gave him a fatal blow upon the head, and then with the assistance of her daughter, drew his body in. His companions without, not apprized of his fate, but supposing him successful, followed through the same aperture, and four of the number were thus killed before their mistake was discovered. They now retired a few moments, but soon returned, and renewed their exertions to force the house. Despairing of entering by the door, they climbed upon the roof, and made an effort to descend by the chimney. Mr. Merrill directed his little son to empty the contents of a large feather-bed upon the fire, which soon caused so dense and pungent a smoke, as nearly to suffocate those who had made this desperate attempt, and two of them fell into the fire-place. The moment was critical; the mother and daughter could not quit their stations at the door; and the husband, though groaning with his broken leg and arm, rousing every exertion, seized a billet of wood, and with repeated blows despatched the two half-smothered Indians. In the meantime the mother had repelled a fresh assault upon the door, and severely wounded one of the Indians, who attempted simultaneously to enter there, while the others descended the chimney. [FN]

[FN] Metcalf's Indian Wars.

We find no particular evidence that the Turtle was concerned in any of these petty forays, which indeed were certainly attended with no honor, while they inflicted more damage and alarm than any other events of this memorable war. He however commanded a body of Indians who, in November, 1792, made a violent attack on a detachment of Kentucky volunteers, headed by Major Adair, (since Governor) under the walls of Fort St. Clair. The contest was severe and sanguinary. The savages were at length repulsed—with considerable loss, according to some accounts—but Marshall, who is sufficiently careful of the honor of his countrymen, allows that the Major, after a gallant resistance, was compelled to retreat to the fort, (about half a mile) with the loss of six men killed, and the camp-equipage and one hundred and forty pack-horses taken. The Indians lost but two men. The Turtle was also in the action of Fort Recovery, which took place in June, 1794, and in which a large detachment of American troops, under Major M^cMahon, was defeated.

Repeated efforts were made by the American Government, during these three years, for the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Several of the Senecas, and other New-York Indians were employed as mediators to this end. To some extent they succeeded, or at least were thought to have done so,—it being announced, late in the fall of 1792, that the Miamies had consented to a truce till the next spring; but at the end of that term, if not before, hostilities were renewed with as much vigor as ever. Only a few months previous, three Americans, sent to the enemy with flags and proposals of peace, were murdered in cold blood,—an act for which some palliating provocations were alleged by those who committed it, but which never was deliberately justified by their leaders. [FN]

[FN] "When the news was carried to the town (a Shawanese village) that a white man with a peace-talk had been killed at the camp, it excited a great ferment, and the murderers were much censured," &c.—Marshall's Kentucky. The brave Colonel Hardin, of Kentucky, was one of the messengers.

But the successes of the enemy were drawing to a close. General Wayne had been appointed to the command of the American army, than whom perhaps no man in the country was better qualified to meet the emergencies of an Indian warfare in the woods. The Indians were themselves, indeed, sensible of this fact, and the mere intelligence of his approach probably had its effect on their spirits. They universally called him the Black Snake, from the superior cunning which they ascribed to him; and even allowed him the credit of being a fair match for Buckongahelas, Blue-Jacket, or the Turtle himself.

Wayne prosecuted the decisive campaign of 1794 with a spirit which justified the estimate of his enemy, although, owing to the difficulties of transporting stores and provisions through a wilderness which at that time could not be traversed by wagons, he was unable to commence operations until near midsummer. He had already, in the fall of the previous season, erected Fort Recovery on the site of St. Clair's defeat; and early in August, he raised a fortification at the confluence of the Au-Glaize and Miami, which he named Fort Defiance. His whole force was now nearly two thousand regulars, exclusive of eleven hundred mounted Kentucky militia under General Scott, [FN] Here he had expected to surprise the neighboring villages of the enemy; and the more effectually to ensure the success of his coup-de-main, he had not only advanced thus far by an obscure and very difficult route, but taken pains to clear out two roads from Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and divert the attention of the Indians, while he marched by neither. But his generalship proved of no avail. The Turtle and his comrades kept too vigilant an eye on the foe they were now awaiting, to be easily surprised, even had not their movements been quickened, as they were, by the information of an American deserter.

[FN] There were some friendly Indians, mostly from southern tribes, who fought under Wayne and Scott during the season of 1794; and among the rest about sixty Choctaws, commanded by a brave chief commonly called General Hummingbird, who more recently distinguished himself in the last war against the Creeks, (as the allies of the British.) He died December 23d, 1828, aged seventy-five, at his residence near the Choctaw agency, where he was buried with the honors of war.

On the 12th of the month, the General learned from some of the Indians taken prisoners, that their main body occupied a camp near the British garrison, at the rapids of the Miami. But he now resolved, before approaching them much nearer, to try the effect of one more proposal of peace. He had in his army a man named Miller, who had long been a captive with some of the tribes, and he selected him for the hazardous enterprize.

Miller did not like the scheme. It was his opinion, from what he had observed, that the Indians were unalterably determined on war, and that they would not respect a flag, but probably kill him: in short, he declined being the ambassador. General Wayne, however, could think of no other as well qualified; and being anxious to make the experiment, he assured Miller that he would hold the eight prisoners then in his custody, as pledges for his safety, and that he might take with him any escort he desired. Thus encouraged, the soldier consented to go with the message; and to attend him, he selected from the prisoners, one of the men, and a squaw. With these he left camp at 4 o'clock, P. M. on the 13th; and next morning at daybreak, reached the tents of the hostile chiefs, which were near together, and known by his attendants, without being discovered. He immediately displayed his flag, and proclaimed himself "a messenger." Instantly he was assailed on all sides, with a hideous yell, and a call, to "Kill the runner! Kill the spy!" But he, accosting them in their own language, and forthwith explaining to them his real character, they suspended the blow, and took him into custody. He shewed and explained the General's letter; not omitting the positive assurance, that if they did not send the bearer back to him by the 16th of the month, he would, at sunset of that day, cause every soldier in his camp to be put to death. Miller was closely confined, and a council called by the chiefs. On the 15th, he was liberated, and furnished with an answer to General Wayne, stating, "that if he waited where he was ten days, and then sent Miller for them, they would treat with him; but that if he advanced, they would give him battle." The General's impatience had prevented his waiting the return of his minister. On the 16th, Miller came up with the army on its march, and delivered the answer; to which he added, that "from the manner in which the Indians were dressed and painted, and the constant arrival of parties, it was his opinion, they had determined on war, and only wanted time to muster their whole force." [FN]

[FN] Marshall.

This intelligence of course did not serve to check the eagerness of the General, and he rapidly continued his march down the Miami. On the 18th he reached the rapids. On the 19th he halted to reconnoiter, within a few miles of the enemy's camp, and threw up a temporary work which he called Fort Deposite. Early, in the morning of the 20th he resumed his march in that direction, and about 10 o'clock his spies, a mile in advance, were fired on. The army was halted, and put in order of battle, and then moved forward in three columns. Wayne's legion, occupying the right, had its flank upon the river; one brigade of mounted volunteers, under General Todd, occupied the left; and the other, under General Barbee, the rear. Major Price, with a select battalion, moved in front, to "feel" the enemy, and to give the troops timely notice to form. After penetrating about five miles, he received a tremendous fire from an ambuscade, and fell back upon the main force.

The Indians were advantageously posted in the forest of Presque Isle; having their left secured by the rocky bank of the river, and their front by a kind of breast-work of fallen trees, which rendered it impracticable for cavalry to advance. They were formed in three lines, within supporting distance, and extending nearly two miles into the woods.

Wayne's legion immediately advanced in two columns, with trailed arms, expecting to rouse the enemy from the covert with the bayonet; and when up, to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and press them so hard as not to give them time to reload. He soon saw, from the weight of their fire, and the extent of their lines, that the Indians were in full force, in possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn his left flank. He instantly ordered General Scott, with his whole force, to make a considerable circuit, with a view to outflank them; but the legionary infantry executed their orders with such promptitude, that only a part of the second column, and of the mounted volunteers, could be brought up to participate in the action. The Indians flying from their concealment, only confused each other by their numbers; and they were driven more than two miles through thick woods, in the course of an hour, until the pursuit terminated under the guns of Fort Maumee. [FN] Great slaughter was made by the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being cut down with the sabre, that the title of Long-Knives, long before given to the Americans, is said to have come again into general use at this period. General Wayne stated his loss at one hundred and thirty-three killed and wounded. That of the Indians was never ascertained, but was supposed to be much greater.

[FN] Marshall. And see Appendix II.

As many as seven tribes were engaged in this action—the Miamies, the Pottawatamies, Delawares, Shawanees, Chippewas, Ottawas, and some Senecas. During the night preceding the battle, the chiefs of the different nations had assembled in council, and it was proposed by some, to go up and attack General Wayne in his encampment. The proposition was opposed, and the council did not determine to attack him that night; but all acceded to another suggestion, to wait until the next day, and fight the General at Presque Isle. The Turtle alone disapproved of this plan, while Blue-Jacket was warmly in favor of it. The former disliked the idea of fighting Wayne under present circumstances, and was even inclined to make peace. "We have beaten the enemy," said he at the council, "twice, under separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." On this, he was reproached by one of the chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the conference. Stung to the quick by a reproach which he was conscious he never merited, he would have laid the reviler dead at his feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin. He took his post in the action, determined to do his duty; and the event proved that he had formed no very erroneous estimate of the character of General Wayne. [FN]

[FN] Schoolcraft.

The treaty of Greenville, consequent upon the successful termination of this campaign, or what is frequently denominated Wayne's War, was concluded on the third of August, A. D. 1795. This treaty, the basis of most of our subsequent treaties with the northwestern Indians, was attended by twelve tribes; some of whom, it is believed, had never before entered into treaty with the United States. They ceded an extensive tract of country, south of the lakes, and west of the Ohio; together with certain specific tracts, including the sites of all the northwestern posts, as an indemnification for the expenses of the war. The stipulations of the treaty of Greenville continued unbroken till the battle of Tippecanoe, a period of sixteen years.

Dawson, in his memoirs of General Harrison, (who was educated in General Wayne's family,) has given some interesting reminiscences respecting the conclusion of this peace. He states, that the Turtle took a decided part against the giving up of the large tract of country which General Wayne required on the part of the United States. This circumstance, however, was not unfavorable to the attainment of the object, as it was evident there was a violent jealousy of the Turtle, among most of the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawatamies, so that they invariably opposed every thing which he advocated. And as they and their friends constituted the majority of the council, the Turtle was always in the minority. The superiority of his mind was conspicuous not only in their company, but in his measures and deportment in the society of white people. The other chiefs were all invited, in their turns, to the General's table, and on these occasions showed themselves still savages, though many of them appeared much at their ease, and disposed of the good things of the General's table with evident satisfaction. The drinking, however, was the most popular part of the entertainment, and indeed, the White Pigeon, a Pottawatamie chief; could not refrain from expressing his gratitude to the Great Spirit for this, as he conceived, the best gift to man. Upon being asked for a toast by General Wayne, he rose and said, "I will give you the Great Spirit, and I am much obliged to him for putting so much sense into that man's head who first made rum."

After the peace was concluded, the Turtle settled upon Eel-River, about twenty miles from Fort Wayne, where the Americans erected for him a comfortable house. He frequently visited the seat of Government both at Philadelphia and Washington. His taste for civilized life being observed, the Indian agents were desired by the Government to furnish him with every reasonable accommodation for his decent subsistence,—supposing that the example might prove beneficial in their exertions to civilize the other Indians.

These indulgences, however, entirely destroyed—for a time, at least—the Turtle's influence among the savages; for some envied his good fortune, and others suspected his honesty. Being perfectly sensible of this, and not a little chagrined by it, we may fairly presume that he made various attempts to recover his popularity. This was probably the secret of his opposition to the interest of the United States on more occasions than one where it was not altogether indispensable. But we certainly need not deny him on that account the credit of real patriotism which he manifested at all times. The truth is, that in some indifferent cases, when he might have yielded to the demands of the American authorities without disgrace, he opposed them chiefly for the sake of retaining or regaining his influence with his countrymen.

Under these circumstances, however, he was of course liable to accusations which he did not deserve,—by the Indians, of being bribed by the Government, and by the Americans, of thwarting their purposes from a puerile regard to the whims rather than the interest of the Indians. As an instance of the latter, we may refer to the Indian Councils of 1802 and 1803, at Vincennes and at Fort Wayne, the result of which was the conveyance of an immense territory to the United States from the Pottawatamies, Piankishaws, Weas, Eel-River Miamies, and some other tribes or parts of tribes.

Mr. Dawson states that the former of these councils had been recommended by the Turtle, but that when the time came, he refused to attend,—-alleging as his reason, that "the jealousy with which the chiefs viewed the footing he stood upon with the United States, would make his presence rather more injurious than serviceable." Now, this would seem to be a sufficient explanation; and yet the historian does not hesitate to say, that the Turtle had just before been visited, bribed and gained over by the British-Indian agent, M^cKee. This is asserted without qualification, although the same paragraph shows that the testimony in the case was nothing more than the "opinion" of a "Mr. Wells." It is added that, "however that might be"—implying a doubt after all—the Turtle certainly used his influence to prevent the other chiefs from attending the Council. This might be true, but it proves at best, only that he made some farther exertion to clear himself of that suspicion among the Indians which he gave as his reason for not attending the council, and at the same time to obviate the necessity itself of attending.

The result proves the correctness of his judgment. Those who did attend were at first extremely opposed to Governor Harrison's propositions; but after considerable discussion they determined to refer the whole matter—and it was one of no small moment to the Indian interest—to four chiefs of the various tribes represented, or a majority of them, "to finally settle and adjust a treaty" with the Agents of the Government. At the head of the commission was the Turtle himself; and his nephew, Richardville, a member of the same tribe, was another.

Had any other course been taken than this, for which the Turtle is accused of corruption, it is probable that the treaty would never have been authorized, notwithstanding the tribes were deliberately convinced of its policy,—for the presence of the Turtle would have been an argument to counterbalance all others. The historian does the Chieftain better justice in the sequel. A meeting of the Commissioners with the Governor having been appointed for the spring of 1803, to be held at Fort Wayne, the latter, on arriving there, was astonished to find that all who had agreed to attend, were still absent, while the Turtle, who had only been authorized to act in the premises, was on the spot, together with the Pottawatomie Chiefs. It seems they had by this time grown jealous again; audit comes out in evidence, that the Owl, or Long-Beard, had been busily employed in dissuading the Indians from meeting him, and that his representations had been effectual in many cases. The Owl, despite big name, was as subtle as he was wicked, and he found means to detach the Miami nation almost entirely from the interests of the Turtle and Richardville, who were the real chiefs of the tribe. This he effected by asserting that the former had sold to the United States the whole country, and that it would be claimed as it might be wanted. He earnestly advised them not to accept any annuities in future, assuring them that the United States would at a future day claim a large tract of land for every annuity which they might pay to the Indians.

We have before mentioned that when Buckongahelas and other chiefs finally attended at Fort Wayne, and opposed the treaty, it was effected, according to the historian's statement, principally by the influence of the Turtle. It appears to have been on the whole a measure mutually beneficial to the two contracting parties; but the Turtle no doubt thought that an agreement once made should be ratified at all events, whatever the effect might be on his own popularity.

There is probably more justice in the charge brought against him in regard to the treaty concluded with the Piankashaws and Delawares, in 1804,—though perhaps not in the sense intended by the accuser. The Miamies were not consulted in this instance, it appears, nor were the Pottawatamies. They believed themselves entitled to a voice in the matter, and were therefore dissatisfied, and openly expressed their displeasure at the result. It is alleged, however, that "no claim would have been set up by them, had the Turtle been consulted when the treaty was made."

This may be true,—for, setting aside courtesy, he and his countrymen might at least have been prepossessed in favor of the honesty of the transaction, by an appearance of entire frankness on the part of the whites. Not that the treaty was in fact unprincipled; but the manner of concluding it might well appear to the Indians somewhat exclusive. They claimed an interest in the lands conveyed, and a consequent right to be consulted as parties; and they wished that, even if the case admitted of no argument, they might be allowed to hear what was said, and to see what was done. Their anxiety was certainly the more pardonable, inasmuch as the tract thus conveyed included "all that fine country between the Ohio and the Wabash rivers (as high up as the road leading from Vincennes to Louisville,) with a front of three hundred miles on the one and nearly half as much on the other." It further appears, that at a general council of the tribes at Vincennes, in 1805, a treaty was negotiated, which "settled the dispute respecting the purchase made of the Delawares the year before,"—the Miamies and the other claimants being present. There was really a dispute, then—and it was settled—and that formally, by all the parties concerned. It should have been prevented, we conceive, instead of being settled; and in that case, the Turtle might have been spared the charge of "manoeuvring" and "intriguing" with the British Agents.

He opposed the designs of Tecumseh and the Prophet, from the time of their first appearance on the political stage, and it was owing to his influence that very little was effected by them among the Miamies, as well as other tribes, for a longtime. Had he lived through the war with England, he would undoubtedly have exerted himself more energetically for the American interest than ever before. The following communication indicates the part he was prepared to take, subsequent to the battle of Tippecanoe. The "witness" probably acted as amanuensis:—

Fort Wayne, 25th January, 1812.

"Governor Harrison:

"My friend—I have been requested by my nation to speak to you, and I obey their request with pleasure, because I believe their situation requires all the aid I can afford them.

"When your speech by Mr. Dubois was received by the Miamies, they answered it, and I made known to you their opinion at that time.

"Your letter to William Wells of the 23d November last, has been explained to the Miamies and Eel-River tribes of Indians.

"My friend—Although neither of these tribes have had any thing to do with the late unfortunate affair which happened on the Wabash, still they all rejoice to hear you say, that if those foolish Indians which were engaged in that action, would return to their several homeland remain quiet, that they would be pardoned, and again received by the President as his children. We believe there is none of them that will be so foolish, as not to accept of this friendly offer; whilst, at the same time, I assure you, that nothing shall be wanting on my part, to prevail on them to accept it.

"All the prophet's followers have left him, (with the exception of two camps of his own tribe.) Tecumseh has just joined him with eight men only. No danger can be apprehended from them at present. Our eyes will be constantly kept on them, and should they attempt to gather strength again, we will do all in our power to prevent it, and at the same time give you immediate information of their intentions.

"We are sorry that the peace and friendship which has so long existed between the red and white people, could not be preserved, without the loss of so many good men as fell on both sides in the late action on the Wabash; but we are satisfied that it will be the means of making that peace which ought to exist between us, more respected, both by the red and the white people.

"We have been lately told, by different Indians from that quarter, that you wished the Indians from this country to visit you: this they will do with pleasure when you give them information of it in writing.

"My friend!—The clouds appear to be rising in a different quarter, which threatens to turn our light into darkness. To prevent this, it may require the united efforts of us all. We hope that none of us will be found to shrink from the storm that threatens to burst upon our nations.

"Your friend, X Mischecanocquah or LITTLE TURTLE.

"For the Miami and Eel-River tribes of Indians.

"Witness, Wm. Turner, Surgeons Mate, U. S. Army. I certify that the above is a true translation.

"W. WELLS."

But the Turtle was destined to take no part in the Conflict. He died at Fort Wayne—probably on a visit to the Commandant—July 14, 1812, of a disorder which the army surgeon announced to be the gout. He endured the pains of his disease, it is stated, with great firmness, and came to his death, on the turf of his open camp, with the characteristic composure of his race. His friend, the Commandant, buried him with the honors of war.

He was said to be sixty-five years of age, by those who had the opportunity of learning the fact from himself. That account would make him forty-five,—the same age with the Mississaga chieftain,—at the date of his great victory over St. Clair; and about thirty at the breaking out of the American Revolution, during which he no doubt laid the foundation of his fame. The Miamies are understood to have given as much trouble during that period as any other tribe on the continent ever did in as few years.

Mr. Schoolcraft, who speaks of the Turtle in very handsome terms, gives him the credit of doing at least as much as any other individual on the continent "to abolish the rites of human sacrifice." The existence, certainly the prevalence, of the custom apparently referred to here, is not, we apprehend, perfectly well authenticated; but that circumstance itself may perhaps be attributed to the successful efforts made in modern times to put an end to the practice. If the language we have quoted is intended to include generally all wanton destruction of life—such as torture of prisoners, for example—there can be little doubt of the justice of the praise, for the Turtle uniformly enjoyed the reputation of being as humane as he was brave.

Nor was this the only case in which he acted the part of a reformer, so much needed among his countrymen. He was the first man to originate an efficient system of measures for the suppression of intemperance among them. And never was a similar system so loudly called for the condition of any people. Their appetite for ardent spirits is stronger than that of the whites—owing in a great measure to their manner of living, and especially to their diet. They have also fewer and feebler inducements to counteract the propensity; and by public opinion and fashion—as expressed in common practice, and in the declarations of the leading men—they are confirmed in the evil quite as much as our citizens are restrained by similar causes. But worse than all, their ignorance, their indolence, and their poverty have made them the prey of legions of civilized scoundrels,—particularly traders in peltry,—who have supposed themselves interested in making them as sordid and stupid as possible, to induce them to hunt in the first instance, and to rob them of their furs in the second.

The Turtle was no less mortified than incensed by these abuses. He saw his countrymen destroyed and destroying each other every day in peace—and no tribe was more besotted than the Eel-River Miamies—and he saw hundreds, of them in war, at one time, surprised and massacred in their cups without resistance, on the very ground still red and wet with his victories. Possibly chagrin was as strong a motive with him as philanthropy. But however that might be, he devoted himself with his usual energy to the correction of the evil. In 1802 or 1803, he went before the legislature of Kentucky, attended by his friend and interpreter, Captain Wells, and made his appeal to them in person. A committee was raised to consider the subject, and we believe a law passed to prevent the sale of whiskey to the Indians, as he desired. He also visited the Legislature of Ohio, and made a highly animated address, but in that case obtained nothing but the honor for his pains. His description of the traders was drawn to the life. "They stripped the poor Indians," he said, "of skins, gun, blanket, every thing,—while his squaw and the children dependent on him lay starving and shivering in his wigwam." [FN]

[FN] Mss. Documents.

From the following passage in the European (London) Magazine of April, 1802, compiled from American papers, we ascertain that the Turtle was also the first to introduce the practice of inoculation for the small pox among the Indians,—a scourge second only to the one just mentioned. "Last winter," we are told, "there was a grand embassy of Indians to the President and Congress at Washington. Little Turtle was the head-warrior. The President had supplied them with ploughs, spinning-wheels, &c. and to crown all he explained to them how the Great Spirit had made a donation to the white men—first to one in England, (Dr. Jenner) and then to one in America, (Dr. Waterhouse, of Boston, [FN])—of a means of preventing the small pox. Such a confidence had the copper-colored king in the words of his 'Father,' that he submitted to be inoculated, together with the rest of the warriors." It further appears that he took a quantity of vaccine matter home with him, which he probably administered in person; and that not long afterwards, fifteen more of his tribe visited the seat of government in pursuit of the same remedy.

[FN] Now of Cambridge.

We shall conclude our notice of this eminent chieftain, with a few anecdotes preserved by Mr. Dawson.

What distinguished him most, says that writer, was his ardent desire to be informed of all that relates to our institutions; and he seemed to possess a mind capable of understanding and valuing the advantages of civilized life, in a degree far superior to any other Indian of his time. "During the frequent visits which he made to the seat of government, he examined every thing he saw with an inquisitive eye, and never failed to embrace every opportunity to acquire information by inquiring of those with whom he could take that liberty."

Upon his return from Philadelphia, in 1797, he visited Governor Harrison, at that time a captain in the army, and commander at Fort Washington. He told the Captain he had seen many things, which he wished to have explained, but said he was afraid of giving offence by asking too many questions. "My friend here," said he, meaning Captain Wells, the interpreter, "being about as ignorant as myself, could give me but little satisfaction." He then desired the Captain to inform him how our government was formed, and what particular powers and duties were exercised by the two houses of Congress, by the President, the Secretaries, &c. Being satisfied on this subject, he told the Captain he had become acquainted with a great warrior while in Philadelphia, in whose fate he was much interested, and whose history he wished to learn. This was no other than the immortal Kosciusko; he had arrived at Philadelphia a short time before, and hearing that a celebrated Indian chief was in the city, he sent for him. They were mutually pleased with each other, and the Turtle's visits were often repeated. When he went to take his final leave of the wounded patriot, the latter presented the Turtle with an elegant pair of pistols, and a splendid robe made of the sea-otter's skin, worth several hundred dollars.

The Turtle now told his host that he wished very much to know in what wars his friend had received those grievous wounds which had rendered him so crippled and infirm. The Captain shewed him upon a map of Europe the situation of Poland, and explained to him the usurpations of its territory by the neighboring powers—the exertions of Kosciusko to free his country from this foreign yoke—his first victories—and his final defeat and captivity. While he was describing the last unsuccessful battle of Kosciusko, the Turtle seemed scarcely able to contain himself. At the conclusion he traversed the room with great agitation, violently flourished the pipe tomahawk with which he had been smoking, and exclaimed, "Let that woman take care of herself"—meaning the Empress Catharine—"this may yet be a dangerous man!"

The Captain explained to the Turtle some anecdotes respecting the Empress and her favorites, one of whom,—the king of Poland,—had at first been by her elevated to the throne, and afterwards driven from it. He was much astonished to find that men, and particularly warriors, would submit to a woman. He said that perhaps if his friend Kosciusko had been a portly, handsome man, he might have better succeeded with her majesty of all the Russias, and might by means of a love-intrigue have obtained that independence for his country, to which his skill and valor in the field had been found unequal.

The Turtle was fond of joking, and was possessed of considerable talent for repartee. In the year 1797, he lodged in a house in Philadelphia, in which was an Irish gentleman of considerable wit, who became much attached to the Indian, and frequently amused himself in drawing out his wit by good-humored jests. The Turtle and this gentlemen were at that time both sitting for their portraits—the former by order of the President of the United States, the picture to be hung up in the war-office—to the celebrated Stewart. The two meeting one morning in the painter's room, the Turtle appeared to be rather more thoughtful than usual. The Irishman rallied him upon it, and affected to construe it into an acknowledgment of his superiority in the jocular contest. "He mistakes," said the Turtle to the interpreter, "I Was just thinking of proposing to this man, to paint us both on one board, and here I would stand face to face with him, and confound him to all eternity."

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